Barnaby Rich Research Articles

STEPHEN O'NEILL. Staging Ireland: Representation in Shakespeare and Renaissance Drama.

‘Offstaging Ireland’ would, perhaps, be a more accurate title for Stephen O'Neill's lucid and stimulating monograph. Of the eight plays he examines only one, The famous historye of the life and death of Captain Thomas Stukeley, has a scene set in Ireland. The others either contain Irish characters (The Battle of Alcazar, Henry V, Sir John Oldcastle), or characters who are reported to journey to and from Ireland (2 Henry VI, Edward II, Richard II), or relate to Ireland through their use of Arthurian myth (The Misfortunes of Arthur). The remarkable absence before 1600, the point at which O'Neill cuts off, of even a single play dedicated to Irish affairs raises a number of significant issues. If Ireland was the urgent source of popular anxiety that O'Neill describes, why did none of the dramatists rise to the challenge? Can it all have been a matter of censorship—Captain Macmorris being absent from the quarto of Henry V—or were there other forces at work? O'Neill opts for the theoretically fashionable, not to say Pavlovian, explanations of ‘containment’ and ‘occlusion’, but the detailed cogency of his arguments for subtextual allusion and ‘contextual mnemonics’ (p. 146) resist such facile responses. As he demonstrates, the subject of Ireland recurs again and again even when it appears to be ‘somewhat marginal to the general thematic concerns of the plays’ he examines (p. 61). Can it possibly be that the imaginative impact of Ireland was, like the murder of Duncan or the topography of Hell, all the more powerful for not being seen? It is well to remember that for the vast majority of the Elizabethan audience Ireland was ‘offstage’ in every sense of the term. It was glimpsed, if at all, only through the woodcuts of John Derricke's Image of Irelande (1581) or the lurid pen-portraits of pamphleteers such as Anthony Munday, Thomas Churchyard and Barnaby Rich. O'Neill is surely closer to the mark when he suggests that, presented as a strictly ‘offstage’ area, Ireland channelled some of England's darkest fears—rebellion, invasion, miscegenation, degeneration.

THE NAME ‘PHILAUTUS’: BARNABY RICH AND JOHN LYLY

THE NAME ‘PHILAUTUS’: BARNABY RICH AND JOHN LYLY Get access ANDREW HADFIELD ANDREW HADFIELD The University of WalesAberystwyth Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Notes and Queries, Volume 48, Issue 3, September 2001, Pages 313–314, https://doi.org/10.1093/nq/48-3-313 Published: 01 September 2001

THE NAME ‘PHILAUTUS’: BARNABY RICH AND JOHN LYLY

THE NAME ‘PHILAUTUS’: BARNABY RICH AND JOHN LYLY

‘Nothing but the First Chaos’: Making Sense of Ireland

This essay explores one way in which we might examine the attitudes that English settlers and administrators held about Ireland and the Irish in the seventeenth century. It attempts to do so by investigating the contexts in which a particular phrase was used: Ireland was described as a 'blank' or 'white' paper. The intellectual enquiry which formed its starting point was rather more ambitious. There was a seeming coincidence between the prominence of Irish empiricist philosophers in the late seventeenth century and the frequency with which the phrase 'white paper', with which such philosophers described the mind before it started to accumulate empirical knowledge, had been used to describe Ireland and the Irish earlier in the century.1 More wide-ranging connections between the growth of empiricist philosophy and Anglo-Irish experience in Ireland have, however, yet to be made. Within this paper, dealing with the early and mid-seventeenth century, the phrase seems to have been applied in two distinct, but interlinked, areas of enquiry. Firstly, some commentators viewed Ireland's potential in terms of the exploitation of its physical resources. This would only be possible, however, if the people then inhabiting the land were cleared off it. Others saw the people themselves as a resource, believing that the tense and violent history between Ireland and England could be ended if both peoples were reformed according to civilised morals. The definition of civilisation was a cultural construct formed from subjective criteria, imposed by the conqueror, but nevertheless dictated by the more humanistic reform associated with educating the conquered by providing them with exemplars.There has been no shortage of work on Ireland in the Renaissance period that studies the attitudes of the English. However, the volume of work, the diversity of the disciplines involved and the complexity of the numerous individuals whose contemporary comments about Ireland can be studied, makes for a confusing picture. It is not easy to distil a notion of dominant attitudes or hegemonic ideas from a pool of source material in which every commentator expressed (usually) his personal opinion, based on his experience. As such, writing within the disciplines of literary and cultural studies has tended to highlight the most alarming views of the Irish situation, such as those expressed by Barnaby Rich or Edmund Spenser.2 Historians have tended to steer clear of potentially subjective topics, such as the distillation of opinion, and instead outlined events and traced the history of the English subjugation of Ireland, from the humanistic attempts at reform in the early sixteenth century to the military victories of Cromwell and the post-restoration and Williamite settlements.3This piece offers a contribution towards another means of discovering attitudes; steering a path between the cultural studies and the historical approaches. By charting the use of a single phrase, this essay is exploratory and suggestive, rather than aiming at definitiveness. By studying one phrase, it is necessarily limited. An analysis which takes as its starting-point language and linguistic usage, is, in some ways, alien to the historiographical tradition, though there have been historical studies of the way in which the use of language can shift in order to accommodate changes in thinking. In 1992, for example, a doctoral thesis by Patricia Weightman Stewart tackled the terms 'heresy' and 'hypocrisy', concluding that whilst in a medieval context they had been seen as virtually synonymous, under the strain of Reformation polemic, heresy came to be a term which Catholics applied to Protestants and 'hypocrisy' an attack which Protestants used against Catholics. Under the influence of these polemics, the two terms shifted their meaning - in her phrase, became 'unhinged' - and this reflected shifting attitudes and beliefs.4 This particular examination of the use of the phrase 'blank paper' makes a start on this process, suggesting that the uses of the phrase are reflective of genuine shifts in ideas and policies. …

Crossing the Borders: Ireland and the Irish Between England and America

AbstractHistorians of early modern Ireland have often been rather too monolithic in their readings of representations of Ireland and the Irish. Many commentators now insist that Ireland has to be viewed in terms of British or European developments. Using examples from a selection of writers-Luke Gernon, Sir Henry Sidney, Sir William Herbert, John Derricke, Barnaby Rich, Sir John Davies-this article argues that Ireland was invariably represented through the use of overlapping, often competing, discourses of savagery and domestic political concerns. In themselves, such discourses can be further sub-divided into various empirical and theoretical modes of writing. Moreover, identical representations were often produced or read in different ways so that the significance of context and register has to be taken into account when examining the evidence available.

Crossing the Borders: Ireland and the Irish Between England and America

AbstractHistorians of early modern Ireland have often been rather too monolithic in their readings of representations of Ireland and the Irish. Many commentators now insist that Ireland has to be viewed in terms of British or European developments. Using examples from a selection of writers—Luke Gernon, Sir Henry Sidney, Sir William Herbert, John Derricke, Barnaby Rich, Sir John Davies—this article argues that Ireland was invariably represented through the use of overlapping, often competing, discourses of savagery and domestic political concerns. In themselves, such discourses can be further sub-divided into various empirical and theoretical modes of writing. Moreover, identical representations were often produced or read in different ways so that the significance of context and register has to be taken into account when examining the evidence available.

Gender and genre: Masculinity and militarism in the writings of Barnaby Rich

(1995). Gender and genre: Masculinity and militarism in the writings of Barnaby Rich. Irish Studies Review: Vol. 4, No. 13, pp. 2-6.

:Sexuality and Gender in Early Modern Europe: Institutions, Texts, Images

List of illustrations Notes on contributors Preface and acknowledgements Introduction: a history of sexuality? 1. Marriage, love, sex, and Renaissance civic morality 2. Typology, sexuality and the Renaissance Esther 3. Artifice as seduction in Titian 4. Renaissance women and the question of class 5. Venetian women and their discontents 6. The ambiguity of beauty in Tasso and Petrarch 7. George Pettie, Barnaby Rich, and delights for women 'only' 8. Troping Utopia: Donne's brief for Lesbianism 9. Staging gender in Shakespeare's The Taming of the Shrew 10. The semiotics of masculinity in Renaissance England 11. Recuperating women and the man behind the screen 12. Male Renaissance poets in the female body 13. The geography of Renaissance love 13. Gender and conduct in Paradise Lost.

Lyly, Greene, Sidney, and Barnaby Rich's "Brusanus"

ANYONE WHO is interested in such things already knows how Barnaby Rich put together the twenty-six works that he proudly claimed to have written. As he admitted in the first of them, I have done as the Jay, who decked her selfe with the fethers of other Byrds, to the ende, she might seeme to be the more glorious. I Various scholars have so amply documented Rich's feather plucking that it may seem unnecessary to show that the method of composition which served him in his Farewell to Militarie Profession or The Honestie of This Age was also put to use in The Adventures of Brusanus, Prince of Hungaria.2 However, the few remarks that have been made about the sources of Brusanus indicate that a study of them may be of unusual interest. According to Professor Walter Davis, [Brusanus] starts out by following The Anatomy of Wit in its use of the prodigal son motif as the basis of the plot. Somewhere in the middle of Book I, however, its hero turns virtuous . . . , and the book shifts, first to a plot revolving around love and friendship (with many direct debts to Pyrocles and Musidorus in Arcadia, but very few to Lyly) in Book II, then to standard chivalric romance (with no relation to Lyly at all) in Book III.3 It is intriguing to find the two titans of Elizabethan fiction here in tandem. How, we wonder, were their rival influences reconciled? Was it simply, as Davis suggests, a book for Lyly, a book for Sidney, and a third for chivalric romance? Does the influence of either Lyly or Sidney clearly dominate? And where does Brusanus stand with respect to those waves of fashion that swept first Lyly and then Sidney to a crest of popularity? To answer this we must know when Brusanus was writtena question about which there is little agreement. It was entered in the Stationers' Register on October 23, 1592. The title page is also dated 1592, but carries the additional information that the story was Written... seaven or eight yeares sithence, that is, in 1584 or 1585, five or six years before any of the Arcadia was printed.4 Was Brusanus then the earliest

Barnaby Rich: Soldierly Suitor and Honest Critic of Women

Rta t N an age when women were first claiming their control over popular literature, one turns with justifiable interest and concern to techniques of authors who courted audience to financial advantage. Of these authors Barnaby Rich, whose Farewell to Militarie Profession was a Shakespearian sourcebook, offers perhaps most instructive study in successful method. Falling short of his rivals' literary stature, lacking marked originality of idea or insight into female character, and spending much of his life as a professional soldier, he somehow became one of best-known Elizabethan writers for women and authorities on matters feminine.' One reason for Rich's continued success in this new and variable field was his appeal to a comparatively stable portion of his readers. Recognizing that any audience of books for women would contain a substantial number of men, Rich was careful never to ignore these male readers, sometimes even including a dedication to them as well as to women. And he never entirely lost style which a later contemporary called masculine and sinewy''.la One can usually distinguish Rich's work from that of his rivals by its journalistic freshness, its sly insolence, and its concern with female peculiarities that would interest men-or women who were most concerned with how men felt about women. But Rich's manliness as a women's author, however natural and important a character trait it may have been, was less natural and less important than artistic trait which permitted him to use his manliness to best advantage. I refer to his dramatic flair for placing himself in a popular literary role. The role which he first found most suitable to his military background and manly disposition was that of blunt soldier, a type popular in late sixteenth-century literature as a reluctant or inept lover. No single writer can be credited with beginning vogue for this character type, though Shakespeare gave it most various and important expression in roles of Benedick, Hotspur, and Henry V. But Rich's contribution was an unusually personal one. Where other authors merely used blunt soldier as a character in their writings, Rich, as a professional soldier, was able to identify himself with role in his literary courtship of women. He achieved nationwide attention in 1581 through his best-selling collection of stories called Riche His Farewell to Militarie Profession, dedicated to the

SHORT NOTICES

SHORT NOTICES Get access Barnaby Rich. By THOMAS M. CRANFILL and DOROTHY HART BRUCE. Pp. x+ 135. Austin: University of Texas Press; Edinburgh: Thomas Nelson, 1953. 1OS. 6d. net. J. R. J. R. Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The Review of English Studies, Volume VII, Issue 25, 1956, Pages 105-b–106, https://doi.org/10.1093/res/VII.25.105-b Published: 01 January 1956

Barnaby Rich.

Thomas Mabry Cranfill and Dorothy Hart Bruce, Barnaby Rich Get access Barnaby Rich. By Thomas Mabry Cranfill and Dorothy Hart Bruce. University of Texas Press, 1953. Pp. x + 135. $2.50. Edwin E. Willoughby Edwin E. Willoughby Folger Shakespeare Library Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Shakespeare Quarterly, Volume 5, Issue 4, Autumn 1954, Page 423, https://doi.org/10.2307/2866037 Published: 01 October 1954

Repetition in Barnaby Rich

Repetition in Barnaby Rich

Barnaby Rich and King James

Barnaby Rich and King James