Authoritarian Research Articles

Platform liability, hate speech and the fundamental right to free speech

ABSTRACT In contemporary society, the rise of social media has dramatically transformed the sharing of information, bypassing traditional editorial and governmental controls. This shift has enabled rapid global information sharing but also raised concerns about the influence of social media platforms, even in democratic societies. Legislative responses, such as Germany's Network Enforcement Act of 2017, mandated swift removal of illegal content, influencing over twenty other nations to enact similar laws. These regulations often target hate speech but risk suppressing political opposition, particularly in authoritarian regimes. The European Union’s Digital Services Act came into force in 2024 and imposes stringent removal obligations on platforms. This enhanced platform regulation pushes companies towards the use of automated content moderation for purposes of meeting those obligations. A 2024 report found a substantial majority (87.5% to 99.7%) of deleted comments on Facebook and YouTube in France, Germany, and Sweden were legally permissible, suggesting that platforms, pages, or channels may be over-removing content to avoid regulatory penalties. Against the backdrop of this recent data, the paper examines the possible impact of stringent platform liability legislation on free speech in the ambit of hate speech, focusing on the delicate balance between regulation and freedom of expression.

Revisiting the Debates on the 2010 Constitutional Referendum in Turkey: Democratic Transition or Authoritarian Populism?

This article revisits the scholarly debates on the AKP’s constitutional amendment package that was put to vote in the 2010 Constitutional Referendum. It takes the democratic theorist Andrew Arato and constitutional scholar Aslı Bali as major representatives of the two opposing views on the political implications of the reform proposal. It compares and contrasts their arguments particularly in light of their different assessments of the amendments which concern the restructuring of the judiciary, especially the Turkish Constitutional Court. It argues that their fundamental controversy with regard to the democratic or authoritarian nature of these amendments is rooted in the contrast between Bali’s predominantly contextual and Arato’s predominantly global approach. While Bali affirms the reform proposal as a democratic step forward in transcending the persistent legacy of the Kemalist authoritarian “tutelary” regime represented by the Constitutional Court, Arato interprets it as a manifestation of the global populist-authoritarian retreat that is expresses itself most visibly through assaults against the independent judiciary. After a critical reading of these two approaches, this paper finalizes by way of introducing a new framework that would counterbalance the contextual with the global and vice versa that would arguably provide a new perspective through which one could unveil the particular characteristics of the AKP’s populist constitutional politics at the time of the Referendum.

Accommodating Journalism in Authoritarian Political Regimes. The Interventionist and Loyal-Facilitator Roles in Cuba and Venezuela

ABSTRACT This study examines the relationship between accommodating journalism and journalistic roles in authoritarian regimes, focusing on Cuba and Venezuela. Through content analysis of news from influential media outlets in both countries, the study assesses professional roles including loyal facilitator, watchdog, civic, infotainment, service, and interventionist roles. In particular this study aims to measure the presence of the loyal-facilitator and interventionist roles in the media of Cuba and Venezuela; to explore potential differences between both countries; and to contrast whether media ownership influences the performance of interventionist and loyal facilitator roles. Findings show similar patterns, but they especially indicate significant differences between Cuba and Venezuela, with Cuban journalism showing higher prevalence of interventionist and loyal facilitator roles, while the other roles are more frequent in Venezuelan journalism. Media ownership can also influence the adoption of journalistic roles: while in Cuba accommodating discourses are not only dominant in state-owned media, in the case of Venezuela private and civil society media tend to show a more critical discourse compared to state-owned ones. These findings contribute to understanding journalistic roles in authoritarian regimes, supporting the existence of accommodating journalism in these contexts, but with a somewhat more independent journalism in Venezuela.

Authoritarian governance of academia in Central and Eastern Europe: Chances of a European counter-culture

Abstract This article highlights the challenges of external reactions to authoritarian higher education governance in certain Central and Eastern European countries, especially Hungary and Poland. It interprets the political change in these countries as an authoritarian cultural backlash, which is not just a legal or political problem, but a kind of post-fascist cultural revolution contesting the liberal script. First, the article explains the framework of authoritarian policing in academia based on the more general works of Bob Altemeyer and Zeev Sternhell. Second, it tries to answer the question: What tools could counter these tendencies from the perspective of the European Union? As the article interprets the rise of authoritarianism as a phenomenon rooted in the cultural deficit of the countries concerned, it argues that a programme for a democratic and pluralist cultural counter-revolution should be implemented. However, no nation can be democratized solely by external actors, and the basics of democratic thinking should be developed from the grassroots level. If the crisis in academia is rooted in a value-crisis within the societies concerned, then measures countering this phenomenon should also include promoting Enlightened pluralism at all levels of these societies.

Portrayals of Indigenous peoples and the development of multiculturalism in Taiwanese citizenship education

ABSTRACT This article investigates how Indigenous peoples have been portrayed in citizenship education in Taiwan since the downfall of the authoritarian regime in 1987. The trajectory of citizenship curriculum development elucidates how attitudes towards cultural citizenship and multiculturalism came into play to form the narratives we find in schools. Four versions of the official curriculum from 1983, 1999, 2010 and 2019 and the textbooks authorised for use with each are examined. Interviews with curriculum developers are also conducted to provide explanations behind the curriculum design. Through content and discourse analysis, it is discovered that Taiwanese citizenship education has evolved along conservative, liberal, pluralistic and critical multicultural constructs, and that portrayals of the Indigenous population have swung from depicting invisible, archaic and mythical figures to showing visible contemporary faces. The latest curriculum has adopted ‘question-based’ and ‘inter-curricular communication’ strategies to go beyond simplistic carnival-like multicultural celebrations. These thought-provoking and counter-narrative features aim to bring out critical perspectives in class though the latest curriculum still has room for improvement in terms of its subtlety of intersectionality and its action-oriented design. This Taiwanese case can be an example to young democracies in how a critical framework can be incorporated into the curriculum-making process.

Can information transparency strengthen authoritarian accountability? An empirical study of open-government-information litigation in China (2008–2018)

China’s 2008 national regulation on open government information (OGI) triggered a new wave of administrative litigation against governments calling for their release of classified information. Many scholars have debated the effects of OGI regulation and litigation on government accountability. Thus, this study examines 19,076 first instance OGI cases from 2008 to 2018 and proposes a typology of accountbility to explore whether and how information transparency can strengthen authoritarian accountability in China. The data suggests that information transparency boosts the amount of litigation and increases the plaintiffs’ winning rates against the state, which seems to fit the conventional-wisdom However, the interpretation of such patterns needs to incorporate two contingent conditions. First, China’s OGO litigation centers around urbanization-related disputes, such as housing demolition and land acquisition. The data futher reveals that urbanization stimulates OGI litigation but decreases the plaintiffs’ winning rates, and information transparency also has no impacts or even negative association with their winning rates, suggesting that OGI litigation mainly serves as a channel to release public grievances (as pressure-releasing accountbility). Second, our data also shows that plaintiffs’ winning rates are much higher when citing procedural clauses than content clauses in the OGI Regulation, suggesting authoritarian accountability is more procedural than substantive. Our findings offer a nuanced discussion on authoritarian information governance and accountability.

Workload, Legal Doctrine, and Judicial Review in An Authoritarian Regime: A Study of Expropriation Judgments in China

This paper contributes one of the first systematic studies on how courts adjudicate expropriation disputes both in the absence of judicial independence and in the face of resource constraints, extends the study of judicial workload into an authoritarian context, and demonstrates the complicated and dynamic interactions between apolitical and political aspects of courts in authoritarian regimes. Our results demonstrate that legal doctrine can check the abuse of government power even in situations where it is least expected. Specifically, we examined how Chinese courts, faced with an explosive increase in workload caused by a legal reform in 2015, adjudicated expropriation disputes between the government and property rights holders. Employing a difference-in-differences method, we found an increased judicial workload to improve property rights holders’ chances of winning their case against the government. We discovered that judges’ use of hard-edged legal doctrine—administrative procedures, in particular—to save time constrained judicial discretion, which is prone to arbitrary political influence in authoritarian regimes.

Dictatorship, Health and Propaganda: The National Immunization Program (PNI) and the media campaign for compulsory vaccination

This article analyzes the films produced and broadcast between 1976 and 1978 by the National Agency and the Public Relations Office (ARP) for the campaign to publicize the mandatory vaccination that was instituted by the National Immunization Plan (PNI), created in 1975 and regulated by Decree No. 78,231 of August 12, 1976. The objective is to understand the narrative constructed through images and speeches aimed at convincing the population to make vaccination a culturally accepted practice. To achieve this, we examine the legislation on the subject during the period under analysis, namely the civil-military dictatorship. The dictatorial regime is approached based on the conceptual aspects that guide the analysis of the appropriation of health campaigns as propaganda and investments in a private and curative health model. We can therefore conclude that the initiative to create the PNI is a hiatus in this process of privatizing health, since it is not an action guided by the dictatorship's responsibility for the health of the population, but an action that involved the management of multiple actors in the health field, and which was embraced by the regime because it was a process directly linked to interests connected to the country's conservative modernization project.

Onion Services in the Wild: A Study of Deanonymization Attacks

Tor, the leading anonymization network, routes traffic over multiple relays to ensure client anonymity. Its Onion Services allow users to host services within the Tor network without revealing their location. While these techniques are crucial for users in authoritarian regimes and whistleblowers, they are also exploited by criminals. This paper diverges from the common focus on the technical vulnerabilities of the Tor protocol and instead explores the practical aspects of deanonymizing Onion Service users and operators. Despite Tor's robust security mechanisms, human errors in its usage and operation frequently lead to deanonymization. This study models law enforcement agencies as powerful attackers and evaluates documents from 136 court cases to determine investigative methods. We find that investigators employ different methods depending on the offense, with user mistakes being the dominant angle. Technical attacks, though comparatively rare, are highly effective and can potentially impact a large number of users simultaneously. Attacks on the well-researched Tor protocol are exceptionally rare, but their impact is even more significant. We argue that the human aspect of using Tor is the most critical deanonymization angle and that tailored guidelines for ethical users can help protect them from oppressive retaliation while still enabling the prosecution of criminal activity.

Democracy, Autocracy, and the Politics of the Covid Pandemic

This essay discusses the challenges facing research on the politics of the covid pandemic by reviewing studies focusing on how regime type affected the nature and effectiveness of covid responses both by governments and the broader public, and how these responses, in turn, have shaped the politics of both democratic and authoritarian regimes. The essay highlights the importance of accounting for the changing nature of the pandemic over time, and of thinking carefully about the scope conditions of covid-related arguments and findings.

Iberian Vistas: Franco, Salazar, and American Conservatives

The article takes both a historical and a present-oriented look at the influence of the twentieth-century authoritarian Iberian regimes—including their leaders, Franco and Salazar—on the American conservative movement. It explores the political and religious motivations and major narratives driving Hispanophilia and Lusophilia, and their main advocates. Furthermore, and with a comparative approach, the text analyzes the past and current arguments—in magazines, books, and social media—favoring both regimes, especially in the light of the revival within American conservatism of Catholic Integralism and the defense of alternative representative systems, such as corporatism, that could usher in a new postliberal political regime. The article further explores the potential impact—and inherent limitations—of such strategies and projects, and shows that the revival of interest in figures such as Franco and Salazar is significant not only in terms of a reinvigorated criticism of the political and moral philosophy of liberalism but also regarding the search for new political forms and regimes.

The Fiocruz archives: sources for research on science and health during the military dictatorship (1964-1985)

The scope of this paper is to analyze the relationship between the country's political redemocratization process from the 1980s onwards and the issue of identification, preservation and access to the archives of information and security bodies that worked to combat the opponents of the authoritarian regime during the military dictatorship (1964-1985). It addresses the dictatorship's action on university and scientific institutions, to highlight the importance of the archive of the Oswaldo Cruz Foundation, as well as the personal files maintained by scientists and donated to Casa de Oswaldo Cruz. It features archives and collections organized and available for public consultation, which can serve as research sources for historical studies on science and health during the dictatorship.

Electoral Systems and the Autocrat’s Trade-Off: Evidence from the Russian Duma

abstract: Legislative elections sustain authoritarian regimes, but distinct electoral systems simultaneously benefit and hurt the political prospects of those regimes. The author theorizes about a trade-off between electoral systems that facilitate information on local elite preferences, and systems that maintain legislative control. An electoral system can achieve either, but not at the same time. The author undertakes an empirical study of Russian federal deputies, half of whom are elected in single-member districts, the other half on a nationwide closed-party list. Candidates can register on both lists (N = 515), and district results determine final list affiliation. Electoral incentives change abruptly for deputies who are barely winning or losing their district, a fact that the author exploits to identify the effects of local representation on pro- and antiregime parliamentary behavior. The results support a trade-off: district-list deputies convey more information on local preferences in their speeches than party-list deputies do, but they oppose law proposals more frequently. How autocrats weigh this trade-off determines the electoral system and illuminates electoral reform in autocracies.

A Loyal Base: Support for Authoritarian Regimes in Times of Crisis

Does citizen belief in the non-instrumental principles of the political regime, such as strongman leadership, patriotism, or attachment to a charismatic leader, collectively known as normative support, help stabilize authoritarian regimes? While a large literature recognizes that authoritarian regimes depend on popular support to lower the costs of staying in power, existing research mainly views mass support for these regimes as instrumental, fuelled by performance. Using novel experimental evidence from two original online surveys fielded in Turkey and observational data, we find high levels of normative support for Turkey’s authoritarian rule. Further, our results demonstrate that instrumental and normative dimensions of support may be more closely related than previously theorized. Importantly, we show that both forms of support prevent voter defections in times of crisis. These findings, which revisit the importance of citizens’ support for regime resilience, have implications for research on mass opinion and defection cascades in electoral autocracies.

Student protests at Boğaziçi University against Turkey’s authoritarian regime

Amidst the proliferation of authoritarian regimes globally, youth has been on the front lines against top-down politics, antidemocratic norms and values, exclusion from decision-making processes, the privatisation of higher education, the erosion of academic freedom, the stigmatisation of different lifestyles, precarity and environmental degradations. As part of the global authoritarian wave, Turkey has witnessed a comprehensive economic, social and political transformation under Justice and Development Party (AKP) governments. The governing party has deepened neoliberal transformation, plundered environmental commons, imposed a conservative lifestyle, eroded democratic values, attacked academic freedom and intensified polarisation, precarity and corruption in the country. One of the biggest challenges to the AKP government has come from student resistance against the appointed rector at Boğaziçi University (BU). In this research, I focus on how BU has become a space of contestation by students against authoritarianism in Turkey. Against the top-down appointment of the rector, Boğaziçi resistance started in demand of the democratic election of the rector, institutional autonomy and the defence of academic freedom. However, through naming the appointed rector as ‘trustee’, students at BU have unequivocally made a resounding declaration for democracy, not only echoing within the confines of their campus but reverberating throughout the country.

SOME ASPECTS OF THE REGULATION OF THE INSTITUTION OF THE PRESIDENCY BY NATIONAL LEGISLATION AND LEGISLATION OF FOREIGN COUNTRIES

This article examines the issues of the content of the institution of the presidency in national legislation, while studying the legislative experience of foreign countries on this issue. The implementation of the principle of separation of powers on the basis of the political regime and form of government established in the state can have an impact on the formation of a model of presidency peculiar to a certain state. The development of the institution of the presidency has determined the emergence of a classification of its models used by foreign countries in accordance with their customs and traditions. The paper examines the features of the institution of the presidency in its various models, including in relation to a semi-presidential, presidential, parliamentary republic, as well as in countries with an authoritarian political regime. Special attention is paid to the concept of super-presidency, which has been developed in the CIS countries. The article examines the characteristics of the super-presidential form of government in relation to Kazakhstan, analyzing the causes and features of its implementation. Based on the consideration of the normative and actual status of the first person of the state, the peculiarities of the presidency in the Republic of Kazakhstan are determined. In addition, the question of the responsibility of the head of state to the people is raised. The definition of the degree of responsibility of the president becomes relevant in the light of constitutional innovations regarding the restriction of holding this position, joining political parties and the occupation by close relatives of the president of the positions of political civil servants, heads of quasi-public sector entities. Therefore, the work highlights some aspects of regulating the responsibility of the head of state and possible ways to resolve them.

Turkish Public Diplomacy in the Minutes of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (1931-1938)

For the young Republic of Turkey, the 1930s were a test of international public diplomacy. Turkey, which based its domestic and foreign policy on the principle of “Peace at home, peace in the world!”, was also concerned about its own future with the dictatorial regimes of Germany, Russia and Italy, which had distanced themselves from democratic governance and entered into an arms race with a sense of revenge, as well as the public diplomacy it would conduct and the measures it would take with the countries in its region. During the First World War, the country had suffered great devastation. The Turkish nation had spent everything it had in the struggle for liberation and was almost exhausted. However, it had managed to build a democratic state based on “National Sovereignty” despite the great economic depression that engulfed the world. However, the political developments in Europe and the possibility of the Republic of Turkey entering into a new chaos with the approaching World War could have destroyed all the gains and the future of the country. The task of protecting Turkey from this impending danger and keeping it safe could only be possible with the rational policies pursued by President Gazi Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and the correct decisions taken by the Turkish Grand National Assembly in line with these policies. The aim of this study is to examine the Turkish public diplomacy as reflected in the minutes of the Turkish Grand National Assembly of Turkey between 1932 and 1938 in order to prevent Turkey's involvement in the upcoming great war and to secure its gains with measures to ensure its security in the region.

When decolonization is hijacked

AbstractThis article asks how we should reconceptualize decolonization when it is hijacked by authoritarian/fascist forces. It focuses on the notorious Bhima Koregaon case in India in which 16 intellectuals/human rights defenders from across the country were imprisoned without trial as alleged terrorists. It shows how, on the one hand, decolonization is hijacked by the Hindu authoritarian regime and, on the other hand, colonial artifacts are resymbolized by the colonized to oppose oppression by native elites. It urges attention to the questions of who is mobilizing the language of decolonization and why. It argues that the most important anticolonial intellectuals may not use the language of decolonization and may not be in universities, but on the streets, with social movements, and in prison. It proposes that contemporary decolonization debates center processes of domination and oppression created by the state and global capital nexus, processes that are cultural, psychological, political, and economic. These processes are shown to entrench casteist/racist hierarchies, work through Indigenous elites, and create internal differentiation within marginalized communities, eschewing a unitary concept of indigenous ontology/cosmopolitics/worldviews. Calls for an emancipatory politics, such as that of decolonizing anthropology or the university, would be well placed to center these global processes and local nuances.

Queer Terrorists, Terrorist Queers: The Sexual Politics of Turkey’s War on Terror

How do the so-called wars on terror impact queer lives and politics? This article addresses this question by exploring the racialized gender and sexual politics of Turkey’s own brand of war on terror and its ramifications for LGBTQI+ lives. Building on long-term ethnographic fieldwork with the disabled veterans of Turkey’s Kurdish war and public culture analysis, I reveal how the political construction of Kurdish militants as queer figures goes hand in hand with state terrorization of LGBTQI+ people in contemporary Turkey. I anchor my analysis in a novel counterinsurgency trope—“terrorists in skirts”—a trope popularized by the state-controlled media for psychological warfare purposes. I argue that the voyeuristic media fascination with cross-dressing militants is both symptomatic and constructive of an Islamist-nationalist authoritarian regime where terrorism and gender and sexual nonnormativity are violently conflated in state discourse and practice.

How churches make education policy: the churchification of Hungarian education and the social question under religious populism

ABSTRACT Since 2010, Hungary’s authoritarian populist government has radically redefined church-state relations, promoting the governance narrative of building an ‘old-style Christian democracy’. Public education has been reconceptualised within a religious framework and outsourced to religious actors. This article explores how key religious organisations engage with the government’s religious populism and govern their expanding school networks. Given the immanent tension between nativist Christian-conservative identity politics and Christian teachings about the church’s social mission, I focus on how Christian church elites have engaged with the education of underprivileged communities. Four characteristic types of strategic involvement are identified based on church education policies and their legitimacy discourses concerning their (lack of) engagement with the social question. Despite using different approaches to navigate political pressures, both the nativist illiberal and inclusive liberal visions of religion and their corresponding policies have reinforced the structures of segregated education and legitimised the government’s education policy.