Hostile Attitudes Research Articles

О знакомстве Д. Н. Блудова с Н. М. Карамзиным (по письмам к В. А. Жуковскому 1804 г.)

This article introduces the reader to the letters Dmitry N. Bludov wrote to Vasily A. Zhukovsky in 1804 and includes the publication of these letters with an accompanying commentary. The article reconsiders the history of Bludov’s acquaintance with Nikolay M. Karamzin and presents an important chronological revision regarding Bludov’s biography. His personal acquaintance with the man changed the attitude of the young Bludov towards Karamzin. Bludov’s letters reveal that his literary taste was in tune with the declarations of the members of the Friends Literary Society in Moscow, and initially his rejection of sentimentalism entailed a hostile attitude towards Karamzin as the head of this literary movement. Zhukovsky, however, dissuaded Bludov from engaging in literary polemics against sentimentalism and helped Bludov in making Karamzin’s acquaintance.

The End of Days Deferred: Imperative Agency, Collective Responsibility, and Corporate Communication

This article analyses the discursive configuration of a widespread assumption – that the event of climate emergency should be met with some form of concerted collective action. Beginning with references to the concept of 'greenwashing', it goes on to note the temporal framing of climate disaster and the imperative agency advocated in the types of address used by news organisations, climate scientists and bodies (like the United Nations) devoted to global governance. Standard media practices, which serve a vital function in circulating meaning, are also discussed, on the basis that, while they seem to advocate timely intervention, they also disassociate environmental awareness from the radical measures needed to mitigate disaster, displaying an ambiguous or (in some cases) hostile attitude to the activist forces that could drive recuperative transformations in climate policy.<br/> I argue that effective mitigation is deferred for three interrelated reasons: first, because of the recurrent emphasis placed on momentous (future) tipping points, which obscures a more insidious and rapid deterioration in the present; second, the preeminent tendency of mediated climate discourse to call for 'leadership' on issues that a deeply compromised political establishment cannot fully address; and third, state/corporate collusion, which makes a show of balancing competing demands (economic growth and zero emissions, for example), but is actually committed to a criminal model of industrial enterprise. Taken together, these factors – combined with the neglect of subaltern and alternative voices and the instinctive journalistic deference shown to elite social actors and their 'authoritative' utterances – help replicate the material/ideological structures of the social order and its hierarchical distinction between, on the one hand, leadership figures and, on the other, an infantilised public supposedly in need of rational direction.<br/> The article substantiates these observations by analysing the PR strategies of the oil and gas company, bp, while distinguishing between greenwashing critiques and the approach advocated here, which recommends the delegitimisation of corporate discourse on the basis that corporations have no right to engage in what is in effect a form of political communication. The conclusion to this piece suggests that, if the span of human life on earth has indeed been circumscribed by climate breakdown, then the emergency is political, and fighting for an immediate and 'immoderate' form of social justice is the only way to address a crisis that elite social actors seem determined to ignore, misrepresent or monetise.

"Ad limina" Reports by the Bishops of Wrocław from the 17th and 18th centuries

The article refers to the duty of paying regular visits at the Holy See, “imposed on diocesan bishops by the Council of Trent,” on the example of the Wrocław dio-cese in the 17th and 18th centuries. Pursuant to the Romanus Pontifex bull by Pope Sixtus V of 20 December 1585, bishops of Wrocław (as well as all the other bish-ops from this part of Europe) were obliged to regularly visit the Holy See, going to Rome every four years to submit a written report on the condition of their dioces-es. Vatican sources contain 14 written reports from Wrocław from the period of 1603-1777. These reports lead to the conclusion that bishops of Wrocław treated the duty in a rather formalistic manner. The interval of four years required by the bull of Pope Sixtus V was rarely observed; often, there was just one visit through-out the governance of a given bishop. They also failed to pay visits in person, but were represented by special procurators approved by Rome, usually canons or trustees who also wrote the reports. Because, until 1740, there were no specific regulations or templates for writing the reports, their scope and contents signifi-cantly differed. The longest and the most abundant in contents were the ones drafted by bishops Sebastian von Rostock (1667), Friedrich von Hessen (1678), and Franz Ludwig (1708). In the report, the focus is on the static description of the diocese (seat of the diocese with the cathedral, chapter, and bishop’s residence, diocesan institutions, administrative structure of the diocese, convents on the premises), but the confession and political conditions in which the Catholic Church in Silesia had to proceed with its pastoral duties are rarely analysed. In the 17th and 18th centuries, it was always pointed out that the Church was unable to oper-ate successfully, principally due to the aggressive behaviour of the Protestants, and the hostile attitude of rulers of particular Silesian duchies. There was much less information about the clergy and the faithful. Attention must be drawn to measures indicated by some bishops of Wrocław, aimed at eliminating the shortages and intensifying the religious life in Silesia.

The Peasant Revolution in Naddniprianshchyna (1917–1920) on the pages of «The Chervona Kalyna Chronicle»

The purpose of the article is to explore and evaluate the attitude towards the events of the peasant revolution in Naddniprianshchyna among the eyewitnesses – soldiers of the Galician units, participants of the national liberation movement of 1914–1921 in «Greater Ukraine». Research methods: historical-chronological, comparative, and descriptive. The main results: the article reveals the specifics of the military-historical memoirs published on the pages of the journal «The Chervona Kalyna Chronicle», as a source of the history of the Peasant revolution in Naddniprianshchyna. Four categories of authors writing for «The Chervona Kalyna Chronicle» on peasant issues were identified: participants of the Ukrainian national movement in Naddniprianshchyna (M. Mykhailyk, F. Meleshko, Ya. Vodianyi); prisoners of war of the Austro-Hungarian army and the Legion of Ukrainian Sich Riflemen (S. Stechyshyn, V. Struk); senior officers of the «Kyiv» Sich Riflemen (I. Andrukh and I. Vyslotskyi); foremen and riflemen of the UGA (Ukrainian Galician Army). The first two categories of authors were either local residents or lived among the peasantry for a long time and painted a coherent, albeit contradictory, picture of the development of events in the Ukrainian countryside in 1917 – early 1918: their main concern was the activation of national-democratic forces and the growth of social struggle in peasants against landlords, radicalization of military-political confrontation. The authors of the third category, who came from the ranks of the Ukrainian Sich Riflemen, pointed out the indifferent attitude of the peasants to the national idea, traced the evolution of the attitudes of the peasantry of Naddniprianshchyna under the conditions of the Hetmanate of P. Skoropadskyi and other political regimes. The fourth group of authors (the UGA soldiers) is the largest. Their articles are devoted to the turning points in the development of the Ukrainian revolution: the transition to Zbruch, the typhus epidemic, and the split of the UGA, alliances with the Volunteer Army of A. Denikin and the Bolsheviks. Against the background of these military and political events, the problem of relations between the military and the peasantry can be clearly traced throughout the entire path of the UGA. The UGA soldiers focused their attention on such negative phenomena among the peasants as desertion, reluctance to fight for Ukrainian statehood, theft of military property, and hostile attitude towards sick soldiers. At the same time, the UGA soldiers contributed to the growth of the national consciousness of the population of Naddniprianshchyna. The mosaic fragments of relations with the peasantry, which contain memories, diaries, and essays of the UGA soldiers, are a valuable source of the history of the Peasant revolution in Naddniprianshchyna in 1917–1920. Practical significance: the results of the research can be useful in conducting general studies on the peasantry, compiling textbooks, and training manuals, in the preparation of lectures and seminar courses in institutions of higher education, and in local history workshops. Scientific innovation: for the first time, a complex of military-historical memoirs published in the «The Chervona Kalyna Chronicle» has been summarized and considered in the context of peasant research discourse and, in particular, the peasant revolution. Type of the article: research.

A fresh view of China’s OFDI, its motivations and risks thereto

The aims of this paper are: to examine the key reasons for the locations of and the reasons for China’s OFDI as it boomed and became a major OFDI player in the global economy; and, to assess the existence and nature of possible risks to such a boom continuing. The core of the paper, in its second section, is a time-indexed review of findings relating to the first theme noted above. The broad conclusions are that: China’s OFDI has been a great success in the period 2005–2019; its motivations have included all the usual possibilities, such as access to resources, market access, access to and reverse engineering of technology (very broadly construed), and access to cheap labour for manufacturing; but, it has also sought to wield political influence via infrastructural investment, and its increasingly hostile attitudes in geopolitical terms in the past decade may pose consequential threats to a continuation of the success to date.

Pandemic and Attitudes towards Immigrants: Evidence from South Korea during the COVID-19 Crisis

This article investigates the changes in South Koreans’ acceptance towards multiculturalism and acceptance towards North Korean defectors during the early months of the COVID-19 pandemic in South Korea and potential factors affecting the changes. Individual-level survey data conducted in 2018–2020 were used to compare pre- and post-COVID-19 period. The results demonstrate that the regions with severe local outbreaks during the early COVID-19 pandemic experienced increased hostile attitudes towards multiculturalism and increased discriminatory preference. On the other hand, the pandemic did not affect attitudes towards North Korean defectors. The change may be associated with fear of infection as interaction effects between vulnerability and affected regions after the pandemic were statistically significant. This finding suggests that efforts to disassociate infectious diseases and foreign migrants can mitigate increased hostility towards multiculturalism and foreigners.

Personal Relative Deprivation Increases Men's (but Not Women's) Hostile Sexism: The Mediating Role of Sense of Control

Hostile sexism is a blatant and explicit form of sexism consisting of antagonistic attitudes toward women. We hypothesized that men's personal relative deprivation, a subjectively perceived disadvantage, would predict their hostile sexism toward women. In addition, we expected that, if this effect occurs, a sense of control would act as a mediator. Five studies ( N = 1352) confirmed these hypotheses. Study 1 showed that personal relative deprivation predicted hostile sexism only for men, but not for women among Chinese college students. In addition, we observed the effect of personal relative deprivation only on hostile sexism, but not on benevolent sexism. Study 2, which employed participants from the United States, directly replicated the findings of Study 1. Studies 3 and 4 further showed that a sense of control acted as a mediator in this process. As such, increased hostile sexism attitude (Study 3) and hostile sexism behavior (Study 4) predicted by personal relative deprivation could result from a reduced sense of control. Study 5 further provided causal evidence that a temporarily induced state of personal relative deprivation resulted in a higher level of hostile sexism via a reduced sense of control. We discuss theoretical and practical implications for relative deprivation, gender inequality, and interventions.

On the Concept of Umma in World Politics

Islam Beyond Borders: The Umma in World Politics. James Piscatori & Amin Saikal. Cambridge University Press (2019)The concept of the Umma is elusive, with a wide array of meanings and interpretations. It is used differently by various circles within the Muslim community and states. To date, most Muslims comprehend Umma scripturally as a bond among Muslims everywhere, both majority and minority, with which the two entities are united by Islamic law. Furthermore, most traditional Muslims interpret the concept of Umma more spiritually as a type of family in the faith. Although departing from the doctrine of the Qur’an, the concept of the Umma has never been singular. Whereas the network of trust has driven the goal of ‘one community’ of faith, some perceive the Umma as not requiring territory, while others see it as competition with the modern nation-state. These different interpretations even go so far as an extreme interpretation of the Umma in pan-Islamism which has been suspected by the West of being an attitude of hostility and aggressiveness towards non-Muslims. Despite the diversity of interpretations of the dominant concept of the Umma being scriptural and spiritual, it has not been widely studied from the political Islam paradigm. Therefore, a thick description of the concept will enrich the literature for Muslims exposed to globalisation and social change globally.

Does the cjeu Misunderstand Investment Treaty Arbitration in Commission v Micula?

This article focuses on the recent judgment of the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) in European Commission v Micula (C-638/ 19 P) concentrating on two paragraphs in particular, namely paragraphs 144–145. These passages lead us to believe that the Court of Justice’s more recent and hostile attitude towards intra-EU investment treaty arbitration (in Achmea, Komstroy, and PL Holdings) might be a result of several misunderstandings by the Court on how investor-state arbitration and bit s work. The first concerns the nature of consent to arbitrate under an investment agreement. The second concerns the purpose of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS), and the third relates to the retroactive effects of the Court’s judgment in relation to Romania’s consent to arbitrate under the Romania-Sweden BIT. From these three issues the fourth misunderstanding follows, which is a lack of clarity on the relationship between EU law and the Member States’ existing obligations under the ICSID Convention. This discussion is relevant because it shows that when a court which is foreign to a system and uses the features of that system to define and develop its own legal system, the chances that the foreign system will be potentially misunderstood or mischaracterised are very high. This in turn will not only cause legal problems, such as issues with legal certainty and the finality of decisions for already concluded arbitrations, but it will also set in motion other unexpected consequences.

NOT ONE AND THE SAME: VARIED EXPERIENCES OF BENEVOLENT AGEISM IN OLDER ADULTHOOD

Abstract Prior work has explored benevolent and hostile attitudes toward older adults (Chasteen & Cary, 2015) and their paternalistic, mixed incompetent-warm perceptions within the Stereotype Content Model (SCM; Fiske et al., 2002); however, older adults’ perspectives of these attitudes have not received similar attention. This study assessed older adults’ experiences with benevolent and hostile ageism using an adapted version of the Ambivalent Ageism Scale (AAS; Cary et al., 2017; α=.85) and using a mean split, examined if there are differences among the younger- and older-older adults. Within a sample of older adults (Nf202) that ranged in age from 65–90 (M=71.6), we found that when comparing those aged 65–70 and 71 and above, those who were older (M=1.76, SD=.44) reported more experiences with benevolent ageism than their younger counterparts (M=1.56, SD=.42), t(200)=3.30, p =.001). These groups did not significantly differ in hostile ageism, t(200)= -.05, p = .96. When participants were asked why they have been treated thusly as described by the AAS items, 18% of the participants believed it was due to their age, in comparison to those who attributed it to personality (41%), gender (9%), or unknown factors (11%). Benevolent ageism is clearly not a monolithic experience for older adults as those who are older report more patronization, and not all participants felt age was the defining reason for their treatment. Further work should assess how these experiences are qualitatively different across diverse age groups of older adults, as ageism reduction interventions may need to be tailored appropriately.

Emigranci islamscy a zagrożenie terroryzmem

An increase the threat of terrorism from Muslim immigrants depends on several main factors, specially: susceptibility to radicalization of Muslims, acts of discrimination, religious and cultural prejudices of Europeans, social inequalities, difficulties of cultural assimilation. Particulary important in this context is only perception of islam, which is understood as religion with especially rigorous doctrine, but also itsinstrumentaluse by Muslim extremists, carrying outterrorist attacksin European countries. Transposition ofreligious contentsat the policy level, in conection with hostile attitude of Europeans to a Muslim diaspora, becomes the most important plane, on the basis of which should be predict terrorist threats, in particular their reasons, frequency and objectives.

THE ORTHODOX CHURCH OF GEORGIA AND THE ECUMENICAL MOVEMENT (BEFORE AND AFTER 1997)

The article analyzes the stance of the Orthodox Church of Georgia (OCG) towards the Ecumenical Movement before and after OCG’s departure from the World Council of Churches (WCC) and the Conference of European Churches (CEC) in 1997, and documents the controversies accompanying this development. Up until the 1990s, the hierarchy of the OCG was outstanding for its energetic ecumenical activities within the country as well as in the international arena. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the gaining of independence, religious nationalism and a hostile attitude towards religious and ethnic minorities grew stronger in Georgia. Having been tainted by a Soviet past, a mass mentality found such phenomena as pluralism, equality, religious freedom, etc, characteristic of the free world, to be foreign. A contingent of Orthodox fundamentalistsis gradually growing stronger in the OCG, which considers the defense of Orthodoxy against ‘sects’ and the ‘ruinous’ innovations of the West its holy obligation. Since the middle of the 1990s, this group intensified its agitation against ‘ecumenism’, and its pressure on the church hierarchy to keep its distance, threatening with schism in the worst case. This anti-ecumenical propaganda organized by monks is supported by a part of the married clergy, their parishes, the media, and some politicians. The OCG was eventually forced to leave the WCC and the CEC, although it inflicted church penances upon the monks leading the rebellion. Some of the anti-ecumenist monks go even further and are demanding the OCG to cease Eucharistic communion with all the Orthodox churches who are still members of ecumenical organizations. As the OCG would not satisfy this demand, the result was an actual schism of the radical anti-ecumenists and the foundation of their own ‘Truly Orthodox’ Church in Georgia.

The Contributions of Asian Muslims’ Local Wisdom in the Seloko Adat Jambi for Empowering Social Tolerance

This article discusses the tolerance values in Seloko Adat Jambi as one of the treasures ofJambi society. Jambi is known as free conflict area and is classified as a plural societyconsisting of various beliefs, ethnic, cultural, and religious schools of thought. The toleranceof the society is inspired by tolerance values in Seloko Adat Jambi. The aims of this study areto explore the values of tolerance in Seloko Adat Jambi and to show that these values areactualized in their social life. This study uses a content analysis method that explores tolerancevalues in Seloko Adat Jambi texts. The findings show that empathy, friendliness, and respectothers are derivative values of tolerance in Seloko Adat Jambi. In addition, the actualization ofthe values of tolerance is manifested in the ethical awareness of people who tend to respectothers, try to prevent conflicts, resolve conflicts appropriately and thoroughly, and obey therules that exist in society. In conclusion, the Jambi people are accustomed to the values oflocal wisdom which are full of values of tolerance and respect for others. All of these thoughtshave shaped them into a society that avoid fanatical, extreme, and hostile attitudes.

Employment of master’s degree graduates in Kazakhstan: navigating an uncertain labour market

ABSTRACT This article explores the employment experiences of government scholarship graduates from one master’s degree programme at a flagship university in Kazakhstan. Analysis of interviews with graduates of a master’s degree programme designed in response to a national policy agenda shows that graduates encountered numerous challenges transitioning from university to work despite obtaining a degree from a top Kazakhstani university. The key challenges included limited employment opportunities, hostile attitudes toward younger graduates, difficult working conditions and employers’ misunderstanding of the new master’s programmes. We argue that despite significant government financial investment in education, a weak enabling support system hinders graduates’ career advancement and results in job mismatch and underutilization of skills. We suggest that policymakers need to shift debates on human capital development and graduate employability from supply-side factors to a more comprehensive model in which graduate employment is supported through the collaboration of the higher education system, industry, policymakers and graduates themselves.

Attitudes towards no-European Immigrants in EU: The Role of Legacy Media and New Media

Many studies in different scientific fields offer controversial results on the media’s role to influence attitudes towards immigration. In the present paper, the attitude that European public opinion has towards no-European immigration is analysed through data from Eurobarometer in the 3 waves starting in 2017 until the latest updated in 2019 with the aim to estimate the relationship with new and legacy media use. Specifying repeated measures multilevel models, we find that the use of legacy media (TV, press, and radio) and new media (website and online social networks) affects the relationship between citizens’ opinion in EU and attitudes towards no-European immigrants, when the European migration crisis reaches high levels and the migration issue becomes heated for public opinion. High exposure to news communication produces different relationships looking at legacy and new media. If radio, TV, newspapers are used frequently to obtain political information, the attitudes towards external migration are hostile but also in the case of new media. Legacy media manage to soften the negative attitude towards no-European immigrants, at least for low levels of immigration. On the contrary, new media are able to bring European citizens into line with even negative or hostile attitudes.

Addressing Hostile Attitudes in and through Education—Transformative Ideas from Finnish Youth

Amid global disturbances, the calls for educational institutions to promote peace and counter hostility intensify. However, policymakers and other adults typically draft the various programs developed for schools to pursue this mission. While young people have valuable insights into the realities and issues around them, their ideas are rarely solicited in this respect. This study contributes towards filling this gap by bringing insights from Finnish youth on how to address hostile attitudes and foster the development of more peaceful futures in and through education. The data were gathered through an online survey sent to students in upper-secondary education (16- to 20-year-olds) in Finland. The survey included an open-ended question on how schools could address hostile attitudes. In total, 2744 students answered this question, and their responses composed the data of this study. Through qualitative analysis, we found that their suggestions concerned both the academic and social dimensions of school education in addressing hostile attitudes. The students highlighted that to change people’s attitudes and beliefs, they need to know more, and most importantly, they need to know differently. They proposed self-reflection and dialogue as pedagogical tools for the critical examination of one’s taken-for-granted assumptions. The students’ ideas align well with the tenets of transformative learning, which could be valuable in developing educational approaches for more peaceful societies.

Islamic Factor in the Anti-Indian Rhetoric of the Pakistan Army

The article analyses the specifics of the appeal to the Islamic factor in Pakistan to justify the conflict with India. Long-lasting confrontation between the two countries contributed to the cultivation of an enemy image of India by the Pakistan military, that was built mostly on the opposition of Muslims and Hindus, the incompatibility of their mentality and value systems. Thus, due to the policy of the military regimes, a religious motive became an inseparable part of the Indian-Pakistani confrontation. At the same time, for the Pakistani military personnel who joined the service under the colonial government hostile attitude towards India and the Hindu population was not typical. Such events as partition of British India and the colonial armed forces on the religious basis, the clashes between Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs, and the first Indo-Pakistani war contributed to the fact that Pakistani Muslim offi cers began to distrust Hindus. Subsequent generations of military personnel showed open hostility towards the Hindus, that contributed to the perception of the conflict with India in the spirit of the “clash of civilizations”. Justifi cation for the struggle in Kashmir is an important indicator of this, as it is depicted as protection of the Muslim brothers from the Hindu rule. Since Islam is positioned as a fundamental doctrine in Pakistan, these views on the confl ict have become an integral part of the ideology in general.

A Perspective of the Human–Grey Wolf (Canis lupus) Conflicts in Kumrat Valley, Northern Pakistan

In developing countries, long-term conservation goals are hindered by the high economic costs of human–wildlife conflicts. The grey wolf is one of the prominent species indulged in these incidents. We investigated human–wolf conflicts (HWCs) by interviewing 104 respondents from five villages in Kumrat Valley, northern Pakistan. The respondents declared the grey wolf a common and highly dangerous carnivore. The grey wolf was found implicated in livestock predation, inflicting a yearly economic loss of USD 9225 (USD 88.70 per household (with monthly average income of 119 USD)). Our results confirmed that livestock predation was the main reason for the community’s hostile attitude (65.38%) and perception of the grey wolf. Concerning occupation, farmers have the most significant negative attitude (p = 0.040) towards the grey wolf, yet employees (p = 0.025) and students (p = 0.030) showed a positive attitude. In addition, the other factors contributing to the negative attitude towards the grey wolf were the grey wolf sightings and livestock predation (p = 0.016 and p = 0.006), respectively. Based on the findings, we believe that predation compensation and livestock vaccination programs (as done in Gilgit-Baltistan Province of northern Pakistan as a measure of snow leopard conservation, to prevent mass mortalities of livestock due to diseases and in turn safeguarding the predator from retaliatory killing by locals in case of livestock predation) educating the populous can be very promising in minimizing the HWCs in the study area. We also recommend robust and continuous coordination between the local communities and the concerned departments.

INFORMATION HYGIENE AS A MEANS OF COUNTERACTING INFORMATION INFLUENCE IN THE CONTEXT OF RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR

The given research touches upon the problem of counteracting information influence, which has become urgent since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by the russian federation. The object of the research is the most conventional methods and means of influence, as well as the plausible consequences for the citizens, society, national security and the country’s image on the international arena. The main aim is to analyze the ways to counteract information influence, as well as to define the essence of information hygiene as one of the efforts against disinformation, manipulative narratives and other forms of information influence. While studying the issue, the research methods of modern gnoseology have been applied. The theory of cognition of conceptual provisions developed by the key experts in the information domain was used as the methodological basis for the research. The following approaches to the research: dialectical, logical, comparative, functional, systemic and others have been applied. Having analysed the scientific resources, we have found out that the problem of information influence is not just-arisen for Ukraine; the state has been resisting information threats during a so called hybrid war with Russia. The main aim of russian information campaigns of that time was to spread fake information about the events in Ukraine, create negative attitude to the government and its policy, as well as to encourage discontent, aggressive or even hostile attitude to each other among Ukrainian citizens. Taking into account the threat, some significant attempts to form the state policy in information security at the legislative level were made. Moreover, a range of social projects aiming to raise the population awareness about potential threats, help them to resist these challenges, and not to get involved into “dirty data”, were introduced. However, with the outbreak of a full-scale war, aims, methods and means of information influence have changed, which correspondently require an appropriate response from both people and the state. Disinformation, destruction of the sources of information on the temporary occupied territories, use of alternative propagandist channels – all these means aim to have a psychological influence on the population, to “sow seeds” of dissatisfaction and despair, as well as to undermine the image of Ukraine and the Armed Forces in the world. In this respect, the authors have analysed and offered some means of counteracting information influence in the context of russian-Ukrainian war, as well as concluded the following: counteracting negative influence is a serious problem which requires a comprehensive approach; following the principles and rules of information hygiene by citizens, as well as governmental and media establishments is the key to resilience and national security. Keywords: information-manipulative technologies, national security, information security, disinformation, information hygiene.

The role of sexual orientation and the perceived threat posed by men in the acceptance of sexism

We aimed at examining the differences between straight (N = 583) and gay (N = 112) people in terms of the acceptance of ambivalent sexist attitudes not only toward women (ASI) but also toward men (AMI) and how the level of perceived threat posed by men (Realistic Threat Scale) influences these attitudes' acceptance. The study results showed that gay men endorsed hostile sexism at the same level as straight men, while lesbian women were more hostile toward men than straight women. In this study, gay people manifested significantly lower levels of benevolent (sexist) attitudes toward both genders than straight people. While a positive relationship was identified between the perceived threat posed by men and hostility toward men, there was a reciprocal correlation in the case of hostile sexism. Men who recognized the threat men can pose to women were less accepting of hostile sexism and more accepting of hostile attitudes toward their own gender group. Moreover, straight men who recognized this threat endorsed less benevolent attitudes toward their own gender group than those who failed to admit it. Our results showed that heterosexual interdependence and recognizing the threat posed by men highly influence the extent to which hostile and benevolent (sexist) attitudes toward women and men are accepted or rejected. The implications and practical relevance of our study are also discussed.