Basic Democratic Principles Research Articles

Economic Concentration and the Externalization of Labour

Current debate focuses on the consequences of massive layoffs and the search for ever-increased productivity. In this perspective, the future of work points towards even greater unemployment. This article proposes a different interpretation: the major trend is not so much towards the 'end of work' but to strategic expansion, through economic concentration and the externalization of labour. Evidence is given to demonstrate this thesis, with empirical examples in different industries at national and international level. The externalization process which characterizes current economic restructuring is directly related to the search for greater flexibility. As a result of fierce competition, different forms of labour organization are appearing as well as new costs for society. This article concludes that today's 'cascading subcontracting' is not only related to the externalization of labour costs, but also to the externalization of risks and responsibilities and, as such, contradicts more and more the basic principles of democracy.

The Local Political Elite in the Democratic Transformation of Belarus

Comparative analysis of data from the Democracy and Local Governance research program shows that political power in the Slavic states of the former USSR is based on similar social and political values: social equality; dominant rights of the majority; and inequality of political participation of various social strata and groups. Local political leaders acknowledge social conflict as undesirable, although it is an inevitable component of a modern social system. These leaders are adapting very slowly to democratic principles of governing. The values of a totalitarian mentality remain strong in the face of a society in the process of transformation. Years will be needed for basic democratic principles of governing to become internalized values of political leaders.

Paradoxes in the politicisation of race: A comparison of the UK and France

Abstract The desire to keep ‘immigration’ and ‘race’ out of politics is a natural response to the threat of the far right. When taken seriously by mainstream politicians (as in the UK), depoliticisation does in fact prove fairly successful in party‐political terms. Conversely its absence (as in France) is clearly detrimental. Yet, in a deeper sense, it is also shortsighted and misleading. So long as ethnic minorities have a political voice, they will raise issues in a way that leads to politicisation of certain aspects of ‘immigration’ and ‘race’. Again, so long as members of minority groups have a vote, they will be wooed by mainstream political parties. This too is a form of politicisation. Therefore, unless migration can be prevented completely, keeping ‘immigration’ out of politics means keeping migrants and their children out of politics, which is incompatible with basic democratic principles. Thus, neither politicisation nor depoliticisation is a panacea. The elusive goal must be to bring minority c...

The Islamist Challenge: The Failure of Reform in Tunisia

The Islamist ChallengeThe Failure of Reform in Tunisia Mark J. Gasiorowski (bio) The bloodless collapse of President Habib Bourguiba's 30-year rule on 7 November 1987 created the possibility that a democratic regime might soon be established in Tunisia. Bourguiba's overthrow followed a decade of mounting popular unrest that stemmed largely from his failure to liberalize the country's political system and reduce the chronically high unemployment rate. Faced with the prospect of continuing unrest and the growth of foreign pressures for democratization, Bourguiba's successor, President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali, immediately launched a reform program that went a long way toward democratizing the country's political system. Although it is unclear whether Ben Ali intended to establish a fully democratic regime or a more limited, tutelary form of democracy, these reforms constituted a democratic opening that produced considerable optimism about Tunisia's prospects for democracy. Unfortunately, however, the pace of political reform slowed after early 1989. The main obstacle was Ben Ali's refusal to extend legal recognition to Hezb al-Nahda (Party of the Renaissance), a rapidly growing Islamist movement whose clashes with the state had played a big role in Bourguiba's downfall. Ben Ali, like many other Tunisians, feared that al-Nahda would take advantage of the more open political environment to foment unrest and try to establish a nondemocratic Islamic state. The decision to withhold recognition exacerbated frictions between al-Nahda and the Ben Ali government; since the fall of 1990, their conflict has become increasingly violent. The democratic opening that began in November 1987 has since suffered major reverses, and Tunisia's future remains cloudy. [End Page 85] The dilemma that Ben Ali faced in considering whether to recognize al-Nahda is similar to the one that confronted many Western leaders when popular totalitarian movements of the left and right arose after the First World War: extending recognition to a mass movement with suspect attitudes toward democracy could weaken or destroy the democratic regime, while denying recognition to such a movement would go against the basic principles of democracy and raise the specter of civil unrest followed by an authoritarian backlash. With the emergence of popular, potentially antidemocratic Islamist movements throughout the Muslim world in recent years, comparable dilemmas now face democratically oriented political leaders in many Muslim countries. The problem has assumed its most acute form in Algeria, where a democratic opening had been slowly widening until the armed forces seized power in January 1992 in order to head off a stunning electoral victory by the Front Islamique du Salut (FIS). Similar dilemmas exist today in other Muslim countries where democratic openings have occurred. Ben Ali's Reforms By the fall of 1987, the situation in Tunisia had become explosive. President Bourguiba, who had led the fight against French colonial rule and then held personalistic sway over the country since independence in 1956, was in poor health and had become increasingly erratic and authoritarian. Fueled by the autocratic character of Bourguiba's rule and by deteriorating economic conditions, unrest grew rapidly in the late 1970s and 1980s. Bourguiba countered initially with a program of political liberalization, permitting opposition groups to become more active and even extending legal recognition to several opposition parties. As unrest mounted, however, Bourguiba became increasingly repressive, jailing thousands of opposition activists and tightening his control over representative institutions. Beginning in the early 1980s, radical lslamist groups staged a series of violent attacks against the Bourguiba regime and symbols of Western influence. These attacks culminated in a plot, discovered in early November 1987, to assassinate Bourguiba and Ben Ali (who had recently been appointed prime minister) and seize control of the government. In response to the deepening crisis, Ben Ali assembled a team of doctors who declared the aged Bourguiba unfit to rule, paving the way for a constitutional transfer of power.1 Immediately upon assuming the presidency, Ben Ali took steps to end the most repressive practices that had occurred under Bourguiba. He quickly abolished certain legal mechanisms that Bourguiba had used to imprison and prosecute opposition activists. During his first four months in office, Ben Ali released over five thousand political prisoners and other...

The right to participate

A basic principle of democracy holds that all citizens have a right to participate in decisions that affect their personal interests, including decisions taken in the context of employment. Most industrialized, market economy democracies have created institutions to ensure that this right is effective. In North America, however, the right to participate in the making of critical employment decisions has not been secured, largely because of perverse, adversarial dynamics elicited by labor relations statutes. Universal, statutory participation via works councils is proposed as a means of making the right effective.

Henry George and the Contemporary Debate over Industrial Protectionism

Abstract. The central question of Henry George's 1886 book. Protection or Free Trade, commemorated now after a century, was: do protectionist policies help or hinder the working man Have George's concerns in 1886 since become outdated or anachronistic? If not, what are some historic trends toward protectionism since that time? Some of the formal arguments for and against protectionism are examined. George contended that protectionism threatens labor unions and reduces workers’wages. An apparent counterexample is provided by the International Ladies’Garment Workers’Union, which now actively lobbies for protectionist legislation. Its arguments have merit when protectionism is viewed instrumentally, but one must recognize that there are substantive objections to protectionism as a comprehensive national policy. George linked protectionism to paternalism; his theory of economic value as well as his model of the rational economic man are derived from basic democratic principles which stand at sharp odds with the implicit paternalism of tariff policies.

Kind en politiek : Een veldonderzoek naar de politieke kennis en houdingen bij kinderen van twaalf tot veertien jaar

Our research on political socialisation of children in Belgium between 12 and 14 years old (sample size : 372) by the technique of Annick Percheron, reveals a great deal of hostility towards the political system. The children were asked to judge of a number of political words. They dislike politicians, the political regime and even the basic democratic principles and institutions. Most children do not make any difference between political theory, but they react even more negatively towards politicians and are also less conservative. The difference in political knowledge and attitudes between boys and girls seems negligible. Children, who belong to the upper middle class, have the best political knowledge, working class children the worst. The latter show great aversion towards the political system, and also towards trade-unions and social action. In generalthey react in a conservative way.