Automatic Stereotype Research Articles

Conceptualizing Control in Social Cognition: How Executive Functioning Modulates the Expression of Automatic Stereotyping.

Two studies investigated the role of executive control in moderating the relationship between automatic stereotype activation and behavioral responses. Race bias in weapon identification was used to measure stereotyping, and a process dissociation procedure was used to measure automatic and controlled components of performance. In Experiment 1, the controlled component was shown to correlate with general attention control and race-specific motivations to control prejudice. Across multiple measures, automatic race bias was more likely to be expressed as behavioral discrimination among individuals with poor executive control. Experiment 2 found the same relationship between automatic and controlled components of behavior when predicting impressions of a Black individual. Executive control is discussed in the context of other control strategies in influential dual-process models of stereotyping.

Don’t stereotype, think different! Overcoming automatic stereotype activation by mindset priming

Automatic stereotype activation can be overcome intentionally and after an extensive training. However, intentions have to be tailored to a certain social category. It is hypothesized that activating the mindset “think different” by priming creativity prevents stereotypes and associations in general from becoming automatically activated. In two experiments a creative, a thoughtful or no mindset was activated. Afterwards, the activation of associations was measured using a lexical decision task with semantic priming. As predicted, the automatic activation of stereotypes (Study 1) and other associations (Study 2) was found in the control conditions but not in a creative mindset. These results suggest that people possess a mindset that allows for overcoming automatic stereotype activation without being tailored to a specific category.

The Social Psychology of Stigma

This chapter addresses the psychological effects of social stigma. Stigma directly affects the stigmatized via mechanisms of discrimination, expectancy confirmation, and automatic stereotype activation, and indirectly via threats to personal and social identity. We review and organize recent theory and empirical research within an identity threat model of stigma. This model posits that situational cues, collective representations of one's stigma status, and personal beliefs and motives shape appraisals of the significance of stigma-relevant situations for well-being. Identity threat results when stigma-relevant stressors are appraised as potentially harmful to one's social identity and as exceeding one's coping resources. Identity threat creates involuntary stress responses and motivates attempts at threat reduction through coping strategies. Stress responses and coping efforts affect important outcomes such as self-esteem, academic achievement, and health. Identity threat perspectives help to explain the tremendous variability across people, groups, and situations in responses to stigma.

Category and stereotype activation revisited

In Study 1 (N= 230), we found that the participants' explicit prejudice was not related to their knowledge of cultural stereotypes of immigrants in Sweden, and that they associated the social category immigrants with the same national/ethnic categories. In Study 2 (N= 88), employing the category and stereotype words obtained in Study 1 as primes, we examined whether participants with varying degrees of explicit prejudice differed in their automatic stereotyping and implicit prejudice when primed with category or stereotypical words. In accord with our hypothesis, and contrary to previous findings, the results showed that people's explicit prejudice did not affect their automatic stereotyping and implicit prejudice, neither in the category nor stereotype priming condition. Study 3 (N= 62), employing category priming using facial photographs of Swedes and immigrants as primes, showed that participants' implicit prejudice was not moderated by their explicit prejudice. The outcome is discussed in relation to the distinction between category and stereotype priming and in terms of the associative strength between a social category and its related stereotypes.

Automatic stereotypes vs. automatic prejudice: Sorting out the possibilities in the weapon paradigm

Payne (2001) has documented that African-American faces automatically facilitate the categorization of handguns, relative to White faces. We suggest that these provocative results could derive from either the automatic activation of prejudice (negative evaluations) or the automatic activation of stereotypes (both positively and negatively valenced associations). In an extension of Payne’s procedure, we show that African-American faces facilitate the categorization of both handguns and sports-related objects, but not the categorization of insects or fruits. Additionally, both handguns and sports objects are more likely to be miscategorized following a White face prime than an African-American one. These results suggest that when perceivers are attempting to identify objects, automatic stereotypic associations, both positively and negatively valenced ones, are more influential than general negative sentiments towards African-Americans.

Dissociations between implicit and explicit attitudes toward phobic stimuli

The present study explored the presence of complaint-specific implicit associations in the domain of spider fear. Participants' implicit negative associations with spider cues were measured in highly fearful (n = 18) and explicitly nonfearful individuals (n = 19). To increase the reliability of the present study, two indices of implicit associations were used: a modified implicit association test (IAT), and an affective Simon paradigm (ASP). To test the stability of the IAT and the ASP, participants were tested twice. At the explicit level the attitude to spider cues was far more negative for high fear participants than for no fear participants. In contrast, high and low fear participants displayed very similar negative associations with spiders at the implicit level. Indicating their resistance to practice effects the ASP and IAT revealed similar results on both occasions. The dual attitude in low fear individuals suggests that the nonfearful individual is the one who can suppress the automatic negative spider stereotype, whereas the phobic individual is the one who does not attempt or is not able to control the negative associations with spider cues.

The Malleability of Automatic Stereotypes and Prejudice

The present article reviews evidence for the malleability of automatic stereotypes and prejudice. In contrast to assumptions that such responses are fixed and inescapable, it is shown that automatic stereotypes and prejudice are influenced by, (a) self- and social motives, (b) specific strategies, (c) the perceiver's focus of attention, and (d) the configuration of stimulus cues. In addition, group members' individual characteristics are shown to influence the extent to which (global) stereotypes and prejudice are automatically activated. This evidence has significant implications for conceptions of automaticity, models of stereotyping and prejudice, and attitude representation. The review concludes with the description of an initial model of early social information processing.

The Role Of Awareness: Divergent Automatic Stereotype Activation And Implicit Judgment Correction

Two experiments investigated automatic stereotype activation and its correction. In Experiment 1 (n = 57) the category “Blacks” was primed using a lexical decision task. People high and low in prejudice subsequently formed divergent impressions of the target person. Replicating previous findings (Lepore & Brown, 1997), high-prejudice participants' judgments were more negative and low-prejudice people's ratings more positive. Awareness of a connection between priming and impression formation reversed this pattern. Experiment 2 (n = 40) revealed that awareness of a connection, irrespective of priming recall, promoted a correction of the judgment. Unaware high- and low-prejudice participants again showed divergent automatic stereotype activation, but aware respondents corrected their judgments in opposite directions. Thus, when automatic stereotype activation is differentiated, implicit correction processes act upon different accessible knowledge, resulting in divergent judgment corrections. Implications for stereotyping and models of contrast effects are discussed.

Automatic Stereotyping: Category, Trait, and Behavioral Activations

On the basis of theorizing that proposes that category representations include a variety of associations and not simply trait information, two studies investigated whether the automatic activation of stereotypic traits following category priming is a necessary mediator of automatic social behavior. The results across both studies demonstrated an automatic behavior effect; participants primed with the elderly responded more slowly to general lexical decisions than participants not primed with the elderly. The results also provide evidence for automatic stereotypic trait activation; participants primed with the elderly responded faster to stereotypic than nonstereotypic traits. Moreover, consistent with the view that stereotypes are multicomponential, category priming predicted automatic social behavior in ways independent of mediation-by-trait activation.

Evaluative versus Conceptual Judgments in Automatic Stereotyping and Prejudice

The goal of the study reported in this article was to examine whether automatic processes in stereotype and prejudice activation are sensitive to task characteristics of the assessment procedure and whether these influences may account for existing inconsistencies that have recently been reported in the literature on automatic racial prejudice. Using a sequential priming paradigm with subliminal primes (“BLACK” and “WHITE”) to examine automatic prejudice, the study varied the judgment task in which the priming procedure was presented. Whereas half of the participants were asked to perform a lexical decision task (word/nonword), the remaining participants made evaluative judgments (good/bad). Results showed reliable influences of the judgment task on the observed pattern of priming effects. Moreover, the priming effects found in both conditions replicated the respective results reported in previous research that had used either evaluative or conceptual judgment tasks (Fazio, Jackson, Dunton, & Williams, 1995; Wittenbrink, Judd, & Park, 1997). In addition, the response time measure also showed different relationships with explicit measures of racial prejudice, depending on the judgment condition. In addition to their implications for the assessment of automatic stereotyping and prejudice these results suggest that automatic responses are not as invariant as it is sometimes posited.

Spontaneous prejudice in context: Variability in automatically activated attitudes.

The goal of the research reported in this article was to examine whether automatic group attitudes and stereotypes, commonly thought to be fixed responses to a social category cue, are sensitive to changes in the situational context. Two experiments demonstrated such variability of automatic responses due to changes in the stimulus context. In Study 1 White participants' implicit attitudes toward Blacks varied as a result of exposure to either a positive (a family barbecue) or a negative (a gang incident) stereotypic situation. Study 2 demonstrated similar context effects under clearly automatic processing conditions. Here, the use of different background pictures (church interior vs. street corner) for Black and White face primes affected participants' racial attitudes as measured by a sequential priming task. Implications for the concept of automaticity in social cognition are discussed.

Implicit stereotyping and prejudice and the primed Stroop task

In the present study, automatic stereotype activation related to racial categories was examined utilizing a primed Stroop task. The speed of participants' ink-color naming of stereotypic and nonstereotypic target words following Black and White category primes were compared: slower naming times are presumed to reflect interference from automatic activation. The results provide support for automatic activation of implicit prejudice and stereotypes. With respect to prejudice, naming latencies tended to be slower for positive words following White than Black primes and slower for negative words following Black than White primes. With regard to stereotypes, participants demonstrated slower naming latencies for Black stereotypes, primarily those that were negatively valenced, following Black than White category primes. These findings provide further evidence of the automatic activation of stereotypes and prejudice that occurs without intention.

Automatic Activation of Stereotypes: The Role of Self-Image Threat

Does self-image threatening feedback make perceivers more likely to activate stereotypes when confronted by members of a minority group? Participants in Study 1 saw an Asian American or European American woman for several minutes, and participants in Studies 2 and 3 were exposed to drawings of an African American or European American male face for fractions of a second. These experiments found no evidence of automatic stereotype activation when perceivers were cognitively busy and when they had not received negative feedback. When perceivers had received negative feedback, however, evidence of stereotype activation emerged even when perceivers were cognitively busy. The theoretical implications of these results for stereotype activation and the relationship of motivation, affect, and cognition are discussed.

Nonconscious Behavioral Confirmation Processes: The Self-Fulfilling Consequences of Automatic Stereotype Activation

It is now well-established that stereotypes can become activated unintentionally and outside of awareness by the presence of the relevant group features. There is also a long tradition of theory and evidence that perceptual and behavioral processes are intimately related (e.g., Berkowitz, 1984; James, 1890; Piaget, 1948). Considering these two phenomena together suggests that stereotype activation can cause the perceiver to act in stereotype-consistent ways, and recent evidence confirms this prediction (Bargh, Chen, & Burrows, 1996). The present study extended these findings by showing that the perceiver's stereotype-consistent behavior causes the target person to reciprocate in kind, thereby confirming the perceiver's stereotypic beliefs. Compared to a control condition, subliminal activation of the African American stereotype in participants resulted in greater hostility in their interaction partners (as rated by outside judges) and more extreme hostility ratings of the targets by their perceiver partner.

Category and stereotype activation: Is prejudice inevitable?

Three experiments tested the hypothesis that people high and low in prejudice respond similarly to direct stereotype activation but differently to category activation. Study 1 (N=40) showed that high- and low-prejudice people share the same knowledge of the stereotype of Black people. In Study 2, (N=51) high-prejudice participants formed a more negative and less positive impression of the target person after subliminal priming of the category Blacks than did participants in the no-prime condition. Low-prejudice people tended in the opposite direction. In Study 3 (N=45), both high- and low-prejudice people increased negative ratings when valenced stereotype content was also primed. These findings support a distinction between automatic stereotype activation resulting from direct priming and that consequent upon category activation, implying that the relations among categorization, stereotyping, and prejudice are more flexible than it is often assumed.