BOOKREVIEWS 243 Thucydides, Pericles, and Periclean Imperialism. By Edith FOSTER. New York and Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010. Pp. xi + 256. Hardcover,£50.00/$85.00.ISBN: 978-0-521-19266-8. Thucydides stands like a champion wrestler, challenging all opponents to interpret his History. Each new reader enters the ring, confident that some new and better hold will pin the historian down, only to find him slip from hisor her grasp. In recent years a major issue hasbeen Thucydides’ position on Athenianimperial policy, in particular whether and to what extent he sees a difference between Pericles and his successors. In Thucydides, Pericles, and Periclean Imperialism, Edith Foster presents a sensitive reading of the text that builds especially on the observations of Strasburger and Stahl. Foster’s principal “new hold” is an analysis of references to materials of war (collectively, paraskeuê), which she studies exhaustively in the Archaeology and more selectively thereafter. Using contrasting close readings of the narrative and the speeches from the beginning of the history to 2.65, Foster argues that the differences indicate that Pericles is not a spokesman for the author, nor does Thucydides the narrator share the chauvinism, imperialism , and materialism displayed in Pericles’ speeches as reported. On the contrary, Thucydides writes partly “to show the price of Periclean materialism and imperialism ”(3). In the first chapter, Foster’s analysis of the Archaeology, including the thalassocracy of Minos, the Trojan War, and the later increase in naval power of Corinth and other cities, focuses on the destructive effects of the growth of resources for war. Sparta and Athens were able initially to become stronger without “the acquisitive habit,” but they too succumbed after the Persian Wars. Foster concludes, “The Archaeology in fact shows that each successive phase of Greek history wrecks itself on warfare and the attempt to exploit others and showcases the psychologies (the love of gain and glory, the desire to be free of labor, the fear of domination) that motivate the continuous appearance of the imperialistic drive” (43). The next chapter on the conflict between Corinth and Corcyra illustrates further how “the mere possession of a navy moves human beings to irrational recklessness” (78) and how events quickly escape human control. Moreover, the revolt of Potidaea put Athens under an enormous strain, which revealed a serious weaknessinthe imperial ideal: archê did not guarantee security. In the Pentacontaetia Thucydides displays the acme of Athenian power, but, for Foster, here too the Egyptian disaster and the revolts of the allies illustrate Athens ’precarious hold onempire. 244 BOOK REVIEWS In chapter four, Foster turns to the character Pericles, commenting, “Thucydides makes him symbolic for the tragedy of Athens and his age” (121). Here, exceptionally, Foster’s analysis moves beyond Thucydides’ text to speculate, following Davies, on the possible effect of the Alcmeonid curse on Pericles’ psychology and politics, especially the intransigence of the first speech (129). Foster’s own anti-Periclean bias may lay behind her criticism of Pericles for misleadingly speaking of the Spartans as autourgoi, ignoring the fact that farm work was done by Helots, not Spartans (142–43). In fact, Pericles speaks of Peloponnêsioi, not Spartiates, at 1.141.3. Turning in the following chapter to Pericles ’ indirect speech at 2.13, Foster demonstrates the effectiveness of oratio obliqua here. Thucydides can foreground Pericles’ relentless attention to money and his readiness to count temple dedications and even the statue of Athena as wealth available to support the war, while adding authorial comments. However, whether Thucydides consciously distanced himself from Pericles here, as Foster argues, is less certain: the gar clause at 2.13.3, for instance, which Foster reads as a Thucydidean comment revealing the shaky underpinnings of imperial wealth (168), could equally be a clarification by Pericles himself. However Foster rightly insists that the vivid, highly emotional description of the abandonment of Attica (2.14–17) illustrates the non-monetary cost, minimized in Pericles’ speeches, of the divorce of the city from its land. Finally, in considering Pericles’ last two speeches and the account of the plague, Foster contrasts the speeches, seen as an “idealized and evasive presentation of Athenian imperial rule” with Thucydides’ “inexorably precise” description of the...
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