Authoritarian Tendencies Research Articles

The (Many) Afterlives of Transitional Justice: Practice-based Insights on Continuity, Impact and Evolving Justice Struggles

ABSTRACT∞ In the past decade, the paradigm of transitional justice has come under increasing scrutiny. Transitional justice scholarship has been characterized by self-reflective critiques, while on the ground even emblematic transitional justice cases have seen the (re)emergence of authoritarian tendencies, raising further questions about the paradigm’s legitimacy. Yet, in practice, a wide range of (grassroots) justice actors continue to invoke transitional justice as a mobilizing framework and action repertoire in an increasingly wide range of long and encompassing struggles for justice. These seemingly contradictory dynamics of crisis and expansion raise the question of how transitional justice lives on, both in a temporal and conceptual sense, years to decades after its initial deployment, and in the face of new socio-political and legal dynamics. This article builds on eight focus groups with 69 local justice actors from seven countries to present practitioner-informed insights about the many afterlives of transitional justice. Based on qualitative thematic analysis, we argue that these afterlives are shaped by plural, co-existing dynamics of continuity and ongoingness, unfolding through novel initiatives and processes across varying timelines, driven by the protagonism of victim-survivors, civil society and youth. This temporal stretching led practitioners to highlight the significance of intergenerational initiatives and impacts, to resituate the perceived legacies of early and standardized transitional justice interventions within protracted and evolving justice trajectories and to underscore the importance of the communicative functions and potential of transitional justice language and tools to bolster new and intersecting justice struggles.

Planning, democracy and collective freedom

If we defend planned economies not only on the basis of efficiency but also on the basis of freedom, we have to be able to address authoritarian tendencies of planned economies on the one hand and argue against liberals for the value of collective freedom in planned economies on the other. First, I trace the problematic theorization of the relationship between collective and individual freedom in the historical debates of liberalism and real socialism. Then I examine whether the republican concept of freedom as non-domination can avoid the pitfalls of negative and positive freedom. Subsequently I explore collective freedom through collective action theory, arguing for its inherent value and its potential existence independent of individual freedom. Genuine collective freedom relies on voluntary individual contributions and collective decisions that reflect individual will. Finally I argue that while democracy can help balance collective and individual freedoms, it cannot fully resolve the inherent tension. Alternative conflict resolution strategies may prove more effective. Ultimately, planned economies offer a unique form of collective freedom, though potentially at the expense of individual freedom. Minimizing this tension remains a key challenge. In this paper, I will first defend the idea of collective freedom through planning against liberal, republican and anarchist criticism. Subsequently, I will not develop concrete solutions for the mediation of collective freedom and individual freedom in a planned economy, but I will present approaches and concepts that can be used to deal with the problem of mediation. Democracy plays a central role here, but is not the only solution.

Ambivalence of modern civilization and legal socialization: theoretical and legal aspect

The article examines the ambivalence of modern civilization as a factor influencing legal socialization. Globalization and localization, individualism and collectivism, and the simultaneous pursuit of progress while striving to preserve traditions create duality and conflict in the socialization conditions experienced by modern individuals. This duality presents both opportunities for personal development and new risks for the formation of legal consciousness. Dynamic changes in cultural, legal, social, and economic contexts compel individuals to make rapid, often unconsidered decisions aimed at survival and adaptation. This fosters the risk of forming distorted perceptions of law, justice, the authority of the law, and its intended purpose. Mass global culture has reshaped the conditions of legal socialization by introducing elements of risk and uncertainty. Multiculturalism, while promoting the development of international law and integrating diverse legal traditions into a global system, generates new societal contradictions, heightens social tensions, and leads to the emergence of so-called «parallel legal worlds.» Secular state policies, combined with increasing cultural and religious diversity, complicate legal socialization by raising the risk of fragmenting legal systems. The mismatch between the traditional values of certain social groups and legal norms often results in non-compliance with the law. It is emphasized that the crisis of democracy is marked by declining trust in political and legal institutions, the rise of authoritarian tendencies, and the weakening of rule-of-law mechanisms. The absence of effective legal protections during times of crisis fosters the spread of legal nihilism, further complicating the search for consensus between the state and its people. To mitigate negative consequences and ease societal tensions, a coordinated and effective international and national legal policy is essential. Joint efforts should focus on integrating diverse cultures on the basis of legal principles, primarily emphasizing equality and the rule of law. In complex political, legal, and multicultural conditions, this approach will safeguard individual rights regardless of origin, social status, religion, or other factors.

Recruitment of Authoritarian Individuals into Clientelist Networks: A comparative study of the Western Balkans

Understanding how brokers choose clients for vote-buying exchange is one of the key issues in explaining the success of these illicit practices. Norm-based theories seek an answer to this question based on individuals’ values and beliefs, which would make them suitable candidates for vote-buying. A recent addition to this literature suggests that there might be a distinct authoritarian feature among the targeted voters. Building on the findings of this study, this paper examines the relationship between authoritarian tendencies and the offer of clientelist exchange in six Western Balkan countries. Overall findings vary significantly across countries: in Montenegro, Serbia, and Albania some associations were found, albeit not all in the theoretically predicted direction. In Bosnia and Hercegovina, Kosovo, and North Macedonia authoritarian tendencies were not related to an offer of clientelist exchange. The results point to a highly contextualized importance of authoritarian tendencies for the success of clientelist exchanges.

The curious genealogy of the “executive state”: A critical review of the latest administrative reform in Greece

Abstract This article critically discusses the latest reform of the Greek administration system, which took the form of an Act establishing an “executive state.” It intends to make two contributions to the existing literature. First, it offers a critique of the executive state. Existing critiques generally focus on the bureaucratic concentration of powers in the office of the Prime Minister or the abandonment of positive elements found in previous reform attempts. However, they largely accept the reform as a technical response to the crisis. In contrast, this article presents a comprehensive critique that fully addresses the historic origins and contemporary significance of the notion and institutional forms of the executive state, revealing it as a political, rather than technical, measure that reflects deeper views about the relationship between the state, the economy, and society. Additionally, the article assesses the two main effects of this administrative reform—the centralization and depoliticization of policymaking—as manifestations of an authoritarian shift. The second contribution concerns the literature on authoritarian liberalism, which examines the authoritarian tendencies inherent in liberal forms and ideals. While several authors have explored the authoritarian tendencies of institutional reform in the face of crisis, this article seeks to explore the authoritarian phenomenon as part of a process of market capture and to examine its effects specifically on administrative law and structures. Ultimately, this article argues that administrative reform in Greece follows a rather sinister genealogy, and must be understood as an essential counterpart to the generalized and sustained attack on social and political rights following the dictates of the market.

Self-censorship in using social media in Bangladesh: Does regime structure matter?

influences social media users' self-censorship by examining how repression, legal frameworks, surveillance, and media control affect online expression and free speech. Method: This study on self-censorship in Bangladesh used interviews, content analysis, focus groups, and surveys to understand users' online behavior under a hybrid regime. The results showed that laws such as the Digital Security Act increased self-regulation. Results: The study revealed that regime structure significantly impacts self-censorship on social media in Bangladesh. Democratic environments reduce self-censorship, whereas restrictive regimes increase it. Higher educational levels are associated with greater self-censorship, likely due to heightened awareness of the consequences. Gender and government actions had a minimal impact. An interaction effect demonstrates that a "climate of fear" combined with critical content intensifies self-censorship, emphasizing the role of regime type and freedom of expression in shaping online behavior. Limitations: The study on self-censorship in Bangladesh has limitations, including sample bias, potential inaccuracies due to self-reporting, overlooking regional variations, and cultural factors, which affect the generalizability of findings across different contexts. Contributions: This study provides valuable insights into how the regime structure influences self-censorship on social media in Bangladesh. By highlighting the correlation between authoritarian tendencies and increased self-censorship, this study elucidates the impact of laws such as the Digital Security Act on online behavior. The findings contribute to understanding the broader effects of political regimes on digital expression, offering a framework for examining self-censorship in varying political contexts, and informing future research on digital rights and freedom of expression.

The representation of sub-Saharan African migrants in the Tunisian written media: a corpus-assisted critical discourse analysis

ABSTRACT While the topic of migrant representation in media discourse has been extensively researched, a significant portion of scholarly attention is concentrated on Western media. This focus leaves a considerable gap in the study of media representations in transitional countries, particularly North African nations like Tunisia. This topic assumes greater significance in light of the recent surge in xenophobia towards sub-Saharan African migrants in the country – a movement partly instigated by President Kais Saied's anti-immigrant rhetoric. Utilising Corpus-Assisted Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), this paper examines the discursive representations of sub-Saharan African migrants in Tunisian written media discourse, focusing on the 2022 and 2023 anti-migrant wave in Tunisia under the presidency of Kais Saied. The research findings reveal that while a glimpse of a humanitarian discourse was evident, the majority of the discourse was characterised either by biased neutrality or explicit prejudice. The research indicates a predominantly negative representation, categorising migrants as invaders, security threats, economic burdens, and moral hazards. Significantly, much of the discourse echoes the political anti-immigrant policy, suggesting a potential media alignment with the emerging authoritarian tendencies in Tunisia. This alignment harbours damaging implications for the safety and well-being of the migrant community, as well as for the overall human rights and democratisation process in the country.

Coping With Turbulence and Safeguarding Against Authoritarianism: Polycentric Governance as a Resilience Resource

Crisis management during the pandemic stimulated a bulk of analyses and debates on how states and societies coped with this challenge. In many countries, authority migrated temporarily from parliaments to executives and from the subnational to the national level, involving even violations of democratic and individual rights. Such reactions are motivated by the assumption that crisis management requires prompt, decisive, and uniform responses best delivered by a strong and centralised leadership. In contrast to this widespread assumption, crisis and disaster management research compellingly stresses the virtues of polycentric governance and processes based on flexibility, decentrality, and dispersed information in coping with turbulence. In this article, a framework is proposed for analysing empirically the question of what makes states and societies resilient. Core to this framework is the notion of resilience resources. In linking resilience resources to properties of socio-ecological systems and their reactions to turbulence, the resilience concept becomes accessible to empirical analyses. The potential of the framework is illustrated by an empirical example of the coordination of decentralised pandemic management by the German Minister-Presidents’ Conference. This example shows how the resilience resource of polycentric governance is put into practice. The results of the analytical, as well as the empirical part of the article, underpin the claim that resilience is fostered by coordinated decentrality, flexible adaptation, and bricolage instead of centralisation of authority. Fostering resilience in this sense provides also a safeguard against authoritarian tendencies.

Authoritarian Demand in East‐Central Europe Post‐Pandemic and Amid Neighbouring War

Recent years have witnessed a noticeable democratic decline worldwide, revealing a tendency of voters to elect leaders with authoritarian tendencies. In East-Central European countries, authoritarian attitudes reached unprecedented heights since their accession to the EU. Existing academic literature highlights key drivers of support for authoritarianism in this region of the continent, including anti-elite sentiments, political anxiety, economic threat, and perceived injustice. However, there is little scientific evidence related to the strength of these variables in a post-pandemic context and amid a neighbouring war. Drawing on original public opinion data collected in Poland, Hungary, and Romania, the current study identifies the main driving forces behind public demand for authoritarianism in these countries. The article develops a comparative perspective and thus contributes to a nuanced comprehension of the resurgence of authoritarianism in this part of the world.

The role and accountability of the state as a news media owner in the contemporary media landscape

Drawing on critical capitalism theory and the social responsibility theory of media, this paper explores the role of the state as a news media owner in contemporary European media systems and the capitalist context. It focuses on accountability and the relationships between the state, state-owned media outlets, and the public. Academic research to date has predominantly examined public service media (PSM) and the dichotomy of private versus public media, thereby overlooking other models of state ownership. The lack of clear regulations on the state's accountability as a media owner outside PSM at the EU level, along with uncertainties in national regulatory frameworks (such as those seen in Slovenia, and the recent reinstatement of state ownership of media in Serbia) raise concerns about the potential for abuse of power. These issues are particularly relevant in the current context of illiberal and authoritarian tendencies within modern European capitalist societies.

Constitutional regime in the Republic of Poland: Democracy and authoritarian tendencies

The purpose of the article is the analysis of the constitutional regime in the Republic of Poland, the study of democratic and authoritarian tendencies. The article is devoted to the coverage of one of the most pressing issues, namely the constitutional principles of Polish democracy, which play an important role in determining the political system and functioning of the State. They establish the basic principles of a democratic system, protect the rights and freedoms of citizens, and determine the relationship between the Government and the people. Poland, as a democratic republic, has its own constitutional principles, ensuring the stability of the political system and the development of democracy in the country. The article analyzes the constitutional principles in the doctrine of constitutional law and constitutional practice of Poland, examines their nature and significance for the supremacy of the Constitution and the development of the legal system. Authoritarian tendencies are covered as well. It is determined that nowadays there is a tense interaction between democratic principles and tendencies towards authoritarianism in the Republic of Poland. This situation is reflected in political actions, legislative changes and Government actions that can contribute to the undermining of democratic institutions and values.

Communist Parties and Threat to Democracy in Nepal: A Historical Analysis, 1949–2023

Communist parties are major actors in Nepali politics. This study is an attempt to explore if they pose a threat to democracy in Nepal given that communist parties are formed to operate a dictatorship of the proletariat. Findings suggest that democracy in Nepal is not under threat from communist parties for three reasons. First, communist parties in Nepal have contributed more to the arrival of democracy than its departure. Second, communist parties dominant in current Nepali politics have accepted democracy as an ideology. Third, communist parties and leaders have strongly stood up against the authoritarian tendency crept into the communist movement of Nepal. Since this study is the first exclusive research on the relationship between democracy and communist parties in Nepal, this work makes an original contribution to the Nepali political literature. This study also makes an original contribution to the general democratization literature by refuting the assumption that democracy can never coexist with communist parties. Furthermore, this study invites more research on the relationship between democracy and communist parties from other democratic countries that have communist parties. The method used in this study is historical analysis.

Promoting democratic values through civic education: A case of selected secondary schools in lusaka District, Zambia

Overview: Promoting democratic values through civic education is essential for fostering an informed and engaged citizenry capable of upholding democratic principles. Hence, this paper delves into the critical role of civic education in fostering democratic values within contemporary societies. The study was carried in Lusaka district from 6 selected secondary schools. Body of Knowledge: Civic education encompasses teaching the fundamentals of democracy, including the importance of individual rights, the rule of law, and the responsibilities of citizenship. Civic education serves as a counterbalance to authoritarian tendencies and political apathy by encouraging active and informed participation in public life. The analysis underscores the importance of early and continuous civic education to build a resilient democratic society that values diversity, equity, and justice. Methods: The study employed both the qualitative and quantitative methods and a descriptive survey design that sampled Head Teachers, Teachers of Civic Education, Community Members and students in Civic Education classes. The study consisted a sample of 300 respondents from the selected secondary schools. Data was obtained from the respondents by means of interviews and questionnaires. The qualitative data gathered was analyzed according to the themes of the study and the order of the research objectives. Data generated from the questionnaires (quantitative) were analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (version 26) and Microsoft Excel (version 16) to come up with tables, and figures. Results: The comprehensive analysis revealed that effective civic education programs are characterized by an inclusive curriculum that integrates critical thinking, discussion of current events, and hands-on participation in democratic processes. These programs aim to cultivate a sense of civic duty, political efficacy, and tolerance among students. Empirical studies indicated that well-designed civic education can significantly enhance students' knowledge of political systems, their skills in democratic participation, and their commitment to democratic values. Recommendation: The government should; collaborate with education authorities to enhance democratic ideals in civic education curriculum; and through the education standard officer and other stakeholders need to enhance professional development workshops for teachers of civic education to enable them effectively teach and practice democratic ideals as espoused in civic education.

Кризисы модернизации 1990-х годов в контексте исторических циклов России

The article compares the reckless socio-political dynamics in Russia in the 1990s, manifested in a series of crises and turning events, with the concept of mechanisms of the Russian historical cycles. The paper lists the main stages of dynamics — complexes of interrelated events that change the balance of power, structural conditions and the direction of subsequent processes. The author also lists the main actors and social groups involved in the political dynamics of that time period: supreme power, reformers, insiders, oligarchs, representatives of special services, “pro-soviet” and democratic opposition, urban educated class, workers and miners’ movements, “ordinary people”. The author concludes that the rapid sweeping changes in the politics of the 1990s took place, as they did before, in the parametric space with the axes of “state success” and “freedom”. Transitions occurred between the phases that were typical for much longer cycles of the Russian historical past — “crisis”, “liberalization”, “authoritarian rollback”, “state collapse”, “military-political triumph”. At the same time, the mechanism of the general democratic backsliding trend and the growth of authoritarian tendencies calls for clarification. The authors propose a phase model that explains this change through the patterns of response strategies of the supreme power to challenges and threats under different conditions. Weakness and failures of the state policy coupled with a shortage of resources led to mass disillusionment, delegitimization of the supreme power and reform policy, which manifested itself in elections and inspired the adherents of the restoration. The increase in the corresponding threats placed a premium on administrative and violent measures. Once sufficient resources were accumulated, those measures were becoming successful and received positive reinforcement. With each crisis, the supreme power took an upper hand, while the collegial separation of powers was reduced, and the reforms lost their original focus on economic freedom, the rise of small and medium-sized businesses, and the growth of democracy. As a result, the opportunities for the political modernization were missed, giving way to the authoritarian trends.

Developing a minifesta for effective academic-activist collaboration in the context of the climate emergency

Justice-oriented climate activism is proliferating. Many scholars aspire to deliver research that supports activism. However, measures of impact for research evaluation and funding purposes place little weight on the use of research by activists. Here we consider how academics and academia might effectively support and enable climate activism. We report outcomes from a series of online deliberative workshops involving both activists and academics from several European countries. The workshops were facilitated to create space for discussion, sharing of experiences and the development of proposals for the future. The outcomes take the form of a set of principles (a “minifesta”) for academic-activist engagement generated by the group. In discussing the process and outputs, we argue that a focus on inclusion can support politically transformative change of the scale and urgency required. We suggest that this also demands a shift in attitudes toward the role of activism and activists in collaborative processes. We further discuss the inevitable incompleteness of this process, arguing that incompleteness is, itself, a feature of inclusive engagement. We conclude that scholars working on climate issues in any discipline could benefit from increasing mutually supportive collaboration with activists; and that such collaboration and inclusion could help liberate democracy from authoritarian tendencies and market influences. Collaborative engagements generate legitimate, rich, and impactful outcomes even with the limitations posed by COVID19. We, therefore, commend both the model of engagement and the principles it generated for our colleagues and peers.

Development of political and legal ideas regarding the concept of protective democracy

The article examines the evolution of the concept of protective democracy and ways of its implementation in political and legal practice. It is emphasized that in the course of historical development, the concept of democracy as one of the oldest means of organizing political power underwent significant changes caused by the evolution of society, legal and political systems, which affected its interpretation and implementation. The ideas that arose around this concept were studied, considering them from different perspectives - from historical to modern. It is shown that the primary and consolidated ideas about protective democracy arose at the turn of the XVII-XVIII centuries, when democracy began to be considered as a means by which citizens can protect themselves from excessive state control. It is noted that in the process of formation of the concept of protective democracy, political and legal ideas about the right to vote as a tool for the implementation of government accountability played a significant role, since democratic institutions and procedures need protection from abuse of power to ensure their stability and effectiveness. It is emphasized that the right to vote, as a key element of democracy, plays a significant role in this concept, as it is the main mechanism for expressing the will of the people and establishing the accountability of the government to the citizens. It is noted that ensuring wide access to voting ensures a higher level of government legitimacy and reduces the likelihood of its authoritarian tendencies. It is shown that political and legal ideas about the right to vote played a key role in the formation of the concept of protective democracy, emphasizing the need to protect and support this fundamental right to ensure the stability and effectiveness of democratic systems. Attention is paid to the contribution to the concept of defensive democracy by such outstanding thinkers and politicians as John Locke, Jeremy Bentham, James Mill and James Madison. The implementation of certain aspects of protective democracy in the US Constitution is considered, and attention is drawn to the role of the republican form of government in this context. Certain milestones in the development of the concept of protective democracy in the 20th century are shown, as well as some ideas regarding this issue in the 21st century, namely the types of protective democracy and its identification as an indirect form of democracy, are explored. Characteristic features of protective democracy and its definition are proposed.

Times of crisis as “golden times” for propaganda: PR propaganda in Albanian media

The research undertaken in the framework of our study has revealed that successive global or local crises during the last 5 years have brought an increased presence of propaganda in the Albanian mass media. Our presentation aims to present and analyze the main forms of propaganda that originates from the public relations offices of political parties and state institutions and manages to penetrate the mass media. The report aims to unmask the camouflaged forms of propaganda in the media, seeing it as the dual responsibility of political and media actors. It aims to prove the symbiotic relationship between the populist and authoritarian tendencies of the ruling leadership on the one hand and the propaganda discourse on the other. At the same time, the article sheds light on the compromised agendas of the mass media which, for the sake of occult interests, leave room for propaganda on their pages or screens.

Information processing style and institutional trust as factors of COVID vaccine hesitancy

This study investigates the factors contributing to COVID vaccine hesitancy. Vaccine hesitancy has commonly been attributed to susceptibility to misinformation and linked to particular socio-demographic factors and personality traits. We present a new perspective, emphasizing the interplay between individual cognitive styles and perceptions of public health institutions. In January 2020, before the COVID-19 pandemic, 318 participants underwent a comprehensive assessment, including self-report measures of personality and clinical characteristics, as well as a behavioral task that assessed information processing styles. During 2021, attitudes towards vaccines, scientists, and the CDC were measured at three time points (February–October). Panel data analysis and structural equation modeling revealed nuanced relationships between these measures and information processing styles over time. Trust in public health institutions, authoritarian submission, and lower information processing capabilities together contribute to vaccine acceptance. Information processing capacities influenced vaccination decisions independently from the trust level, but their impact was partially mediated by authoritarian tendencies. These findings underscore the multifactorial nature of vaccine hesitancy, which emerges as a product of interactions between individual cognitive styles and perceptions of public health institutions. This novel perspective provides valuable insights into the underlying mechanisms that drive this complex phenomenon.

It’s all about Russia: the reception of contemporary Russian literature in Sweden

ABSTRACT Based on a corpus of 377 reviews of 72 novels, this article analyzes how contemporary Russian literature is received and represented in Swedish reviews, in relation to both the Russian literary tradition, and to Russia. The results have been divided into three periods, 1994–2002, 2003–2011 and 2012–2020, and are organized around four themes: (1) contemporary Russian literature in Sweden; (2) contemporary Russian literature in general; (3) contemporary Russian literature in relation to the Russian literary tradition; and (4) contemporary Russian literature in relation to Russia. During the first period, the novels reviewed were described as a new post-Soviet literature portraying the shards of communist society. During the second period, there was a focus on social criticism, while at the same time the critics sensed new hope for Russian literature. The final period is seen as a resurgence of Russian literature, although in a new form. Vladimir Sorokin stands out as the central representative of contemporary Russian literature for the entire period analyzed. Furthermore, contemporary Russian literature is seen as increasingly relevant as Russia’s authoritarian tendencies increase. Finally, Russian literature is seen in Sweden as a source of information about Russia, and as literature in which Russia is the main character.

Othering, peaking, populism and moral panics: The reactionary strategies of organised transphobia

This article shows that organised transphobia is promoted using similar strategies and politics as the wider reactionary movement which has become increasingly mainstream. In particular, we outline the transphobic process of ‘othering’ based on moral panics, which seeks to construct, homogenise and exaggerate a threat and to naturalise it in the bodies and existence of the ‘Other’. Reactionary politics rely on authoritarian tendencies and strategies which aim to remove the rights of certain communities, and as such threaten wider demands for equal rights. They claim to speak on behalf of ‘the people’, in this case often (certain) women, against an elite which seeks to grant unfair rights and privileges to a mostly silent and silenced minority, even though said rights are precarious and limited, and power is rarely on their side. Rather than a bottom-up movement in defence of women, what we refer to as ‘organised transphobia’ is a top-down movement that relies on prominent platforms and privileged access to shaping public discourse to divert attention away from the real struggle most women and LGBTQ+ people are facing conjointly.