Authoritarian Politics Research Articles

Broken Bodies, Broken Nations: Roberto Bolaño on Neoliberal Logic and (Un)Mediated Violence

The present study attends to the metaphorical role of geometry and photography throughout Roberto Bolano's oeuvre in relation to the author's persistent interrogation of authoritarian politics and aesthetics in Latin America. In a comparative reading of four works, focusing particularly on Estrella distante (1996) and 2666 (2004), I posit that Bolano grapples with the shifting norms of waning national modernity and burgeoning neoliberal globalization across his literary corpus. My reading of these works shows how the female body is figured as a metaphor for the body politic of the nation. I maintain that Bolano revisits and re-presents the same scene across multiple novels, deploying a revisionist aesthetics that seeks to comprehend and render legible the shifting dynamics of politics in the present. In this way, the aesthetic authority of the photographer stands in for the political sovereignty of the nation state in the earlier works, a relationship that is later supplanted in 2666. This comparative reading unfolds via two principal inquiries: by examining the space in which female bodies are disclosed in each narrative and by considering the role of aesthetic mediation in that disclosure.

Pandemic Politics without Alternatives

Starting from the current situation of a global pandemic policy, the paper investigates the questions of, firstly, what postmodernism had offered in terms of freedoms before this policy took over, and secondly, what might be expected as a change in policy after the pandemic. Postmodernism is regarded as characterized by the following items: The renunciation of the idea of an autonomous subject, of a general order of values, of substances as the man or the people, of the thinking in hierarchies and of one-dimensional method from one beginning to one end. What does the one-dimensional pandemic politics offer instead of the freedom of postmodernism? It is the execution of hygiene, of distancing, of masking, of securities, of healthy aging, of home office and of cultural poverty. The paper then discusses the foundations on which a post-pandemic social philosophy could be built to enable a truly democratic society without the one-dimensional, authoritarian politics of executing a presumed factual constraint. It would stress the social relations, the Between of men and women, the independent creation of sense without a prescribed origin and prescribed aim of societies. That means an emphasis on the pluralities of culture instead of an imposition of a supposed factual constreint

Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era: updating the official ideology of the CCP

The article examines the updated official ideology of the CCP in the form of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. The author analyzes the formation of Xi Jinping Thought, as well as their theoretical content and practical significance, based on the analysis of the official documents of the CCP. It was noted that the emergence of Xi Jinping Thought was caused by the need for a new ideological consensus to overcome the crisis in the CCP and the social and economic development of the PRC. It was analyzed in details the central concept of the renewed ideology (Chinese Dream), its components as the revival of the Chinese nation, socialist spiritual civilization, the community of the common destiny of mankind and the geo-economic initiative One Belt, One Road. It was noted that the Chinese Dream is aimed at consolidating Chinese society, expressing ideals and values within China, restoring China’s status as a world leader. It is shown that Xi Jinping’s ideas revived Maoism in China at a theoretical and practical level by strengthening the role of ideology in party leadership and government. This was caused by the need to further adaptation of socialism with Chinese characteristics to the new socio-economic and international conditions, which led to the return of the priority of politics over the economy and the restoration of the previously lost positions of the official ideology of the CCP in the style of Mao Zedong, but while maintaining the use of the ideas of premodern China, revived and transformed in a new political context. The article revealed the main provisions of the Four-pronged Comprehensive Strategy as a new ideological consensus of the CCP – the comprehensive construction of a modern socialist state, deepening of reforms in all-round way, rule of the country in accordance with the law in all respects, observance of strict party discipline in all-round way. In general, the China Dream and the Four-pronged Comprehensive Strategy, like the Three Represents, the Scientific Outlook on Development, the Socialist Harmonious Society, express the deepening of economic reforms combined with the conservative political authoritarianism. Thus, the new version of the official ideology in the form of Xi Jinping Thought pursue achieving the higher quality and more efficient, equitable and sustainable development; improvement and development of socialism with Chinese characteristics; modernizing the public administration system; aiming for more systematic, holistic and coordinated implementation of reforms.

Socio-economic Development and the Politics of Expertise in Putin’s Russia: The ‘Hollow Paradigm’ Perspective

Russia’s 2018 presidential election campaign was accompanied by a new round of strategies of socio-economic development. This article analyses these documents from the perspective of the ‘politics of expertise’ defining the relations between the political regime and policy experts. The analysis draws on authoritarian politics and public policy literatures. The article argues that a ‘hollow paradigm’ approach to the politics of expertise has emerged in response to the dilemmas of authoritarian governance. While the substantive, ideational element of this paradigm is vague, its procedural, expert community-binding element is strong. The analysis contributes to the understanding of the politics surrounding the writing of strategic plans, the role of policy ideas and state–society relations in contemporary Russia.

Between Private Property, Authoritarian State and Democracy: Clearing Trees in Cities and Destroying the Białowieża Forest in Poland

ABSTRACT The article describes the widespread tree felling that began in Polish cities in 2017. The authors show the relationship between this phenomenon and the ideology that gives priority to private property over public good. This ideology was the basis for the new Nature Conservation Act that came into force in Poland in 2017. The new regulations not only made cutting down trees in cities and private properties easier, but also allowed real estate developers to fell trees in landscape parks. The authors also describe the conflict over logging in the Białowieża Forest between the government in Poland and international public opinion (scientists, ecologists, the Court of Justice of the European Union). They defend the thesis that this conflict illustrates a simple relationship: right-wing populists gain support using the slogan of defending “ordinary people,” but once they are in power, they implement not only political authoritarianism but also neoliberal dogmas.

Spatializing authoritarian neoliberalism by way of cultural politics: City, nation and the European Union in Gdańsk’s politics of cultural policy formation

This paper develops perspectives which seek to spatialize authoritarian neoliberalism through arguing for greater engagement with the politics of urban cultural policy formation in the neglected context of post-socialist East and Central Europe. Through analyzing the politics of urban cultural policy-making in Gdańsk, Poland, the paper spatializes authoritarian neoliberalism by exploring how relations between the urban and the national, and between the urban and the supranational, shape urban cultural policy, drawing upon literatures on political economy, policy mobilities, cultural policy research, and the concepts of authoritarian neoliberalism and the relational-territorial nexus. Gdańsk is a liberally run city, strongly aligned with the European Union (EU), opposed to the authoritarian neoliberal national level politics in Poland. The paper analyses urban-national tensions and relationships between Gdańsk and the EU to unpack the contested spatial nature of authoritarian neoliberalism.

Vom Krieg zur Liebe. Nietzsches Philosophieren über Männlichkeiten im Lichte von Gegenwartsdebatten

Abstract Recent discussions have connected Nietzsche’s philosophy of masculinity to the return of authoritarian politics. Neoconservative debates about masculinity, and right-wing extremism, explicitly refer back to Nietzsche’s philosophy and often present democratization, a feminization of society, and political correctness as responsible for a weakening of masculinity. One example for this reception of Nietzsche’s writings is Jordan Peterson’s psychological diagnosis of a presumed crisis of masculinity. This article undertakes a comparison of Nietzsche’s philosophy of masculinities with Peterson’s neo-Jungian psychology of masculinity in the context of recent conceptualizations of patriarchy, misogyny, and gendered forms of ressentiment. This comparison will highlight that Nietzsche’s conception of masculinity is more complex, and has philosophically more to offer, than neoconservative ideas about masculinity that onesidedly foreground male strength. Finally it will be pointed out how a Jungian analysis discloses aspects of the Dionysian that are of relevance to contemporary gender studies of Nietzsche’s philosophy.

Donald Trump and Jacob Zuma as charismatic buffoons

ABSTRACT This analysis uses Walden Bello’s notion of charismatic politics to explain why ordinary people as voters have been complicit with the authoritarian politics of Donald Trump in the USA and Jacob Zuma in South Africa. In both cases, the authoritarian has displayed the capacity to connect with the masses by exploiting the yawning gap between popular aspirations and the messy realities of liberal democracy. Although, given the different contexts, they are different, the authoritarianisms of Trump and Zuma are not only charismatic, but share the quality of buffoonery, the capacity to attract popular support by acting out the charlatan and the fool. Yet the leader who combines charismatic authoritarianism with buffoonery is dangerous, presenting a threat to democracy which in the case of Trump is global and Zuma was local.

Election turnout in authoritarian regimes

Abstract What explains election turnout in authoritarian regimes? Despite the significant energy, resources, and time ruling parties devote to improving the participation rates of citizens, there exists extraordinary variation both within and across authoritarian regimes. This paper hypothesizes that election turnout is explained by contestation, coercion and clientelism. To test this theory, the paper uses an original dataset capturing turnout rates for 548 legislative elections in 108 countries between 1960 and 2011. The resulting empirical analysis confirms these Hypothesis – with one notable exception. Instead of encouraging turnout amongst citizens, clientelism discourages it. This counterintuitive finding occurs because citizens lack the optimum incentives for participation and ruling parties lack effective monitoring strategies of that behavior. The conclusion of the paper addresses its implications for existing theories of authoritarian politics and proposes several avenues for further research on election turnout under authoritarianism.

The Evolution of Authoritarianism and Restrictionism in Brazilian Immigration Policy: Jair Bolsonaro in Historical Perspective

Research on immigration politics has been focused on countries of the Global North. Latin America is often discussed only as a migrant‐sending region. This study offers a comparative‐historical analysis of Brazilian immigration policy from national independence to the present day. Based on archival research and synthesis of multiple documentation sources, the study finds an affinity between authoritarian politics and immigration restrictionism in the country, which is consistent with theories that link liberal democracy to pro‐immigrant policies. Brazilian authoritarian leaders have framed immigrants as threats to the security, order, and culture of the nation to justify tighter controls on immigration. The study concludes that immigration restrictionism can develop in the Global South with discourses strikingly similar to those circulated in the Global North. The findings also suggest that Brazil is still far from the ideal of a multiracial liberal democracy.

Authoritarianism and education in the interwar period: a history and its renewal

ABSTRACT The article will discuss some central relations between political authoritarianism and right-wing education in the interwar period. Then it is asked why these concepts and powers are renewed in today’ s politics and education. And in the end it shows what research gaps exist and how the articles of this special issue could fill them.

Theoretical Framework of Democratic Transition: Mechanisms of Democratization

Democratic transition from authoritarian rule has been an important focus of scholarly interest since 1970s. The democratic transition literature presented many concepts, theoretical arguments, methodological and analytical approaches to tackle with this phenomenon. This huge academic accumulation came in conjunction with what was called the third wave of democratization which started in the mid-seventies beginning from southern Europe, and extended during the decades of the eighties and nineties to include many countries around the globe. Democratic transition can be defined as a political process of establishing or enlarging the possibility of democratic participation and liberalization. This process reflects the redistribution of power between the state and the civil society. It is accompanied by the appearance of different centers of power and the introduction of the political debate. The article concentrates on the mechanisms which lead to the consensus between political actors which perform this democratic transformation. Democratic transition thus always requires a mechanism of negotiations, political talks, facilitating compromises between authoritarian politicians and democratic opposition and engendering a minimum level of trust between these parties. The strategy of political compromise has a major impact on the stability of society during the democratic transition period. This article addresses the concept of democratic transition alongside with general theories of democratization and the emergence of democratic transition studies. It focuses on some aspects in explaining the democratic transition theory. The negotiations, political talks and their impact on democratic transitions are also explored by the author. The article specifies the ways and methods through which the democratic transition is taking place in the global world.

Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism in Bangladesh

AbstractWe examine the changing nature of an authoritarian regime, which is emerging from the social and political conditions shaped by the unconsolidated democracy in Bangladesh. Drawing on desk-based research combined with interviews from the field, we argue that the current form of the authoritarian regime in Bangladesh represents the characteristics of competitive authoritarianism. We find that authoritarianism in Bangladesh combines “election manipulation” with three additional social and political mechanisms: “marginalization of political oppositions” leading to the oppositional void, “institutionalization of authoritarian policies,” and “co-option of religious leaders.” By adding these new mechanisms of authoritarian politics and tracing the links between politics and religion, we aim to expand the theory of competitive authoritarianism and unpack the puzzle of democratic consolidation in Bangladesh.

On the New German Ideology

Postwar Europe is partly reconstituted by a fear of democratic freedom, and a desire for political and economic stability. Constitutional relations are transformed over time through a mixture of political authoritarianism and economic liberalism. This takes place in a combination of domestic and supranational developments. The transformation also has a utopian dimension, and outlining its utopianism can help identify its ideological character. It is captured by such related terms as ‘postpolitics’, ‘post-nationalism’, ‘post-sovereignty’ and ‘the ‘end of history’. These terms all point to the way in which authoritarian liberalism is maintained not only – and perhaps not even predominantly - through coercion and consent but also in the grey area in between, namely through practices and beliefs that suggest politics can be transcended and the medium of law reign supreme. We may call this the new German ideology. It becomes a dominant trope in the European constitutional imagination. Although it is unsettled after Maastricht and enters a critical phase through the financial crisis, the new German ideology remains relatively resilient. It benefits from the support of a critical theory that has lost its moorings, and a political system that is able to incorporate aspects of authoritarian populism, even as the centre ground appears increasingly fragile.

The Role of Trust in Argumentation

Argumentation is important for sharing knowledge and information. Given that the receiver of an argument purportedly engages first and foremost with its content, one might expect trust to play a negligible epistemic role, as opposed to its crucial role in testimony. I argue on the contrary that trust plays a fundamental role in argumentative engagement. I present a realistic social epistemological account of argumentation inspired by social exchange theory. Here, argumentation is a form of epistemic exchange. I illustrate my argument with two real-life examples: vaccination hesitancy, and the undermining of the credibility of traditional sources of information by authoritarian politicians.

Revisiting power and powerlessness: Speculating on West Virginia’s energy future and the externalities of the socioecological fix

China is positioning itself as a global leader in both renewable energy research, development, and deployment, and fossil fuel investment, exploration, and consumption. The newly merged mega-company, China Energy Investment Corp., has agreed to invest an unprecedented $83.7 billion into shale gas, power, and chemical projects in West Virginia. This decision comes after a visit to China by the United States’ President Trump, during which he secured professed commitments for over $250 billion in energy investments across the United States. While investment and dispossession in Appalachia have long been international in scope, the scale of this investment, as well as its particular political-historical context, makes this case unique. This paper analyzes two key processes central to this conjuncture in West Virginia’s recent history. First, building on recent scholarship, it argues that the ways in which the social and environmental costs of meeting China’s energy needs are increasingly being externalized into global “sacrifice zones” at global scales, even as China is making massive domestic investments in renewable energy, may constitute a sort of regional “socioecological fix” to the environmental effects of capitalist development. Second, via a consideration of Gaventa’s classic and more recent analyses of power and powerlessness in an Appalachian coal community, it explores why and how political assent to such development—which seems to reprise so many historical patterns that local critics decry—is secured in West Virginia. In doing so, it pays particular attention to the ways in which these familiar processes are playing out in a distinctive contemporary context, one characterized by a combination of populist and authoritarian politics that, in the United States, have touted false promises to “bring back coal” and rejuvenate a struggling local economy, and in China have led an authoritarian state to maintain economic growth for the nation at all costs.

A global analysis of cultural tightness in non-industrial societies.

Human groups have long faced ecological threats such as resource stress and warfare, and must also overcome strains on coordination and cooperation that are imposed by growing social complexity. Tightness-looseness (TL) theory suggests that societies react to these challenges by becoming culturally tighter, with stronger norms and harsher punishment of deviant behaviour. TL theory further predicts that tightening is associated with downstream effects on social, political and religious institutions. Here, we comprehensively test TL theory in a sample of non-industrial societies. Since previous studies of TL theory have sampled contemporary countries and American states, our analysis allows us to examine whether the theory generalizes to societies in the ethnographic record and also to explore new correlates of tightness that vary more in non-industrial societies. We find that tightness covaries across domains of social norms, such as socialization, law and gender. We also show that tightness correlates with several theorized antecedents (ecological threat, complexity, residential homogeneity) and several theorized consequences (intergroup contact, political authoritarianism, moralizing religious beliefs). We integrate these findings into a holistic model of tightness in non-industrial societies and provide metrics that can be used by future studies on cultural tightness in the ethnographic record.

Psychoanalytic notes on the erotic politics of fascism and authoritarianism

Recent contributions to the politics of identity and the rise in authoritarianism or “fascist creep” are criticized for their failure to take account of psychoanalytic insights into the libidinality of belonging, othering, and hating. In this context, crucial distinctions between the interlinked processes of oppression, suppression, and repression are outlined. Despite its substantial flaws, Wilhelm Reich’s 1933 essay on fascism is credited for its emphasis on the erotic underpinnings of authoritarianism and its associated phenomena. It is regretted that subsequent psychoanalytic and psychoanalytically-oriented critiques relevant to the rise of fascism have usually ignored the significance of libidinality. It is further suggested that the erotics of identity and belonging, as well as the ubiquitous dynamics of domination/subjugation, should be examined via a psychoanalytic (and materialist) reconsideration of Hegel’s discussion of the master/slave dialectic.

Marketing Communist Party membership in China

The selection of political officials is under-studied in economic analysis of authoritarian politics. In the absence of elections, the autocracy alone is burdened with the task of selecting the right candidate for every political position. This paper tries to empirically investigate an authoritarian political selection market where a dictator “sells” potentially valuable political membership to eligible supporters who have to pay a “price” in terms of screening cost. We highlight one dilemma that many contemporary autocracies face, namely the need to recruit educated elites who usually have better options in the private sector and are less dependent on the regime. This paper argues that autocracies can minimize this challenge by actively screening for unobservable loyalty conditional on observed technical skills. Using micro-level Chinese Communist Party college recruitment data, we show that the party adopts a discriminative strategy of lowering (but not removing) the screening cost for high-ability students and more intensively screening for loyalty among low-ability students. Using brainwashing course scores as a measurement of loyalty provides suggestive evidence that party members of a given ability level have more loyalty than nonmembers at the same ability level.

Open Data from Authoritarian Regimes: New Opportunities, New Challenges

Data availability has long been a challenge for scholars of authoritarian politics. However, the promotion of open government data—through voluntary initiatives such as the Open Government Partnership and soft conditionalities tied to foreign aid—has motivated many of the world’s more closed regimes to produce and publish fine-grained data on public goods provision, taxation, and more. While this has been a boon to scholars of autocracies, we argue that the politics of data production and dissemination in these countries create new challenges. Systematically missing or biased data may jeopardize research integrity and lead to false inferences. We provide evidence of such risks from Tanzania. The example also shows how data manipulation fits into the broader set of strategies that authoritarian leaders use to legitimate and prolong their rule. Comparing data released to the public on local tax revenues with verified internal figures, we find that the public data appear to significantly underestimate opposition performance. This can bias studies on local government capacity and risk parroting the party line in data form. We conclude by providing a framework that researchers can use to anticipate and detect manipulation in newly available data.