Baltic Neighbours Research Articles

Uzroci, razvoj i ishodište polupredsedničkog sistema vlasti u Litvaniji

In 1992, Lithuania, similar to many European post-communist countries, and differently from its Baltic neighbours, Estonia and Latvia, chose a typical semi-presidential system of government. A logical question arises, why did Lithuania take a different path in relation to Latvia and Estonia? In other words, it is necessary to investigate the causes of this decision of the Lithuanian constitution-maker, which can help us to realize why and when such solutions are being pursued. Secondly, when that path was already chosen, almost thirty years ago, it is scientifically justified to investigate how this system of government works in practice. The answer to these questions shows us the origin of this choice, and the degree of its justification, as well as the elements on which its positive and negative sides depend.

In the Spirit of Perestroika? Swedish Involvement in the Soviet Baltic Economies, 1988-1991

In the literature on the Soviet Baltic republics‘ path to independence, Sweden usually figures among the rather cautious Western players. The social democratic government of Ingvar Carlsson did indeed tend to avoid any clear commitment to the Baltic cause due to concerns about its relations with Moscow and the credibility of Sweden‘s neutrality policy. Underneath the diplomatic level, however, a whole new infrastructure of Swedish-Baltic economic linkages emerged at the peak of perestroika, paving the way for the extraordinarily close trade and business cooperation between Sweden and its Baltic neighbors from 1991 onwards. Largely unrestricted by diplomatic constraints, Swedish entrepreneurs, investors and advisors established numerous links to the evolving Baltic business environment, which at the time was promoted as a bridge to the vast Soviet market. The reformoriented Soviet Baltic governments, on their part, saw the emerging ties with Swedish enterprises, trade organizations and business schools as a way to gradually reintegrate the republican economies into the structures of Western trade and business. Cooperation with Swedish investors and economists, which to a large degree was orchestrated and coordinated by Swedes with Baltic roots, indeed played a key role in the process of implementing an increasingly radical pro-market agenda. The Nordic connection facilitated the early transfer of market thinking and practices and kicked off a long-term rearrangement of economic linkages across the Baltic Sea, securing Sweden‘s dominant position in the region for decades to come. Taking into account these emerging patterns of transnational cooperation thus contributes to a more nuanced understanding not only of the post-Soviet economic transformation, but also of the birth of a new regional economic order that accompanied the geopolitical changes.

Formuojamojo vertinimo raiška Lietuvos mokyklose: ką rodo nacionaliniai mokinių pasiekimų tyrimai?

Tarptautiniai ir nacionaliniai mokinių pasiekimų tyrimai rodo, kad Lietuvos mokinių pasiekimai yra žemesni nei EBPO šalių narių vidurkis. Nacionaliniu lygmeniu keliami ambicingi tikslai – iki 2021 m. pagerinti mokinių pasiekimus. Šiuolaikinė mokslinė literatūra ir naujausi tyrimai rodo, kad vienas svarbiausių veiksnių siekiant geresnių mokymosi rezultatų yra veiksmingas grįžtamasis ryšys ir kitų formuojamojo vertinimo strategijų taikymas. Nagrinėjant 2014 ir 2015 m. nacionalinių mokinių pasiekimų tyrimų duomenis apžvelgiamos formuojamojo vertinimo raiškos formos Lietuvos bendrojo ugdymo mokyklose ir jų atitiktis mokslininkų suformuluotai formuojamojo vertinimo sampratai.

“Do You Really Think Russia Should Pay Up for That?”

Mediated public diplomacy plays an important role in achieving foreign policy objectives by trying to influence public opinion in other countries. The Russia-based global TV channel RT serves as a central tool of Russian mediated public diplomacy. Its objective is not only to present the Russian perspective on different issues but also to propagate it. However, there is not much research on RT in general and none on the strategies RT employs to persuade its viewers of the rightness of the Russian stance. This article explores the use of persuasive strategies in the RT interview show Spotlight. A qualitative content analysis of 15 episodes, which discuss Russian relations to its Baltic neighbours Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, revealed that Spotlight constructed a one-sided pro-Russian reality. Various strategies are employed to hedge this reality against doubts about its trueness as well as to support Russia’s position in conflicts with the Baltic States. By this, RT aims to isolate the Baltic States internationally in order to help Russia in achieving its foreign policy objectives.

Estonia after 1991

The past two decades have witnessed a reassessment and broadening of conceptions of identity among both the ethnic Estonian and Russian populations in Estonia. In addition to a continuing focus on aspects of national distinctiveness, emphasizing their small numbers, language, culture, territorial homeland, and—as a new factor—the state, the Estonians have increasingly engaged with a wider range of identities (local, regional, and European). Among these, the regional level has been the most productive, enhancing Estonia’s already strong ties to Finland but also fostering closer connections to its other Nordic and Baltic neighbors. Although integration into NATO and integration into the European Union continue to receive strong approval, a European identity is still in the process of formation. For the Russian community, the fall of communism led to a full reevaluation of the bases of its identity. The major trend has seen a shift from a political consciousness (loyalty to the Soviet Union) to a greater emphasis on the Russian language and ethnicity. In spite of the general peacefulness of ethnic relations, any meaningful integration of the two major nationalities in Estonia remains incomplete, as graphically demonstrated in the Bronze Soldier affair in April 2007. Russians, especially younger ones, increasingly know the Estonian language, but views of history, especially regarding World War II, and attitudes toward Russia still differ markedly between the Estonian and Russian populations. The process of integration is further complicated by the neighboring and still powerful kin-state of the local Russian population.

The Estonian Tiger Leap from Post-Communism to the Information Society: From Policy to Practice

Estonia's post-communist transformation has been marked by several parallel processes, such as democratization, economic liberalization and the rise of consumerism. Another crucial component has be...

Adjacent Internationalism

The Nordic states have long been known for their commitment to a distinctly social-democratic set of internationalist values, and the demise of communism in the Nordic states’ adjacent region provided an excellent opportunity to seek new forms of cooperation with their Baltic neighbours informed by the tradition of Nordic internationalism. Nordic internationalism has thus recently acquired a visible Baltic dimension, which is here defined as ‘adjacent internationalism’. The purpose of this article is to analyse this new branch of Nordic foreign policy against the backdrop of Nordic internationalism more generally through an examination of the Nordic states’ joint efforts to prepare the Baltic States for European Union (EU) membership. The main argument developed here is that adjacent internationalism has not only concretely facilitated Baltic EU membership, but has also given rise to an emergent Nordic–Baltic sphere of community. In so doing, it has contributed to the re-invigoration of the normative dimensions of inter-Nordic cooperation as well as Nordic internationalism more generally. In examining this issue, the article explores the key premises of Nordic international relations and offers a normatively informed reading of relations between states in a dynamic regional environment.

Lithuania: Stepping Westward by Thomas s> Lane (review)

172 SEER, 8i, I, 2003 democracy in danger. 'Ethnicpolitics' can be a threat to democracy, but it is not the only one. School ofSlavonic andEastEuropean Studies TIMHAUGHTON University College London Lane, Thomas. Lithuania.SteppingWestward.Postcommunist States and Nations. Routledge,London and New York, 200I. XXXiX + 246 pp. Chronology. Map. Notes. Bibliography.Index. ?55.??; 7I16.99. LITHUANIA, seen by many as the tiny country that brought down the USSR, stillholds a remarkablefascinationforpeople in the United Kingdom, and the publication of Thomas Lane's book Lithuania.SteppingWestward has been eagerly awaited. While there have been a number of solid accounts of the prelude to the restitutionof Lithuania'sindependence in I99i, little has been writtenaboutthe eventsof thepastdecade, andhow Lithuaniahasre-emerged into the internationalcommunityafterfiftyyearsof Sovietoccupation. Lane begins his work with an extremely thorough history of Lithuania, charting its emergence from the Middle Ages up until the restitution of independence in I 99 i, as he (rightly)believes that it is virtuallyimpossibleto fullycomprehendeventsthathavetakenplaceinpost-SovietLithuaniawithout at least a grasp of what has gone before. While he draws heavily on noted chroniclersof Lithuanianhistory,such as Harrison,von Rauch, Vardys,Senn and Misiunas,Lane'sworkisa usefuladditionand foranyonewithoutprior knowledgeof Lithuania providesa solidgroundingon the subject. In the course of his history of Lithuania, Lane is unafraid of tackling the contentious issueof the Holocaust and the sensitivitiessurroundingthe degree of Lithuanianinvolvementin it. His analysisis one of the most comprehensive that has been undertakenoutsideIsrael.This bookispublishedat a time when the Lithuanian government has just appointed, for the firsttime in January 2002, a Vice Minister of ForeignAffairsspecificallyto deal with this matter. Lane also handles the equally sensitive subject of the Soviet deportations of the 1940s with extreme thoroughness. In the latter segment of Lithuania.SteppingWestward, Lane examines government and politics in post-Soviet Lithuania, the Lithuanian economy post-independence and Lithuania'sforeign and national securitypolicy. This is the portion of the book thathas been most keenlyawaitedby scholarsin this field. In his chapter on domestic politics in the decade since independence, Lane chartsthe confrontationswhich emergedbetween the Leftand the Right over how best to cope with the period of transition which followed the achievement of full independence in I99I. Although the mechanisms of an independent, democratic society were swiftlyput in place, the dissatisfaction of the Lithuanian electorate and its lack of confidence in the political leaders was demonstratedby a differentgovernment being elected at each poll. Lane notes how Sajudis -inspirational in leading Lithuania to independence was unsuited to the day-to-day role of governance, and how Brazauskas's formercommunists,which replaced it, were damaged by constant allegations of corruptionas well as chargesof economic mismanagement.Most topically, REVIEWS I73 Lane examines the emergence of the emigre PresidentAdamkus,and his role in steeringLithuaniatowardsEuropeanUnion and NATO membership. The greatesthurdle that Lithuaniafaced in the immediate aftermathof the Soviet occupation was the economic legacy of the failed Communist system. Lane splits this period into two: firstlythe period of transition, which runs until 1995, and the remainder:from I995 untilthe present. During the period of transition, Lithuania's economy was woefully mishandled by the government , which led to Lithuania lagging behind its Baltic neighbours. As examples of this, Lane highlights the inadequate and constantly changing policy of land reform, the unsuccessfulprivatizationpolicy and the failureto maximize foreign investment. The more recent period has, however, seen an improvement, although Lane reflects on the difficulty Lithuania faces in accessingher traditionalpre-Warmarketsbecause of the restrictivepolicies of the EuropeanUnion. Application for membership of the European Union is commented on in depth, along with that of NATO. This is a twin-trackpolicy that Lithuania's successive governments have all pursued since i99I. Joining both organizations is seen as the only way to counter Lithuania's ongoing sense of vulnerability. Even though a decade has passed since the restitution of independence, Russia remains the greatest concern and security threat to Lithuania. This situation is exacerbated by the existence of Kaliningrad:an enclave of Russianterritorysituatedto Lithuania'ssouth-west.If, as expected, the Prague Summit of 2002 admits Lithuania into NATO, there will be a piece of Russian territory surrounded by NATO members. When EU membershipfollows, Kaliningradwill again cause problems as Lithuaniawill eventuallybe bound by the SchengenAgreementwhich allowsfreemovement of people within the EU borders.Throughout his book, Lane demonstratesa clear...

Reporting the Post-Communist Revolution by R. s> Giles R. W. Snyder L. DeLisle (review)

REVIEWS I73 Lane examines the emergence of the emigre PresidentAdamkus,and his role in steeringLithuaniatowardsEuropeanUnion and NATO membership. The greatesthurdle that Lithuaniafaced in the immediate aftermathof the Soviet occupation was the economic legacy of the failed Communist system. Lane splits this period into two: firstlythe period of transition, which runs until 1995, and the remainder:from I995 untilthe present. During the period of transition, Lithuania's economy was woefully mishandled by the government , which led to Lithuania lagging behind its Baltic neighbours. As examples of this, Lane highlights the inadequate and constantly changing policy of land reform, the unsuccessfulprivatizationpolicy and the failureto maximize foreign investment. The more recent period has, however, seen an improvement, although Lane reflects on the difficulty Lithuania faces in accessingher traditionalpre-Warmarketsbecause of the restrictivepolicies of the EuropeanUnion. Application for membership of the European Union is commented on in depth, along with that of NATO. This is a twin-trackpolicy that Lithuania's successive governments have all pursued since i99I. Joining both organizations is seen as the only way to counter Lithuania's ongoing sense of vulnerability. Even though a decade has passed since the restitution of independence, Russia remains the greatest concern and security threat to Lithuania. This situation is exacerbated by the existence of Kaliningrad:an enclave of Russianterritorysituatedto Lithuania'ssouth-west.If, as expected, the Prague Summit of 2002 admits Lithuania into NATO, there will be a piece of Russian territory surrounded by NATO members. When EU membershipfollows, Kaliningradwill again cause problems as Lithuaniawill eventuallybe bound by the SchengenAgreementwhich allowsfreemovement of people within the EU borders.Throughout his book, Lane demonstratesa clear awarenessof the powerful sense of Lithuanian national identity, which sustainedLithuaniathroughcenturiesof occupationandprovidedthebedrock for the reconstructionof an independent Lithuanianstate. He concludes that admissioninto the EU will not in anyway dilute this. Lithuania. Stepping Westward is an excellent analysisof that country. Possibly its only weaknessis that it does not dwell enough on the years following I995 in particular.But as it would be clearlywrong to shortenthe pre-I99I section, perhapsfutureeditions of thisbook deservean additionalvolume to cover the yearsfrom 1995 untilthe presentin the detail that they merit. But thisisjust a minor criticism Lane's work should become requiredreading for scholars and Lithuaniaenthusiastsalike. London A. E. ASHBOURNE Giles, R.; Snyder, R. W., and DeLisle, L. (eds). Reporting thePost-Communist Revolution. Media StudiesSeries.TransactionPublishers,New Brunswick, NJ, and London, 2001. xv + 245 pp. Tables. Further reading. Index. [I8.95 (paperback). SPLIT into three parts, Reporting thePost-Communist Revolution contains twentythree essays, concluding with a review essay. The themes cover a wide area 174 SEER, 8I, I, 2003 rangingfrom the fall of communism (PartOne), throughthe developments in the media systemsof Central and EasternEurope in the decade afterthe fall of the Berlin Wall (PartTwo), to the assertion of a new media identity (Part Three). The claim made in the preface that a sort of democracy in print preceded democracy in law is not entirelyconvincing. The communist censorswere far moreworriedby thelikesofHavel and Solzhenitsynthanjournalists,who were all stateemployees. Also, creativewritingis an activitycarriedon for the most part by a small group of people. Driven by a need to express and to explore certain ideas and carried out in self-imposed solitary confinement, creative writing is surelythe opposite of the sort of authorialegalitarianismwhich the editors claim was taking place before I989. Those that challenged the communistpartieswere a minorityand were not alwaysunderstoodor highly regardedby a majoritythatwaspreoccupiedwiththe dailygrindof survival. Exploring the role of the BBC during the Cold War, John Tusa cites Alexander Lieven's advice that a 'cool, detached, almost clinical approach is called for' (p. iI). Any sense of superiorityor a 'holier than thou' approach, asserted Lieven, would be resented by the audience. On the face of it this is straightforward,yet it reveals more about the BBC's approach than Lieven realizes. To play Devil's advocate: the BBC's programmers adopted a detached and cool approach not out of any single-minded devotion to truth but because they believed it to be more effective. In other words, the BBC's approachcould, reasonably,be regardedasessentiallypragmaticand tactical, even Machiavellian perhaps. Moreover, once you establish a reputation for being 'cool and detached', it is easierto get awaywith the odd lie, or even the judicious...

National Minorities and Citizenship Rights in Lithuania, 1988–93. By Vesna Popovski. New York: Palgrave, 2000. 255p. $65.00.

Compared to neighboring Latvia and Estonia, there has been little attention paid to nationality issues in Lithuania, a country with fewer ethnic minorities (making up approximately 20% of the population) and a more inclusive citizenship policy than her Baltic neighbors. Also, Lithuania's main problems have concerned relations with its Polish minority, whereas Latvia and Estonia have large numbers of “Russian speakers.†This means that Russia has been less critical and has not sought to draw international attention to minority issues in Lithuania. As a result, the international community has praised Lithuania's laws for meeting international standards and has given a “pass†to Lithuania when it comes to the treatment of its ethnic minorities. Vesna Popovski seeks to challenge this positive assessment and is motivated by a concern for the actual implementation of laws, as opposed to the mere letter of the law, and seeks to discover the perceptions that minorities have toward their state and its policies.

The Estonian Currency Board: Its Introduction and Role in the Early Success of Estonia's Transition to a Market Economy

This paper reviews the history of the introduction of the Estonian kroon under a currency board arrangement. On June 20, 1992, Estonia became the first country from the former Soviet Union to abandon the Russian ruble and introduce its own currency. The paper looks at the factors behind this decision and discusses the implementation of the currency reform. It then assesses the economic impact of the reform and also compares Estonia`s experience with that of its Baltic neighbors. It concludes that although the currency board arrangement made an important contribution to the early success of Estonia`s economic stabilization and reform program the underlying financial and structural policies were crucial for that success.