In Great Britain some time ago a series of very grave and industrially disastrous strikes led not only to very radical-revolutionary, many Tories called it-legislation in the interest of organized labor, but to a national searching of hearts, and to inquiries into the nature and probable effects of the upheaval that was manifestly taking place. One popular London newspaper opened its columns to a discussion of What the Worker Wants from every point of view. Employers, land owners, economists, labor leaders, eminent lawyers, and trained social workers contributed to the symposium, which was subsequently published in pamphlet form. We shall see presently that the suggestions made, or the conclusions reached, in that exceptionally interesting discussion are of great value and significance. In the United States, in addition to the familiar kinds of strikes and lockouts, which cause much loss, suffering, and bad blood, we have witnessed new types of strikes-strikes in which systematic destruction of property, with grave risk to life, was a conspicuous feature. The McNamara trial and confessions, the recent Indianapolis conspiracy trial, the Syndicalist way of conducting strikes, the bold propaganda of class war and sabotage have put new vitality and poignancy into the discussion of the labor question. A number of eminent and earnest educators, sociologists, and philanthropists urged upon the President and Congress the creation of a representative industrial commission for the purpose of investigating the causes of such startling phenomena as the dynamite outrages by and for labor, the insistence upon the closed shop, the use of syndicalism, etc. The commission was created and President Taft appointed its nine members. The disappointment which was widely and justly expressed with the personnel of the commission, and the delay caused thereby, need not concern us here; the