Bare Nouns Research Articles

(In)definites, pronouns and bare nouns: How Turkish/Swedish bilingual 4-to-7-year-olds introduce characters in narratives in Swedish

Abstract This study investigates the referential forms children use to introduce characters in Swedish, in a cross-sectional sample of oral narratives by 100 Turkish/Swedish bilinguals aged 4 to 7 and in a longitudinal sample from age 4 to 6 (N = 10). We analysed development with age and how language proficiency (expressive vocabulary) and exposure affect children’s use of referring expressions, with a focus on referential appropriateness. In addition, a qualitative analysis of the characteristics of high- and low-performing children was carried out. The results show significant effects of age and language proficiency, but not of language exposure on appropriate use of referring expressions. At age 7, 69% of the characters were introduced with an indefinite NP. The Turkish/Swedish bilinguals were found to lag behind in their use of indefinite NPs in comparison to Swedish-speaking children investigated in previous studies, with little crosslinguistic influence from L1 Turkish.

The count-mass distinction in Hong Kong Sign Language: an intra- and cross-modal comparison

Abstract This article is in part an intra- and cross-modal comparison of the count-mass distinction (CMD) in Hong Kong Sign Language (HKSL). For the intra-modal analysis, HKSL data are compared to data found in Koulidobrova’s (2021) work on the CMD in American Sign Language/ASL (Koulidobrova, Elena. 2021. Counting (on) bare nouns: Revelations from American Sign Language. In Tibor Kiss, Francis Jeffry Pelletier & Halima Husić (eds.), Things and Stuff: The Semantics of the Count-Mass Distinction, 213–231. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). According to Koulidobrova, the existing diagnostics used in spoken language research are insufficient to bring to light CMDs in sign languages. ASL’s CMD is visible in the failure to conjoin count and mass nouns and in the ungrammaticality of partitive constructions containing mass nouns. HKSL and ASL differ from each other in a few respects, among which the two aforementioned ASL diagnostic criteria. Regarding the cross-modal comparison, HKSL and ASL belong to different categories in Chierchia’s (2010) count-mass typology (Chierchia, Gennaro. 2010. Mass nouns, vagueness and semantic variation. Synthese 174. 99–149). Chierchia’s typology is based on CMDs in spoken languages. ASL is a number-neutral language (Type III), whereas HKSL is a number marking language (Type I) and thus patterns with languages like English and Dutch. The CMD in HKSL is visible in its failure to combine mass nouns directly with numerals and count adjectives without the intervention of a classifier. Based on my data analysis, I can furthermore argue that HKSL is a number marking language but that its plural number marking is realised through zero marking.

The role of animacy in language production: evidence from bare noun naming.

According to Levelt's language production model, to name an object, speakers must first conceptualise and lexicalise the object before its name can be articulated. Conceptualisation is conducted through the semantic network that exists at the conceptual level, with the highly activated concept(s) activating lexical items at the lemma level, that is, lexicalisation. So far, research focused mostly on semantic categories (i.e., semantic interference) but less so on animacy-a concept that is correlated with semantic categories. To investigate the role of this semantic feature in language production, we conducted a picture-word interference study in Mandarin Chinese, varying animacy congruency and controlling for classifier congruency while recording behavioural and electrophysiological responses. We observed an animacy interference effect together with a larger N400 component for animacy-incongruent versus congruent picture-word pairs, suggesting animacy-congruent concepts may be in closer proximity and hence lead to a stronger spreading of activation relative to animacy-incongruent concepts. Furthermore, a larger P600 component was observed for classifier-incongruent versus classifier-congruent picture-word pairs, suggesting syntactically driven processing of classifiers at the lemma level.

On the scalarity of nu‐V constructions in Taiwan Mandarin

AbstractThis paper investigates three puzzles concerning scalar nu‐V constructions in Taiwan Mandarin: (a) a scalar nu‐V construction is incompatible with state/achievement verbs, irrespective of the presence of a quantity phrase; (b) when combined with activity verbs, the inclusion of a quantity phrase appears obligatory for scalar nu‐V constructions in an out‐of‐the‐blue context; (c) under appropriate contextual support, bare nouns and demonstrative phrases can replace the typically obligatory quantity phrases to form a grammatical scalar nu‐V construction with an activity verb. We argue that the solutions to these puzzles lie in three core meaning components of scalar nu‐V constructions: (a) scalar presupposition; (b) association with focus; (c) volitional requirement. Specifically, we propose that (a) scalar nu is a scalar verbal modifier that forms a verbal compound with its following verb; (b) scalar nu introduces a scalar presupposition (based on the scalar associate) and the volitional requirement in scalar nu‐V constructions. If our analysis is correct, it suggests that the scalarity of a construction may come from a verbal modifier (e.g., scalar nu) in the formation of a compound verb, thereby enhancing our understanding of the compositionality of compound verbs in natural language.

A three-way distinction in definiteness: sortal, individual, and functional concepts in Réyoné

Abstract This article offers a case study of a definiteness split in a language in which three different types of nominal expressions are available for definite descriptions. The article contributes ample empirical data and comprises a close investigation of the patterns found in Reunion Creole (Réyoné), the language under study. Réyoné displays one kind of contrast also found in other languages which is frequently analyzed in terms of semantic versus pragmatic definiteness (following Löbner) or uniqueness versus familiarity (following Schwarz). What sets Réyoné apart from other languages though, is that it features a determiner that is dedicated to functional concepts. The language thereby distinguishes individual from functional concepts: the former type (the sun; the News) is exclusively expressed by bare noun phrases, while functional concepts – definite descriptions with functional head nouns (prefect of y; head of y), including a subtype of bridging reference, as well as compositionally created functional relations such as superlatives – are realized by lo-marked noun phrases. These facts offer strong support for Löbner’s theory. The article also discusses demonstrative descriptions, which have already been reported to play a role in certain definiteness splits, and which are obligatory with sortal concepts in Réyoné. It is argued that demonstratives are pragmatic definites.

The evolution of bare nouns in the history of French. The view from calibrated corpora

Abstract This article investigates the evolution of bare nouns, used without a determiner, through the history of the French language. The loss of bare nouns is charted through calibrated corpora of non-fictional prose texts from the same genres and region, ranging from the 12th to the 19th century. The change is first completed with nouns in subject function, significantly advances with direct objects, and progresses with obliques. The extensive quantitative documentation demonstrates that the change is impacted by the syntactic function of the noun, along the Accessibility Hierarchy. The speculation is examined that the more accessible functions encourage expression of (definite) determiners, thus explaining the pattern of change.

Spatial Locative Relativization in Three African Varieties of Portuguese: Unity in Diversity and Diversity in Unity

This paper investigates the formation of spatial locative relativization in three African varieties of Portuguese. While research on relative constructions in Portuguese has deserved considerable attention in the literature, it tends to focus on the European and Brazilian varieties, with locative relativization being only marginally addressed. Using data extracted from spoken corpora of contemporary, urban varieties of Angolan, Mozambican, and Santomean Portuguese, we aim to discuss whether there is a correlation between syntactic and semantic variables and the selection of the two main locative relative morphemes, onde ‘where’ and que ‘that’. Overall, the three varieties at stake behave similarly with respect to the analyzed syntactic variables and follow the tendency found in Portuguese varieties toward the use of pied-piping and P-chopping as the dominant relativization mechanisms, independent of the syntactic relation between the antecedent and the relative clause. Semantically, we identified some fine-grained differences between the three varieties, with Santomean Portuguese generally being the outlier or one of the outliers. Crucially, definiteness of the head noun stands out as the one variable that plays a major role in the selection of the relative morpheme: [−definite] head nouns show a proportionally higher preference for que in both AP and STP, which is particularly visible with bare nouns in the latter. This motivates the hypothesis that less specified head nouns show a preference for the un(der)specified relative morpheme que. We further show that the role of language contact is at best very limited.

On the property-denoting clitic ne and the determiner de/di: a comparative analysis of Catalan and Italian

Abstract The clitic pronoun ne and the functional element de introducing nominal constituents have many nominal and prepositional functions across Romance languages. In this article, we focus on the nominal functions, singling out three different bundles of semantic features that characterize both ne and de. They can denote properties of individual entities, properties of kinds, or predicate properties. The article shows that Catalan ne and de display the three types of denotation, while Italian ne and de only display the first one. This article further supports the hypothesis that the indefinite determiner de can be overt or silent, thereby unifying de-phrases (and the Italian partitive article) with bare nouns. The analysis of de as an indefinite determiner is then extended to adjectival de, which is claimed to mark concord features on adjectives in both Catalan and Italian.

Type-shifting in headless relative clauses

Research on the (in)definiteness of bare nouns has developed various proposals regarding which type-shifters exist in human language and which principles are needed to govern their distribution (Carlson 1977; Partee 1987; Chierchia 1998; Dayal 2004; i.a.). At the same time, literature on headless relative clauses (HRCs), primarily focusing on free relatives (FRs) in Indo-European languages, has also developed type-shifting principles (Jacobson 1995; Caponigro 2003, 2004). The type-shifting principles from the FR literature, however, are fundamentally different than those found in proposals for bare nouns. Here, we present case studies from two Mayan languages which diverge from one another in the behavior of bare nouns, and which possess several different kinds of headless relative clauses. We show that “super-free relative clauses” (Caponigro et al. 2021; Caponigro 2022), which lack a wh-word, pattern in ways parallel to bare nouns in the respective languages. We also demonstrate that HRCs headed by a wh-word—i.e., FRs—diverge from bare nouns; they pattern similarly to one another across the languages under investigation, and in ways similar to what has been reported for FRs crosslinguistically. We provide evidence that there is a dedicated FR type-shifter (FR-ι) used as a post-syntactic mechanism to repair a type-mismatch at the CP level, building on work by Caponigro (2004). Our novel contribution is that this type-shifter is available regardless of the presence or absence of other type-shifters in a language. This paper adds new data to our understanding of the range and applicability of different definiteness-related type-shifters as well as captures certain typological tendencies regarding HRCs.

Remarks on the syntax of bare nouns in Papiamentu

Abstract This article presents an argument that bare (singular) nouns in Papiamentu include additional silent functional structure, as proposed in Kester and Schmitt (2007). The argument is based on Dutch-Papiamentu code-switched noun phrases and exploits the crucial datum that a Dutch bare noun is grammatical when inserted in a Papiamentu sentence, although bare nouns are ungrammatical in a Dutch unilingual sentence. We propose that this datum can be accounted for if the Dutch bare noun is the complement of a silent Papiamentu category, D or Num. The locus of cross-linguistic variation that yields the (un)acceptability of bare nouns is a property in D or Num.

The theory of argument formation: between kinds and properties

Abstract Chierchia (1998) developed a cross-linguistic extension to Carlsons seminal work on bare nouns (BNs), producing the most influential theory of argument formation to date, henceforth the Kinds Approach (KA). The core achievements of the KA included the derivation of the generalized narrow scope behavior of BNs and of the existence of generalized classifier languages. There are cracks in the picture, though. The narrow scope behavior of BNs is more fine-grained than is generally assumed and the KA lacks the flexibility to deal with it (Le Bruyn & Swart 2022). The appeal of the KAs derivation of the existence of generalized classifier languages heavily relied on all nouns in these languages being mass-like, an assumption that has since been abandoned (Chierchia 2010; Jiang 2020). These developments call for a reassessment of the KA and one of its closest competitors: Krifka 2003. Krifka assumes nouns never start life as kinds but as predicates, leading us to qualify his approach as a Properties Approach (PA).We adopt a translation corpus approach and assess the explanatory potential of the KA and the PA by comparing the distribution of BNs and related expressions in (in)definite contexts across six typologically different languages. Our results show that the PA has a distinct advantage over the KA and identify pseudo-incorporation and the way it varies across languages as a primary focus for future research.

Deriving Null Arguments via Null Article-Stranding Bare Noun Ellipsis

It is well acknowledged that in Korean, bare nouns or nouns alone without being supported by an overt article or determiner (as well as a modifier) can be an anaphoric definite or an indefinite; they may or may not refer to the entity or entities that have been mentioned in the previous discourse. The null hypothesis is that there are null determiners associated with null definite or indefinite articles in Korean that correspond to English definite or indefinite articles. Following this logic, we investigate the derivation of null arguments in Korean syntax, concentrating on what Landau (2023) observes: the resistance in retaining generalized quantifiers and their kin on their antecedents in the interpretation of null arguments. Since Korean null definite and indefinite articles are only compatible with bare nouns but not with noun phrases accompanied by generalized quantifiers and their kin, we argue that Landau’s (2023) generalization on the resistance at issue follows nicely. We further argue that predicate nominals are not subject to bare noun ellipsis deriving null arguments, but it is not the case that all of them fail to be.

Romanian (subject-like) DPs attract more than bare nouns: Evidence from speeded continuations

This paper investigates whether agreement attraction is modulated by distributional properties determining subject-likelihood by examining the degree to which bare nouns and full determiner phrases (DPs) cause agreement attraction effects in Romanian. Romanian represents an ideal testing ground for this, given two distributional constraints making bare nouns less subject-like: Locative Determiner Omission, preventing locative prepositions from taking nouns with definite articles (unless modified by adjectives), and the Naked Noun Constraint, disallowing bare nouns as preverbal subjects. We predicted that bare nouns should be less likely to trigger agreement attraction than overt DPs. We conducted four speeded forced-choice sentence continuation tasks on Romanian native speakers to test this prediction. We observe that overt DPs cause significantly more attraction than bare nouns. We suggest that the results are consistent with a cue-based retrieval mechanism for forming agreement dependencies, where cues that determine subjecthood are used to reactivate elements in working memory upon processing a verb. These cues can be language specific, and in Romanian, this means that agreement attraction is sensitive to the morphophonological overtness of the determiner.

Indefinite DPs in the Gallo-Romance of Piedmont, in some Marginal Northern Italian Varieties and in Romansh

This article investigates indefinite DPs in some Romance varieties spoken in border contexts between linguistic groups. Specifically, we will consider Occitan and Franco-Provençal varieties of western Piedmont, the western Ligurian dialects, the Lombard-Alpine dialects, and Romansh, also in comparison with other North-Italian systems. The central issue is the nature of the construcs DE + article/Bare Noun of Italian varieties, where the preposition de/di (DE) ‘of’ does not introduce the usual possessive or partitive PPs, but DPs with indefinite reading. In negative contexts, such phrases mostly require the narrow scope interpretation. We argue that DE + bare noun constructs, as generally bare partitives, are based on the lexical properties of the preposition DE.

The Identity of a Null Determiner in So-Called Determiner-Less Languages: Evidence from Null Arguments in Korean

There is no shortage of analyses for null arguments in Korean/Japanese: pro, V-stranding VP ellipsis, null bare noun, and argument ellipsis. This paper modifies the third null bare noun analysis to reinforce a null determiner-stranding NP ellipsis analysis for null arguments in Korean/Japanese, which Tomioka (2003) initially proposes (see also Hoji (1998) for the seminal proposal). This paper argues that the null determiner licensing an elision of its preceding complement NP is identified with a non-overt determiner that productively occurs with an overt bare (i.e., modifier-less) noun in Korean/Japanese, but comes with ellipsis-licensing E-features (Merchant 2001). When it is an indefinite one (like the English overt counterpart ‘a/an’), the null article cannot be compatible with the following null NP composed of such an element as a universal quantifier, a numeral, and an indeterminate, accounting for Landau’s (2022) recent generalization on the restricted construal of a null argument (i.e. null NP plus null determiner). When it is a definite one, the null article that comes with a null bare noun projection cannot be, either, giving rise to a non-quantificational/referential E-type reading of the null argument that excludes such an element. Overall, the null determiner and its nature and distribution are shown to resolve ever-puzzling aspects of null arguments in Korean.

Strategies of Indefiniteness Marking in Central Sicilian—Evidence from the Dialect of Delia

This paper is meant as a contribution to the research project on variation and optionality in the determiner system in Italo-Romance, with novel data from the Sicilian dialect of Delia. The study is based on fieldwork interviews and the construction of a small corpus of 850 observations by 24 native speakers of Deliano (mean age: 36.37; age range: 19–72). The participants were asked to (i) describe in Deliano a 3 min videotape of an Italian speaking woman during her shopping session at a supermarket and (ii) talk about their own shopping routines in Deliano. These activities were designed mainly to detect the following strategies to express indefiniteness: (i) ART, i.e., a definite article with an indefinite interpretation; (ii) ZERO, a zero determiner for bare nouns; (iii) DI+ART, the so-called “partitive article”; (iv) pseudo-partitives such as ‘a bit of’; (v) the grammaticalised cardinal ‘two’; and (vi) the grammaticalised cardinal ‘four’. The data confirm (i) the preference for ZERO in negative episodic sentences in the past; (ii) the general lack of bare DI and DI+ART, and of certo ‘certain’ used as an indefinite; (iii) the use of different specialised forms of pseudo-partitive ‘a bit of’ in older speakers of Deliano; (iv) the neutralisation of this pseudo-partitive specialisation and the consequent emergence of some true optionality in younger speakers.

Verbs psicològics transitius amb subjecte experimentador

The article describes the behaviour of emotional psychological verbs in Catalan such as lamentar ‘to regret’ or odiar ‘to hate’, which participate in transitive sentences with an experiencer subject (SubjExp verbs). Like other sentences with emotional verbs, they have two characteristics: constraint of postverbal bare noun phrases and construction with a subordinate clause in subjunctive. These are features that differentiate them from other non-emotive psychological predicates and that determine which meanings of the verb behave as SubjExp. Within the verbal group, there are specific behaviours of predicates that admit an accusative object of personal reference (SubjExp(+pers) verbs such as odiar ‘to hate’) and those that do not admit them (SubjExp(–pers) verbs such as lamentar ‘to regret’). Some verbs, such as admirar ‘to admire’ or menysprear ‘to despise’, may have another lexical meaning that allows them to express a change of state in the experiencer, such as a patient, and to be part of a group of emotional psychological verbs other than SubjExp.

Exploring the nature of the gender-congruency effect: implicit gender activation and social bias.

The aim of the study was to explore the nature of the gender-congruency effect, characterized by a facilitation on the processing of congruent words in grammatical gender. Moreover, we explored whether resemblances between gender identities and gender attitudes with grammatical gender modulated lexical processing. We designed a gender-priming paradigm in Spanish, in which participants decided the gender of a masculine or feminine pronoun preceded by three different primes: biological gender nouns (mapping biological sex), stereotypical nouns (mapping biological and stereotypical information), and epicene nouns (arbitrary gender assignment). We found faster processing of gender congruent pronouns independently of the type of prime, showing that the grammatical gender feature is active even when processing bare nouns that are not conceptually related to gender. This indicates that the gender-congruency effect is driven by the activation of the gender information at the lexical level, which is transferred to the semantic level. Interestingly, the results showed an asymmetry for epicene primes: the gender-congruency effect was smaller for epicene primes when preceding the feminine pronoun, probably driven by the grammatical rule of the masculine being the generic gender. Furthermore, we found that masculine oriented attitudes can bias language processing diminishing the activation of feminine gender, which ultimately could overshadow the female figure.

Profiles of poor and good spellers in German noun capitalization

This study investigated how fourth graders with different proficiency levels (1st and 4th quartile, 192 and 195 pupils respectively) produce and detect German noun capitalization in relation to two factors, lexical-semantic characteristics of the noun and the structure of the noun phrase (NP). The first factor includes concrete and abstract nouns, and nominalized verbs and adjectives, the second factor the syntactic context of the NP (with or without determiner and/or adjective, including bare noun). The two proficiency groups showed different patterns in the production and detection of capitalization in relation to these two factors after three years of instruction in noun capitalization. The low-proficiency group performed on chance level only for concrete nouns in the context with precedent determiner, the context highlighted at school. The high-proficiency group seemed to make use systematically of the expanded NP in order to recognize and capitalize the noun but still had difficulties with most bare nouns. The paper discusses the type of information low- and high-achieving pupils seem to use in noun capitalization and detection.

Referentiality and thematic importance: The discourse functions of Zauzou classifiers

Marking referentiality is one of the major discourse functions of numeral classifiers in Mainland Southeast Asian languages. However, the reference types of classified and unclassified noun phrases exhibit some extent of fluidity. This paper presents the discourse functions of classified and unclassified noun phrases in Zauzou, a less-studied Tibeto-Burman language in China. Zauzou noun phrases in spontaneous speech indicate no simple correspondence between the presence/absence of a classifier and any fixed referential values (i.e., (in)definiteness and specificity). Findings of both qualitative and quantitative studies only point to a tendency of using classifier phrases to express individualized references and bare nouns for unindividualized references. The fluidity in the reference type of classified and unclassified noun phrases can be largely explained by the split in definiteness and thematic importance of a referent in discourse. Notably, thematic importance plays a secondary role in determining the form of a noun phrase in addition to referentiality. Thematically unimportant individualized referents have a higher chance to be expressed by a bare noun. This study provides a new piece of empirical evidence for the patterns of semantic-pragmatic interaction in manipulating the use of numeral classifiers as well as the typology of definiteness marking.