Basic Democratic Principles Research Articles

Science as public service

The problem this paper addresses is that scientists have to take normatively charged decisions which can have a significant impact on individual members of the public or the public as a whole. And yet mechanisms to exercise democratic control over them are often absent. Given the normative nature of these choices, this is often perceived to be at odds with basic democratic principles. I show that this problem applies in similar ways to civil service institutions and draw on political philosophy literature on the civil service (e.g. Rosanvallon, 2011; Heath, 2022) to discuss when such normative judgements can nevertheless be said to be democratically legitimate. Concretely, I seek to show that normative judgements in research need not be democratically legitimated in order for science to be democratically legitimate. Indeed, it can be democratically legitimate for scientists to go against the expressed views of the public or political representatives if this is justified in light of, firstly, the role science has been asked to fulfil and, secondly, when it is in line with public institutions’ key principles. This is a counter-position to views currently held in the values in science debate (e.g. by Kitcher, 2011; Intemann, 2015; Schroeder, 2021; Lusk, 2021) which argue that value-laden judgements in science are legitimate if they are aligned with the public’s views or directly decided by public.

Pandangan Masyarakat terhadap Demokrasi Pemilu di Indonesia dengan Berlandaskan Pancasila dan UUD 1945

This article aims to find out the public's views on electoral democracy in Indonesia based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. This research was conducted with a qualitative approach, through the literature review method. The main source of research data is research articles that are relevant to the focus of this article's problem and published through the google scholar website in the last 10 years. Data analysis was carried out qualitatively with the stages of data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion drawn. The results of the analysis show that democracy includes social, economic, and cultural conditions that require free political liberation and provide an opportunity for the emergence of opinions of respect for the existence of people for participation in the life of the state, and to be respected by the community. Each country has its own characteristics in exercising public power or democracy. This is because the history of a country describes the culture, way of life, and desires to be achieved. The state has an obligation and authority to organize a democratic process based on the law and the basic principles of democracy. It is important to restore democratic life based on laws based on Pancasila values

Filsafat Sosio-politik Al-Farabi dan Implementasinya terhadap Demokrasi

From Greece to the contemporary era, democracy has become the main pillar of the global political system with its basic principle that power comes from the people, making democracy an ideal paradigm. As is well known, there is an impression that democracy has regressed. There are even claims that democracy is an illusion. This article aims to explain how Al-Farabi's socio-political philosophy can be integrated and applied concretely in the dynamics of democracy. The research approach uses qualitative theoretical analysis by referring to Al-Farabi's major works, especially "Al-Madina Al-Fadila." A review was conducted on contemporary journals and relevant literature. Research Findings This study identifies Al-Farabi's philosophical concepts, such as justice, moral leadership, and citizen participation, which have significant potential to shape social and political dynamics. The results provide an overview of the ethical values championed by Al-Farabi and are in line with the basic principles of democracy. The theoretical and practical implications of this research provide a strong impetus for critical reflection and constructive discussion regarding the implementation of democracy in the contemporary context.

THE ROLE OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT IN TESTING THE PRESIDENTIAL THRESHOLD LAW FOR THE 2024 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

<p><em>Objective study This is for know The Role of the Constitutional Court in Reviewing the Presidential Threshold Law for the 2024 Presidential Election As for the method study This is a qualitative study, and research qualitative is a research method used to understand social phenomena in depth. As for the type of research used by the researcher, i.e., studies, usage studies, because the researcher can understand in a way the deep context, process, and complexity of the phenomenon researched. The research results show that the Constitutional Court has the responsibility to ensure that the presidential threshold requirements are in accordance with the constitution and the basic principles of democracy. Controversial cases in various countries and the challenges associated with presidential threshold testing demonstrate the complexity and controversy involved in these arrangements</em></p><p class="TableParagraph"><strong><em>Keywords: </em></strong><em><em>Constitutional Court, presidential threshold, election</em></em></p>

The Role Of The Constitutional Court In Testing The Presidential Threshold Law For The 2024 Presidential Election

Objective study This is for know The Role of the Constitutional Court in Reviewing the Presidential Threshold Law for the 2024 Presidential Election As for the method study This is a qualitative study, and research qualitative is a research method used to understand social phenomena in depth. As for the type of research used by the researcher, i.e., studies, usage studies, because the researcher can understand in a way the deep context, process, and complexity of the phenomenon researched. The research results show that the Constitutional Court has the responsibility to ensure that the presidential threshold requirements are in accordance with the constitution and the basic principles of democracy. Controversial cases in various countries and the challenges associated with presidential threshold testing demonstrate the complexity and controversy involved in these arrangements.

Nature of Democracy in the Political Leadership of Muhammad ﷺ: In the Context of Pakistan and Iqbal

The concept of democracy, as we understand it today, did not exist during the time of Muhammad (peace be upon him), the prophet[1] of Muslims, but evolved over time and is rooted in the principles of equality, participation, consultation, social contracts, and justice. Muhammad ﷺ has established these principles, and in this study, it is to be argued that the principles are democratic in nature. His leadership qualities have a significant link with the politics in Pakistan[2] and with the dreamer of this country, Iqbal. It is a descriptive study; the primary objective is to focus on exploring the democratic thoughts of Prophet Muhammad ﷺ through historical incidents from his life. The secondary objective is to explore Allama Iqbal’s thoughts on democracy[3], which are influenced by the political thought of Muhammad (PBUH). It is also argued that Iqbal, the spiritual father of the East, through his poetry, has emphasized the importance of social justice, individual freedom, and education; these are also the basic principles of democracy. The books and literature used for this research depict the political leadership qualities of the Prophet Muhammad and their impact on Pakistan. So, being the most influential leader of Muslims, the “thoughts” of Muhammad ﷺ are explored, which have the potential to bring positive changes to democracy in a country. For promoting democratic values in Pakistan specifically and in Asia in general, this study can play an authentic role. It will provide insights into the potential for democracy to create just and prosperous societies. It can be inspiring for individuals and institutions and would be a new piece of creation incorporating the leadership qualities of Muhammad (PBUH) and Iqbal’s thoughts on democracy and democracy in Pakistan. A triangle needs to be understood.[1] Muhammad, the prophet of Islam, lived in the 7th century in a different historical and cultural context, where the concept of democracy, did not exist as the political and social structures of that time were different, and decision-making processes were not necessarily based on democratic principles.[2] A country in South Asia, gained independence from British colonial rule in 1947 and adopted a constitution in 1956, which provided for a parliamentary form of government.[3] Allama Iqbal was a prominent philosopher and poet who lived in the 20th century and wrote extensively on a wide range of topics, including democracy, who also dreamt of Pakistan.

Preventing violent and hateful extremism: comparing the experiences of domestic Swedish and international humanitarian-development NGOs

ABSTRACT In Sweden, local authorities are encouraged to cooperate with civil society to promote resilience to violent extremism. However, some (mostly Muslim) organisations are approached with suspicion and sometimes accused of not subscribing to basic democratic principles. Along with cooperation and resilience, suspicion seems to be a recurrent and global theme in the relationship between the prevention of violent and hateful extremism (VHE) and civil society. This paper builds on empirical research by the author and others, which examined how NGOs and FBOs operating within Sweden conducted and were challenged by preventive work. The paper compares results from the Swedish study against findings from international humanitarian-development NGOs via a scoping study to examine the similar and different dynamics around cooperation, resilience, and suspicion in prevention of VHE. Results will help progress the discussion on the challenges that civil society faces in its attempts to promote resilience to VHE.

Basic Principles of Democracy

Basic Principles of Democracy

Loyalty to Empire

Loyalty to Empire Moon-Ho Jung (bio) In May 2003, shortly after George W. Bush launched the US invasion of Iraq, Arundhati Roy and Howard Zinn held a public conversation at the Riverside Church in Harlem, the site of Martin Luther King Jr.'s remarkable speech against the Vietnam War back in April 1967. Zinn seemed to assume that he and Roy shared similar worldviews, on the left and critical of America's latest war. At one point, Zinn attempted to defend US nationalism by pointing out its different iterations. "And when people–and I have been accused of being anti-American, and I respond to that, you know, by saying, 'You know, we must disagree about what America is,'" Zinn said, to much applause. "America is not Bush. . . . America is not the government." After commenting on the Declaration of Independence and "the basic principles of democracy," he inferred a political and intellectual camaraderie. "So, I know–I know, Arundhati," Zinn declared, "that you are pro-Indian in the best sense, and you are pro-American in the best sense. Yes."1 Roy let out a kind laugh, but she refused to play along. "Well, I try not to think in these categories, actually, you know?" she replied. "I'm actually not a nationalist of any kind. You know, I believe that we–I think it's very important to stop . . . our minds coming up short against these artificial boundaries. And I think nationalism really does lie at the root of a lot of the troubles of this century and the last one. And . . . we really need to question that, because . . ." Zinn interjected at that point to suggest and insist that they shared a critique of US wars. If afforded a chance to elaborate, Roy might have said what she said in a speech the next night. "Speaking for myself, I'm no flag-waver, no patriot, and am fully aware that venality, brutality, and hypocrisy are imprinted on the leaden soul of every state," she said. "So may I clarify that tonight I speak as a subject of the American Empire?"2 The brief exchange might have appeared jovial and inconsequential, but the difference between Zinn and Roy represented a huge gulf in how we might [End Page 1] approach the United States and US history. Zinn hoped to direct America toward its progressive traditions and inclusive ends; Roy saw no hope in America because it was an empire terrorizing the world. For Zinn, the American nation, beginning with the Declaration of Independence, held a universal promise that wayward leaders like Bush endangered. It may be tempting to believe in Zinn's vision of a better America, to imagine working toward a more perfect union and a more inclusive past, but it is based on a fatally flawed premise: that it is possible to disaggregate the American nation from the US empire. That nationalist impulse has made it perhaps easier to insert Asian American history into dominant narratives of US history, but it has rested on erasing and thereby fortifying the colonial roots of US nationalism. In the process, our field has largely reproduced nationalist histories, hoping against hope that such accounts will make Asians finally into full-fledged Americans. SEARCHING FOR A TEXTBOOK When I prepare for a course, I think long and hard about which books to assign because I know that choosing the right books can transform how students see and engage the world. For me, reading Vincent Harding's There Is a River (1981) as a fledgling undergraduate decades ago awakened me to new possibilities. Harding, who had drafted King's antiwar speech, made studying the past exciting and relevant and motivated me to approach US history critically. He laid out the intellectual and political stakes of Black history, in a kind of urgent prose that I had not encountered in a history course.3 Reading Ronald Takaki's Strangers from a Different Shore (1989) in my very first Asian American Studies course, taught by Gary Y. Okihiro in the fall of 1990, likewise left a deep impression. For the very first time in an academic setting, I read about people whose backgrounds resonated with...

Smart City: Political Decisions and Civic Initiatives

In recent years, the concept of “smart city” has been in great demand in the field of applied urban research. The concept of smart city is increasingly used in the context of strategic urban planning and urban management not only as a desirable image of the future, but also to describe the processes that are currently taking place and significantly changing the usual nature of the habitat of a person – a city dweller. The article focuses not so much on technological and informational, but rather on socio-political aspects of the “smart city”, giving examples of both solutions coming from government agencies and power institutions, and initiatives of public organisations and citizens aimed at the development of the urban environment and the formation of a “human-centred” space for life. It is noted that a promising direction in modern urbanism is participatory design, the main principle of which is the involvement of local communities in the development of improvement projects and activation of the potential of urban locations. It is concluded that the involvement of citizens themselves in the design process and joint adoption of project decisions, including the development of smart city, helps to better understand real problems and needs, contributes to the resolution of conflict situations while preserving the inherent diversity of the city and, thus, correlates with the basic principles of democracy.

Bringing Subalterns into Speech? Investigating Anarchic Resistance to Hegemonic Modernity

This article aims to critically examine Gayatri Spivak’s (1992) demand to undo subalternity by inserting subalterns into the circuit of hegemonic modernity.For Spivak, working for the subaltern does not demand speaking for them, rather it entails facilitating their speech acts. From the perspective of an anthropology of anarchy, the opening up of political communication towards inclusion of subaltern speech is, on the one hand, an essential goal. It is congruent with the basic democratic principles of consensual decision-making among social groups living outside or at the margins of state influence. On the other hand, the insistence on including subalterns into hegemony entails an inherent paradox: many subalterns, who resort to anarchic ways of life, escape from the state and its communicational structures as a cultural and political survival strategy. My ethnographic example from the Andaman Islands in India addresses this tension. I focus on the subaltern history and resistance practices of the so-called Ranchis, Adivasis (first settlers, Indigenous Peoples) from the Central Indian hill region, who migrated to the Andamans as contract labourers and settled in marginal forests. The Ranchis’ evasion from the state into the margins, enabled by subsistence practices, presents an alternative to Spivak’s compelling demand to bring subalterns into speech: an inclusion of the Ranchis into the circuits of hegemony would moderately benefit them in terms of getting access to the state and the economy, but, at the same time, it would also imply a loss of their partial autarky, as well as cultural and socio-political autonomy from the outside world.

How Affective Polarization Undermines Support for Democratic Norms

Abstract Does affective polarization—the tendency to view opposing partisans negatively and co-partisans positively—undermine support for democratic norms? We argue that it does, through two mechanisms. First, in an age of elite polarization, norms have been politicized. This leads affectively polarized partisans to oppose particular constitutional protections when their party is in power but support them when their party is out of power, via a cue-taking mechanism. Second, affective polarization may generate biases that motivate voters to restrict the other party’s rights. Using nationally representative surveys, we find strong support for the cue-taking argument. In 2019, with a Republican administration in power, affectively polarized Republicans opposed constitutional protections while affectively polarized Democrats supported them. The reverse was true in 2012 during a Democratic administration. The findings have important, albeit troubling, implications for American democracy, as affective polarization undermines support for basic democratic principles.

The American Library Association: The landmarks of international library and bibliographic cooperation (1876–1976)

During the first 100 years of its existence, the American Library Association (ALA), the oldest national library association in the world, contributed much to the international library and bibliographic cooperation. The author describes the key areas of ALA international activity during the period under review. He identifies the following areas: support of building national library associations of other countries, projects and programs of international information exchange, promotion of basic democratic principles of libraries’ work, shared cataloguing, building the professional library education system, creation of the library periodicals and others. Based on the facts revealed in the periodicals, the author claims that national library associations are among the key instruments of library development both on the national and international levels. The fact that the American Library Association played a critical role in interlibrary relations strengthening during the described period evidences the association’s importance in the process of international library cooperation development.

Democracy and Good Governance in Nigeria: Roadmap to Sustainable Development

This paper set out to discuss issues of democracy, good governance and development in Nigeria. The paper begins by conceptualizing the concepts of ‘democracy’, ‘good governance’ and ‘sustainable development’. It utilizes secondary source of data collection, while, the approach used in the paper is descriptive and content analytical. The paper adopts the Marxist political economy strand of conflict theory, and argues that there is the problematic of poor leadership and bad governance as democratic practice and governance in Nigeria is not practiced in tandem with basic democratic principles and values of good governance. This trend of governance, has no doubt impedes development efforts of Nigeria as a nation. To evolve virile and viable democratic governance, emphasis should be on strict adherence to democratic values and good governance /leadership such as accountability, sound economy, virile and viable civil society, among others.

Who does not protect democracy?: Examining the role of right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation

This study investigates how right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation predict one's tendency to protect basic democratic principles. Structural equation modelling of questionnaire data (N = 220) showed that social dominance orientation clearly predicted greater disregard for basic democratic principles, operationalized using the sacred-value-protection model as the extent to which one accepts monetarization of democratic procedures (e.g., election). By contrast, right-wing authoritarianism was associated with an ambivalent approach to democratic principles. While there was a small indirect effect between right-wing authoritarianism and protection of democratic principles, mediated by distrust in politicians, it was counterbalanced by an additional positive direct effect between these variables. Overall, results show that right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance relate differently to people's views of democracy.

Hubert J.M. Hermans, Rob Bartels. Citizenship Education and the Personalization of Democracy. Routledge. 2021. 220 pp. Paperback. ISBN 9,780,367,467,890

Citizenship education is a topic of great relevance in a historical period characterized by a strong change in social morphology. There is a shared awareness of the need to cross strict national borders in order to promote a broader sense of citizenship conceived in terms of globality. Hubert Hermans and Rob Bartels in the book Citizenship Education and the Personalization of Democracy, designed for undergraduate and graduate levels in higher education, support these goals by adding a psychological dimension based on the theory of the Dialogical Self. The authors aim to promote not only critical thinking in general, but also self-critical thinking, inviting students to examine the ways they relate to themselves. The book also underlines the personal and social responsibilities that everyone has as a citizen of a wider global community, that of the whole world, which must be preserved and respected from an ecological point of view. For this reason there is a need to develop "ecological identities" aware of being an integral and active part of the planet Earth. The book achieves these objectives through critical information on basic democratic principles, but mainly through the promotion of the personalization of democracy, through the exploration of students' life experiences.

Constitutional Courts as Majoritarian Instruments

Abstract Constitutional courts are portrayed as counter-majoritarian institutions empowered to strike down ordinary legislation that is inconsistent with the constitution. This power is to be used sparingly, since it is seen as being in tension with basic democratic principles. Judicial review in these circumstances should be limited to minority rights protection and the enforcement of structural limitations that prevent majority rule excess. But this is only half the story. Depending on the democratic credentials of the particular constitution, courts that strike down legislation as inconsistent with the constitution can also be said to be engaging in majoritarian action. The characterization of constitutional courts as counter-majoritarian institutions is premised on: (1) the status of ordinary legislation as the quintessential majoritarian instrument, (2) the un-elected nature of judges, (3) a narrow understanding of the concept of the ‘negative legislator’, and (4) the democratic deficit that results when judges impose their views over those enacted by parliament. This Article challenges these assumptions. First, this Article demonstrates that ordinary statutes adopted by elected legislatures are not necessarily the superior articulation of popular will. On the contrary, the democratization of modern constitution-making allows the constitution to acquire ultimate majoritarian status. Because of popular skepticism about the ability of ordinary politics to adequately reflect society’s views on important substantive policy matters, the People have repeatedly decided to bypass the legislative process and directly entrench these policy views in the constitutional text. As a result, it is the constitution that embodies popular will. Second, this Article dissects the so-called counter-majoritarian difficulty, in order to distinguish between illegitimate counter-majoritarian review and legitimate counter-majoritarian review. The former occurs when the constitutional court substitutes the legislature’s policy views with its own, thus generating an impermissible democratic deficit. The latter occurs when the constitutional court invalidates ordinary legislation that violates minority rights or exceeds the structural limits imposed by the constitution. In both instances, counter-majoritarian intervention is warranted, precisely, to make sure that democratic self-government through ordinary politics can be adequately carried out. Third, this Article suggest the existence of a third class of judicial review: legitimate majoritarian review. This is when a constitutional court invalidates ordinary statutes because the legislature attempted to substitute the will of the constitutional drafters with their own. In other words, in instances when the legislative body carries out an anti-majoritarian act by ignoring the policy choices made by the People and entrenched in the constitutional text. When a court strikes down legislation of this sort, it is actually re-establishing majoritarian self-rule by making sure that the constitution’s policy commands are respected. In that sense, the court is not exercising independent judgment. Instead, it becomes the enforcement instrument of the majoritarian constitution to avoid legislative usurpation. This makes the un-elected nature of courts an almost irrelevant factor. Finally, this Article explores how the majoritarian potential of judicial review on constitutional matters interacts with the ‘negative legislator’ role of constitutional courts. In particular, how the ‘negative legislator’ should not be characterized, necessarily, as a limited one.

The Recruitment Process of the Head of Local Government by Political Parties In Malang Raya Region

Direct regional head elections are in the process of recruiting leaders in regions that can guarantee the representation of local people through a democratic process. In this process, theoretically and constitutionally political parties have important and strategic roles and functions. Unfortunately, the oligarchic practice that engulfed almost all political parties has internally and externally recognized the basic principles of democracy in the process of recruiting prospective leaders in the region. The democratic process is only procedural, not substantial. So far it is strongly suspected that the process of regional head elections is more colored by transactional politics. This paper aims first, to obtain an overview of the recruitment process of candidates by political parties in the regional head elections in the Malang Raya region. Second, to obtain a description that is the power of money not only in choosing candidates for the regional head, but also able to lull constituents and voters in determining the choice of regional heads. Third, to obtain an explanation of the impact of the transactional political process and the use of the power of money as well as the impact on the relationship between political parties and their constituents in the Malang Raya region.

Hubungan Presiden dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Pasca Amendemen Perspektif Teori Constitutional Retrogression

The term Constitutional Retrogression was introduced by Aziz Huq and Tom Ginsburg to identify regress of the constitution, given that the constitution is formed as a safeguard for democracy. This identification is based on three basic principles of democracy, namely, competitive elections, freedom of speech and assembly and the quality of the law. In recent years, proposals for government regulations to replace laws submitted by the President have received the blessing of the House of Representatives (DPR). Whereas in substance it is still considered problematic; such as the promulgation of Perppu No. 1 of 2017 on Social Organizations. This study uses a normative juridical method with a statutory and conceptual approach. The results of the study conclude that the relationship between the President and the DPR after the amendment to the 1945 Constitution has indicated Constitutional Retrogression, hence this study proposes several preventive measures, first, amending the regulations on the presidential threshold; second, elections in a multiparty system are held in a proportional system with an open list approach; third, the Constitutional Court must be an impartial institution to mediate between the President and the DPR, which is prone to causing arbitrariness in order to avoid abuse and regress of the constitution.

The right to a name: Back to the future

This article focuses on the right to a name, which in private law doctrine is traditionally considered a basic human right. The meaning of this right is indisputable and holds a fundamental value for everyone, since a name individualizes each person. However, the purpose of this article is not to tell the history of this right, but to study its nature. The development of the internet and digital technologies has made it possible to take a fresh look at the right to a name; when registering on social media, a person also uses his or her name, and in some cases acquires a pseudonym (nickname). In this study, the author aims at answering the question of what, in the era of the internet, is truly meant by the right to a name. Methodologically, there are two general approaches to understand the right to a name: the first one is AngloAmerican and the second one is European. While it is typical for common-law countries to consider a name as an element of privacy, in continental legal tradition the right to a name is considered as a type of personal right, as well as one of the conditions of legal capacity. Both approaches are re-examined in this study. Having started with the right to a name, in the final paragraph of the article the author reaches the issue of the right to a pseudonym. This topic is illustrated with the case of “the fight against rootless cosmopolitism”, when many representatives of the Jewish intelligentsia in the Soviet Union became victims of discrimination, at a time when it public authorities assumed that the use of a pseudonym was dangerous as they could lose control over the people; ironically, many modern states have declared the same criticism of the right to a nickname regarding the internet. This example clearly shows that, throughout history, non-democratic regimes have systematically attacked and diminished the right to a name. It is concluded that the advent of new technologies has not changed the essence of a name. Therefore, any unreasonable limitation of the right to a name and the right to a pseudonym should be defined as a violation of the basic principles of democracy and the rule of law.