Atlantic Community Research Articles

The Inquisition’s Vigilance over the Atlantic Community: The Trajectory of Páscoa Vieira

The Inquisition’s Vigilance over the Atlantic Community: The Trajectory of Páscoa Vieira

Extensive spatial impacts of oyster reefs on an intertidal mudflat community via predator facilitation

Habitat engineers make strong and far-reaching imprints on ecosystem processes. In intertidal mudflats, the dominant primary producer, microphytobenthos (MPB), often forms high biomass patches around oyster reefs. We evaluate multiple hypotheses linking MPB with oyster reefs, including oyster biodeposition, meiofaunal grazing, and abiotic factors, aiming to help predict effects of reef removal or proliferation. We quantify spatial patterns of an Atlantic mudflat community and its environment around two large Crassostrea reefs before experimentally sacrificing one reef via burning. MPB biomass was enriched surrounding living oyster reefs although infaunal biomass and individual sizes were low. Structural equation modelling best supported the hypothesis that crab predation intensity, which decayed with distance from the reefs, locally freed MPB from grazing. Our results suggest that Crassostrea reef expansion may enrich local MPB patches and redirect trophic energy flows away from mudflat infauna, with potential implications for the sustainability of local fisheries and bird conservation.

Energy Transition in Portugal Based on Environmental, Political and Social Factors: Critical Analyses with Uncertainty

Portugal is under an electoral process after the state budget was led in October 2021. At a time when climate change, energy prices, energy poverty and environmental impacts are the focus of discussion and intervention in the other countries of the European Union, Portugal is managed by twelfths and without the possibility of changing public policies. The electoral decision will take place on 30 January 2022 and will then have a set of coalition negotiations, governance program adjustment and presentation of a new state budget for approval and discussion in specialty, and a long period is expected before real changes to the twelfth management system can be made. Among the various themes, the economic, social and environmental impacts of energy, especially oil and its replacement, of future decisions are unknown. Portugal has committed to achieving carbon neutrality by 2050 as a contribution to the global and European targets undertaken in the implementation of the Paris Agreement. Meeting this target requires a reduction in greenhouse gas emissions of more than 85% compared to 2005 emissions and a carbon sequestration capacity of 13 Mton. Decarbonisation is also an investment and job creation strategy. By 2030, Portugal is expected to reach a target of 47% renewable energy in gross final energy consumption and a 20% renewable energy target in transport. Accelerate the implementation of the National Energy and Climate Plan 2030 and the Roadmap for Carbon Neutrality 2050, promoting regional roadmaps for carbon neutrality, elaborating five-year carbon budgets that define a multi-year horizon, defining methodologies for assessing the legislative impact on climate action and eliminating administrative constraints that create disproportionate context costs without capital gains. Portugal has exceptional conditions to become an example of environmental sustainability vis-à-vis its European partners. Instead of using the environmental perspective as a weapon against economic development, the dimension of sustainability must be incorporated into the growth model itself. The specificity of Portugal, situated in the far west of Europe and with the Atlantic as its second frontier, makes the transatlantic relationship more important than for any other European country. Not ignoring the geopolitical forces centered on Asia and the Pacific, it is necessary to strengthen the Atlantic community, to deepen the relationship with the US and to strengthen the link to the countries of Latin America, to enhance Portugal's role in the point of access to Europe of goods and energy

The ‘Anglo-Saxon Triangle’ Downplayed by Canada’s Department of External Affairs, 1946–1956

In July 1951, Canada’s Department of External Affairs despatched a secret policy paper to the heads of overseas Canadian posts, instructing Canadian diplomats abroad not to refer to Canada’s ‘inner triangle’ with Britain and the United States or encourage its development into a formal alliance. The explicitly named ‘Anglo-Saxon triangle’ was acknowledged affectionately as a ‘cornerstone of Canadian foreign policy’ but was regarded as damaging to the ultimate goal of a North Atlantic community inclusive of continental Europeans. The ‘inner triangle’ comprising Canada, the United States and Britain had to be concealed, and diplomats were warned not to speak of it publicly as an objective of policy, lest another triangle would form, that of a Franco-German–Italian grouping that would split the prospects of a North Atlantic alliance. The discovery of this secret despatch provides some explanation of why references to the North Atlantic Triangle faded from statements in the post-war years.

Faraway Women and the Atlantic Monthly

<i>Faraway Women and the</i> Atlantic Monthly

Alexander D. Mirrington, Transformations of Identity and Society in Anglo-Saxon Essex: A Case Study of an Early Medieval North Atlantic Community. (The Early Medieval North Atlantic 4.) Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2019. Pp. 300; 18 graphs and many maps. €99. ISBN: 978-9-4629-8034-1.

Previous articleNext article No AccessReviewsAlexander D. Mirrington, Transformations of Identity and Society in Anglo-Saxon Essex: A Case Study of an Early Medieval North Atlantic Community. (The Early Medieval North Atlantic 4.) Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2019. Pp. 300; 18 graphs and many maps. €99. ISBN: 978-9-4629-8034-1.Andrew WarehamAndrew WarehamUniversity of Roehampton Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Speculum Volume 96, Number 3July 2021 The journal of the Medieval Academy of America Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/714641 Views: 92Total views on this site Copyright 2021 by the Medieval Academy of America. All rights reserved. For permission to reuse, please contact [email protected]PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

Sino-Russian rapprochement and Greater Eurasia: From geopolitical pole to international society?

Can international anarchy be stabilized, if not globally, then at least regionally? Those scholars who give a positive answer usually refer to the North Atlantic community which can be categorized as an international society from the viewpoint of the English school. The emergence of such a community outside the West is traditionally considered hardly possible. However, this article argues that it may already be emerging in Eurasia, with Russia and China being the key drivers of this trend. In the past few years, these two powers have put forward a number of major initiatives aimed at developing transport networks and logistics, and deepening economic and institutional ties between different parts of the continent. These include but are not limited to Eurasian Economic Union, supported by Russia, and China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Together, Moscow and Beijing began to form a new platform for security and economic cooperation “from Kaliningrad to Shanghai”—the community of Greater Eurasia. Based on the analysis of the geopolitical logic of these initiatives, this article suggests that a new, non-Western international society may be forming in Eurasia among the states with different political systems and cultures, but common geopolitical aims and fears.

Regionalisation or Regionalism? The Contemporary Legal Status of Cooperation in the South Pacific

This article aims to analyse the legal status of regional cooperation among the South Pacific countries and territories, as not every entity in the Pacific Basin possesses International law features of a state. Regionalisation, as well as regionalism, as illustrated by the example of the South Pacific region, is a new topic to examine, especially in the Polish and European literature. Therefore, this topic does need further and deeper analysis. First of all, both regionalism and regionalisation are international phenomena that were set against the process of globalisation only in the last two decades of the 20th century. Secondly, the Pacific Ocean became more dominant in geopolitics than the Atlantic Community at the beginning of 21st century. There are many publications regarding local cooperation mechanisms worldwide. Most of them, though, concern political and/or economic integration, and neglect the legal aspects of regional integration. The outcome of this article is nonetheless to present the contemporary legal statusof the South Pacific cooperation, though it is at the stage of regionalisation, while not yet regionalism – fully formalised and structuralised just as it is on the other continents.

Memory, Identity and Political Communities – The Discursive Construction of the Transatlantic Alliance

The transatlantic community has, from its inception, been described as a community of like-minded nations that is held together not only by interests but also by shared values. These are based on a common identity – of what Karl W. Deutsch has called a “we-feeling” (36). Memory is a binding factor for both national and international communities because it contributes to their self-understanding in the present and is indispensable for imagining a common future. Given this assumption, this paper uses theories of memory as an analytical tool for studying the transatlantic partnership. More specifically, this paper will introduce the term and concept of a “transatlantic memory community” which is developed from Maurice Halbwachs’s concept of collective memory. It is based on the idea that the members of the Atlantic Community have developed a shared understanding of the past due to their membership in this political and ideational community. The analysis of the historical framing of the Bosnian conflict in Germany, France and the United States (U.S.) will serve as an example of the development of mnemonical commonplaces in the Atlantic Alliance.

Environmental Education, Citizen Science and Dissemination of Science in a coastal Atlantic community: the role of the CMIA of Vila do Conde

Environmental Education, Citizen Science and Dissemination of Science in a coastal Atlantic community: the role of the CMIA of Vila do Conde

“Nothing important in common”: Migrant memory and transnational identity in Joseph O’Neill’s Netherland

ABSTRACTA novel of privileged vagrants and uprooted migrants, Joseph O’Neill’s Netherland explores the increasingly visible hinterlands of a (post)modern world that “reveals itself newly” in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks. Structured retrospectively around those events, the novel portrays the transnational, cosmopolitan world of that city-on-an-island, New York, as a harbinger of what Jean-Luc Nancy terms the “world,” the worldly community that the migrant unwittingly belongs to in opposition to the reductive vision cast by the corporate-controlled notion of globalization. Rather quaintly focusing on the postcolonial version of cricket played by the migrant remnants of the British Empire, the novel’s diasporic cricketing community displays the memory of the migrant – a memory in migration – that also brings into momentary existence what might be community tout court. The novel’s narrator, visible vagrant rather than invisible migrant, embodies the transient, open-ended trajectory of a post-national, post-American, even post-Atlantic self. Such a self, in its melancholic, self-distancing retrospections, comes to imagine the singularly plural world waveringly coming into view on the literally and etymologically Atlantic horizon. Such would be a truly Atlantic community, the community of the “atlas,” a world rather than merely global(ized) community. The novel employs the transatlantic impetus both of its diasporic communities and of the narrator’s own cosmopolitan exile to bring what Nancy has called this “singular plural” world-in-the- making and its inherited asymmetries out into the open, an openness that can only be maintained, as the novel’s open-ended conclusion suggests, by embracing the world in its fullest embodiment as the moving site of the trans-(Atlantic).

Холодная война и мир: “Россия против всех” и четыре мировых порядка Р. Саквы

The article is devoted to the key problems of Richard Sakwa’s recent book “Russia against the Rest. The Post-Cold War Crisis of World Order”: cold war and cold peace phenomena and the evolution of post bipolar world. Richard Sakwa provides a fresh and audacious analysis of the end of the Cold War, calls the current geopolitical axiology under question. The end of the Cold War did not create a sustainable peace system, because none of the fundamental problems of European security were solved without any “Post-Cold War peace conference” which would fix the world’s alignment of forces, and tensions accumulated. Instead, for “inglorious three decades” a “cold peace” reflected the tension between cooperative and competitive mode. As the end of this logic the crisis exploded in open conflict, provoking what some call a “new Cold War”. Russia Against the Rest book challenges the view that this is a new edition (Cold War 2.0.) of the old pending conflict, explaining how the tensions between Russia and the Atlantic community reflect a global realignment of the international system. The world order passed from Gorby to Corby through “Gorbachev’s”, “Bush’s” and “Trump’s” models towards the new antihegemonic order. The values crisis provokes the rise of axiological dimension in controversies between Russia and Global West and their dialogue remains in different gnoseological and epistemological spaces. The new state of balanced, “comprehensive and inclusive” world order must be based on the transformation of all actors in the global politics, economic justice and the shift of global political power from West to East. That makes Russia and China promote their value-political projects as a global alternative to the Atlantic dominant rationality.

‘An uplifting tale of Europe’. Jacques Delors and the contradictory quest for a European social model in the Age of Reagan

Based on the personal papers of Jacques Delors, this article discusses the origins and significance of Delors’s ambition to provide a renewed and updated form of socially embedded capitalism, within the framework of the Atlantic Community in the 1980s. Engaging in a political and intellectual battle against ‘Reaganism’, the President of the European Commission tried to draw the boundaries of Europe’s alleged distinctiveness, turning this imagined Europe into a project for the future. The article reveals how the ‘Social nature’ of Europe, ubiquitously and conveniently opposed to the neoliberal character of US capitalism, has been the pillar of a long popular exceptionalist narrative that became hegemonic, in the EU and progressively worldwide, in the ‘age of Delors’.

Aiming for Pensacola: Fugitive Slaves on the Atlantic and Southern Frontiers by Matthew J. Clavin

Reviewed by: Aiming for Pensacola: Fugitive Slaves on the Atlantic and Southern Frontiers by Matthew J. Clavin Nathaniel Conley (bio) Aiming for Pensacola: Fugitive Slaves on the Atlantic and Southern Frontiers. By Matthew J. Clavin. ( Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2015. Pp. 252. Cloth, $35.00.) Matthew Clavin provides an insightful study of fugitive slaves in Pensacola, Florida, by offering a corrective on the prevailing narrative of the Underground Railroad and situating it within the historiographies of the Atlantic world, the southern frontier, and interracialism. Clavin explores the development of Pensacola from the colonial period through the Civil War, emphasizing the roles of African Americans in the development of a multiracial society on the fringes of the southern frontier. Importantly, [End Page 578] he shows that Pensacola offers an excellent place to study the effects of the Underground Railroad despite the historiographical emphasis that has centered on the Underground Railroad in the Upper South. Clavin argues that, over the course of the nineteenth century, Pensacola became an important destination for fugitive slaves who wished to escape slavery but were too far from traditional routes further north. He shows that Pensacola inhabited a space in the minds of slaves and slaveholders alike with a reputation for being both a "launch and a landing for runaway slaves" (1). Furthermore, although Pensacola was in the Deep South, it was also on the fringes of that society, and slave owner control was weaker there than elsewhere. This weakness allowed the fugitive slave issue to become and remain an issue in Pensacola from the colonial period through the Civil War. Clavin places the expansion of the Underground Railroad and the fugitive slave issue in Pensacola into three historiographical frameworks. First is the Atlantic world, through which he attempts to offer a more cosmopolitan view of a small seaport that illustrates both the nature and role of slavery and just as importantly, slave flight. This framework is especially strong in the first chapter, which explores colonial Pensacola. He shows that, although Pensacola was a backwater relative to its larger neighbors along the Gulf coast, it operated within the Atlantic world, particularly the Black Atlantic. The exposure to the Black Atlantic, in the form of African American sailors, forced "contestation and negotiation" upon the free and enslaved men and women along with their white neighbors (4). By the early nineteenth century, these negotiations and contestations occurred in a city that was being rapidly integrated into the orbit of the American South. Clavin's second historiographic approach, the southern frontier, is interwoven throughout his study, but is especially relevant in his discussions of the War of 1812, the Negro Fort, and the integration of Florida into the United States. He effectively shows that although Pensacola integrated with the United States, it maintained the "multiracial and multinational" characteristics of an Atlantic community due to the dearth of immigration from the United States (66). Clavin's treatment of interracialism in Pensacola is perhaps the most engaging area of his study. This third component of his historiography is evident throughout his study, particularly in his discussions of mixed-race worksites, his discussion of the operation of the Underground Railroad in Pensacola and the region surrounding the city, and the Civil [End Page 579] War. Clavin looks at the role of slaves in industry, the use of slaves by the American military, and the mingling of blacks and whites during everyday life. He also examines the importance of interracial cooperation in the functioning of the Underground Railroad and the aiding of fugitive slaves who escaped in and around Pensacola. Clavin convincingly shows that Pensacola inhabited a space in which an "enduring interracial assault on slavery … had always existed on the Southern frontier" (146). His examination of the Civil War in Pensacola emphasizes both the cooperation and tensions bred by interracialism in this region. Clavin does an excellent job of using Pensacola to show the relatively tenuous control that slave owners had, particularly on the edges of the southern frontier. Moreover, his treatment of interracialism is valuable to understanding southern society, slavery, and the fugitive slave issue as it existed in Pensacola and beyond. Perhaps the weakest part of this study is its...

От Гоа до Сямэня. О некоторых аспектах политического сотрудничества в рамках БРИКС

International relations system under contemporary conditions does not presuppose existence of a universal, generally accepted world order model. Concepts of the modern global order can stand in marked contrast to each other: the idea of a unipolar world led by the U.S. and the North Atlantic Community is opposed to the notion of a multipolar world with several equatable force poles. One of the phenomena illustrating the polycentrical world narrative is the emergence of BRIC group in the 2000s and its further evolution as BRICS in the 2010s. This explains the relevance of the chosen problem. The article considers major tracks of political cooperation within BRICS. The author analyses final documents of the latest BRICS summits, namely, in Fortaleza (2014), Ufa (2015) and Goa (2016) in terms of extension of the political agenda, also defining its reasons. Points of view expressed by both leading Russian and foreign experts, civic leaders and policymakers are taken into account. The work touches upon the problem of potential enlargement of BRICS, its functioning in the outreach format, as well as possibilities of institutionalisation of the grouping. At the same time, we also bear in mind the difference in approaches of the BRICS countries towards the inclusion of political issues to the agenda. In this piece, we utilise holistic approach to the chosen topic: various fields of activity within BRICS are scrutinised in their inextricable connection, as they determine one another. Thanks to the application of content analysis as a scientific method and the results obtained, it became possible to define the correlation between the attitude of the summit host country to the issues of political cooperation and reflection of the political agenda in the final declaration of the event. As for the conclusions of the research paper, the author presumes that common ideologemes and principles defining BRICS performance (such as supremacy of international law, pursuance of multipolar world, adherence to equal and mutually beneficial cooperation etc.) served as a prerequisite for actual work of the group: creation of the financial institutions, holding multiple meetings at different levels, expansion of bilateral and multilateral exchange. Along with that, not only is the economic vector compatible with the political track but it also becomes the catalyst for the expansion of the agenda. This can be confirmed through consistent increase of the number of political aspects of interaction among the BRICS countries in recent years.

The Politics of Black Citizenship: Free African Americans in the Mid-Atlantic Borderland, 1817–1863 By Andrew K. Diemer

Reviewed by: The Politics of Black Citizenship: Free African Americans in the Mid-Atlantic Borderland, 1817–1863 By Andrew K. Diemer Christopher Bonner (bio) The Politics of Black Citizenship: Free African Americans in the Mid-Atlantic Borderland, 1817–1863. By Andrew K. Diemer. ( Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2016. Pp. 312. Cloth, $49.95.) In January 1817, a group of black Pennsylvanians held a meeting that resulted in a unanimous denunciation of the American Colonization Society (ACS) and its program of removing black people from the United States. [End Page 478] This is perhaps one of the best-known moments in antebellum black politics—a well-documented collective gathering that produced a clear political statement that black people were Americans. Andrew Diemer adds valuable texture to this well-worn story. He notes that despite the oft-cited unanimity of the gathering, James Forten, a wealthy black Philadelphian and vocal protest leader, was initially undecided on colonization but that popular black sentiment swayed his opinion. Diemer also frames this meeting as being about more than the ACS. The gathered activists made "an argument about … the place of African Americans in the United States," issuing a public statement on an urgent legal and social issue for the country (20). Through moments like this anticolonization meeting, The Politics of Black Citizenship offers insightful analysis of antebellum black politics that positions that activist work alongside state and national debate about the shape of the country and black peoples' place within it. Diemer's work is localized in the areas surrounding Baltimore and Philadelphia, two cities with large free black populations, which he explores as a borderland connected by commerce and developing transportation technologies. Divided by a legal boundary between slavery and freedom, this region became a center of conflict concerning fugitive slaves, resulting in contentious encounters that wove black and antislavery activism into discussions about state and federal law. The connections between these communities across the border of freedom gave particular legal and political meanings to black protest. The border is critical to understanding black and antislavery politics in both Baltimore and Philadelphia. Anticolonization was a critical foundation for antebellum black politics; challenging removal projects was a prerequisite to seeking rights as American people. Diemer opens by noting that the ACS appealed to some black Americans such as Paul Cuffe, who saw colonization as the seed of a "cosmopolitan black Atlantic community" (15). Ultimately, black people opposed the ACS because they recognized it as a project of defining the United States as a white man's republic and the potential root of a variety of inequalities based on race. In addition to intracommunity dynamics revealed through people like Forten, Diemer is explicit about the long reach of protest against the ACS. Newspapers from as far away as Kentucky printed records of the 1817 meeting, helping black people insert their voices into the discourse on membership in the nation. Colonization was fundamentally about citizenship, as it aimed to determine who could claim a place in the country. Diemer points out that, in the 1820s, Haiti appealed to people like Richard Allen, who saw opportunities for equality in the black republic and evidence of black capability that could be deployed in protest in the United States. Black Americans were [End Page 479] interested in Haiti because it offered possibilities for political participation, which many framed as an essential aspect of a citizenship that went beyond the ability to claim a place within a nation. Citizenship was an ill-defined legal concept in the early nineteenth century. As Diemer notes, it was useful to black activists because its meaning was unspecified. At times, though, The Politics of Black Citizenship misses opportunities to analyze the ways black and white people thought about the concept and the work they did to specify and codify its meaning. Black Pennsylvanians, Diemer says, saw little hope for "full legal equality" in the late 1820s, and so they framed their work "as a struggle for black citizenship" (62). Did these men and women understand citizenship as something different from, or less than, legal equality? If so, what did it mean to them, and what might their ideas indicate about the nature of citizenship...

Historical Forms of US-European Cooperation: Combination or ‘Only’ Coordination?

A review of the historic modalities – potential and actual, proposed and real – of transatlantic cooperation reveals a basic difference between two forms: the one tending towards combination of resources and effort, implying a federal or some other kind of formal organization, even nominal ‘union’; the other favouring, instead, coordination, allowing for independence of action but nonetheless encouraging practical partnership in many areas of policy and also geographic places. A ‘structural’ approach to strengthening transatlantic leadership, which the author himself supports, does not necessarily imply an elaborate architecture. What it does require, beyond formation of a Leadership Group (however named and constituted), is a wider awareness of the existence of an ‘Atlantic community’, a well-articulated and shared concept of it, and, moreover, a new recognition of the Atlantic pan-region as itself a ‘pole’, among poles, in today’s multipolar world.

Back to the Wall: Myths and Mistakes that Once Again Divide Europe

Europe is once again subject to an epidemic of wall and barrier building. The war in Ukraine is accompanied by the fortification of its border with Russia, while the Baltic republics are creating the foundations for what is an embryonic new ‘iron curtain’ dividing the Atlantic community from Eurasia. Elsewhere fences are being built to halt the flow of refugees and migrants. These new barriers symbolize the failure to build a Europe ‘whole and free’ in the post-Cold War era, and the failure of the era of globalization to create the conditions for security and development in Europe’s neighborhood. The spate of ‘walling’ reflects not the strength of national sovereignty but its weakness, and not the power of the Atlantic community to spread prosperity, peace and security but the opposite. The era of globalization is accompanied by deepening disjuncture and contradictions, and European leaders have no coherent response. The roots of the crisis lie in the patterns established at the close of the original Cold War in the late perestroika years, with a power shift rather than the transcending politics espoused by Mikhail Gorbachev. The Malta summit of 1989 only partially repudiated the politics of Yalta. The asymmetrical end of the Cold War and the 25 years’ crisis represented by the subsequent cold peace contained within itself the violence and the new divisions that now predominate. The myths and mistakes of the cold peace era need to be challenged and a new transformative politics envisaged.

Europe on Trial: The Story of Collaboration, Resistance, and Retribution during World War II by Istvan Deak

EUROPE ON TRIAL: THE STORY OF COLLABORATION, RESISTANCE, AND RETRIBUTION DURING WORLD WAR II By Istvan Deak. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2015. 288 pp.Prolific scholar Istvan Deak examines the spectrum of collaboration and resistance across Europe during the Second World War in Europe on Trial: Story of Collaboration, Resistance, and Retribution during World War II. For Hungarian-born Deak, these themes have a deep personal resonance; he begins his account with the story of Bela Stollar, the fiance of his sister and close friend from his youth who died resisting fascism in Hungary. Throughout the autobiographical account that opens this text, Deak recounts his life in war-time Hungary, followed by his refugee status in early Cold War Paris and his academic career at Columbia University.In this concise textbook, Deak stresses that collaboration with the Nazi regime remained endemic in Europe until the tide of the war turned against Germany at the battles of Stalingrad and El Alamein. For Deak, European collaboration proved essential to furthering Nazi war aims, especially in implementing the phases of the Holocaust. Collaboration took different forms. In some cases independent nations aligned themselves with Nazi Germany in order to further their own national interests. For instance, Hungary sought to regain territories lost as a result of the Treaty of Trianon. For conquered nations, collaboration was indicative of self-preservation, especially if the German authorities permitted a modicum of autonomy. By supplying the German war effort and eschewing armed resistance, the Danes managed to preserve their parliamentary system throughout much of the war. Other nations, especially Poland, possessed fewer avenues of collaboration, but the widespread embrace of antisemitism led some Poles to aid the Nazis in ferreting out Jews.What is the line between collaboration and resistance? How does one consider the question of fear and intimidation? Drawing upon Christopher Browning's Ordinary Men, Deak observes that even those involved in the actual murder of Jews had a remarkable range of options and could opt out from serving as executioners. But do we swing too far in the other direction and fail to stress the primacy of the Nazis as perpetrators of the Holocaust? How much autonomy did Hungary's ruler, Admiral Horthy, have in chartering a foreign policy that challenged Nazi Germany? Even in 1944, with the Wehrmacht losing the war on both fronts, Horthy tilted away from the Nazis, only to be toppled by German troops with the support of Hungarian fascists. In the Netherlands in 1941, Dutch Jews resorted to violence, and Dutch workers waged sympathy strikes on their behalf. Deak observes that these actions were unique for occupied Europe, but also acknowledges how quickly they were suppressed by German forces.How much weight should Deak give to the question of intention? surrender of France in 1940 and the creation of the Vichy regime suggest a level of collaboration of the highest order. Many other governments, most notably those of Poland, the Netherlands, Norway, and Greece, refused to surrender when facing military defeat, continuing the struggle in exile.Considering Europe on Trial made me reflect on my own encounters with the Second World War in my college textbooks in the late 1970s and ponder shifts in historiographical focus. During the Cold War the lines between good and evil seemed more rigid. In my introductory class, The Atlantic Community and Contemporary World 1914-1945, my professors at Drew University assigned Robert Edwin Herzstein's Adolf Hitler and the German Trauma, 1913-1945 (1974) as the main text dealing with the Second World War. …

European Union Policy towards the Pacific Island States

The article concerns the idea as well as the form of international cooperation between states and international organizations, illustrated by the example of the relationship between the European Union and the Pacific region. There is some useful literature on the subject but this needs be to completed. The influences of the world’s leaders collide on the Pacific Ocean, which gives this area primacy in geopolitical domination, slowly downgrading the Atlantic Community. The main purpose of the paper is, therefore, to research the possibilities and methods of legal and extrajudicial cooperation between two continents which are very distant from each other. This work underlines the difference between official policy, presented by the regional intergovernmental organizations, and the individual policies of member states, who are not tied down by Brussels politics and may maintain their own foreign relations.