Asymmetric Threats Research Articles

Interoperability and Complementarity of Civil Defense as Crucial Problems of Regional Security: The Case of the Suwalki Corridor1

ABSTRACT The specific geopolitical factors of the Suwałki Region and Corridor, tied to the security of Poland, other NATO countries, and the EU, present a good case to analyze the threats to these countries and consider the possibilities of effective counteraction to those threats. This article discusses the mechanisms of hybrid warfare in using political, economic, military, ethnic, religious, and other pressures. This article shows which elements of the non-military sphere must be prepared to combat asymmetric threats to prevent the destruction of, and disturbances to, the region’s operability. In doing so, the need to apply interoperability and complementarity in actions against hybrid threats is emphasized.

From Exception to Extra-Legal Normality: Pushbacks and Racist State Violence against People Crossing the Greek–Turkish Land Border

The Greek–Turkish land border became the site of a border spectacle in March 2020, following the “opening” of the border by the Turkish government and its simultaneous closure by the Greek government. The ensuing violence was legitimated by narratives of exception and racist discourses hinging on the notions of “invasion” and “asymmetrical threats.” Yet, the spectacular and highly mediatized nature of the events of March 2020 hid the embeddedness and longevity of border violence in Evros, the area named after the river that constitutes the land border between Greece and Turkey. Drawing on qualitative research including fieldwork, interviews and document analysis, we focus on the practice of pushbacks as an enduring feature of the local border regime. We argue that pushbacks and other forms of violence should not be conceived merely as human rights violations and therefore aberrations to the laws and values of Europe and its states, but as normalized technologies of border management embedded in the racialized, violent border regimes of liberal states, exemplifying the inherent and unavoidable violence of borders.

ГЕОІНФОРМАЦІЙНИЙ ПОРТАЛ ЯК СКЛАДОВА ЄДИНОГО ГЕОІНФОРМАЦІЙНОГО СЕРЕДОВИЩА ЗБРОЙНИХ СИЛ УКРАЇНИ

The modern views on armed struggle, their impact on the tactics of using troops (forces) in the war with the russian federation, new asymmetric threats to Ukraine's national security, as well as reforming the Armed Forces of Ukraine require a review of information requirements. perform geoinformation support of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. The importance and necessity of the implementing and using of geographic information systems for military purposes is due to the general increase in the requirements of troops (forces) to the efficiency, completeness and quality of information support of the management process. The armed aggression of the russian federation against Ukraine creates new challenges to the information security of the state and leads to the revision of the requirements for information support in general and for geoinformation support in particular. It's determined that the foundation of the Unified Geoinformation Environment of the Armed Forces should be service-oriented architecture (SOA) of distributed geodatabases, that provides a common platform for all entities and users to access the resources of Unified Automated Control System of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. The Unified Geoinformation Environment (UGIE) of the Armed Forces of Ukraine should be formed as an combination (network) of interconnected geoportals, the purpose of that is to consolidate information on available in the Unified Automated Control System of the Armed Forces spatial data. user entry points into this environment. The UGIE of the Armed Forces of Ukraine should provide access to data stored in the system of distributed geodatabases. The format and use of services should be based on the use of national, international and military standards, that are the only agreed and approved set of standards for data, interfaces and computer programs developed on the basis of service-oriented architecture.

National Security Redesign after the COVID–19: Nepali Army’s Security Priority in Response to the Global Pandemics

Pandemic disease always poses one of the greatest security threats to national security. It is widely discussed as a non-traditional threat candidate to national security (NDU, CACI, The Asymmetric Threat Symposium, 2008, p. 31). Indeed, the COVID-19 has not only unleashed havoc on developing nation but also provided a vital national security lesson exposing weaknesses in their capabilities to protect citizens. For example, Nepal has lost more than 2000 lives of its people and about 271,000 have severely suffered this viral infection, and the deaths with this pandemic in the US and UK are even higher. And the trend of causalities has increasingly been continuing along with an alarming rate of infection. Meanwhile, a new deadly variant of corona virus is swiftly spreading across the globe including Nepal. This study employs the qualitative research framework and data have been employed from secondary sources. The research philosophy adopted is interpretivism where the researcher has included his viewpoints to available data in presenting ideas. The article explores causes and multi-dimensional effects, critical nexus between COVID-19 and National Security in support to the argument that the nature, scope, novelty and complexity of COVID-19 pandemic demands an Integrated National Security Strategy for an effective application of all the instruments of national power, including Nepali Army, public and private sector to respond successfully. This paper also spotlights the crucial role of Nepali Army in containing pandemics that proffers to reappraisal of such a vital security body’s strategies and doctrines, taking the current corona virus in serious consideration.

Maritime Asymmetric Warfare in Archipelagic States; The Indonesian Phenomena

Defending sovereignty within an island nation is relatively more complex than doing so for a continental state. The number of scattered islands makes straits and seas more penetrable, vulnerable points and targets of asymmetric threats at sea. The aim of this research is to illustrate threats at sea and provide solutions in guarding and monitoring Indonesian coastal borders, which currently require more ships and radar technology as well as other sensing equipment due to longer beaches. The results reveal that firstly, potential asymmetrical threats at sea include former WWII mines, underwater fibre cables, and nuclear submarines belonging to foreign countries such as America, Russia and China. Secondly, problems related to welfare include theft of natural resources like coral reefs and fish, and drug smuggling activities, all which add to the burden and duties of various parties. Thirdly, asymmetrical Narcoterrorism is very prominent in Colombia where drugs from Cannabis plants are sold to buy weapons. This is also happening in the Philippines and in Aceh, Indonesia. Narcotic activities are also increasingly worrying – particularly their effects on younger generations. Lastly, coordination by affiliated parties that help guard the sea is highly expected. Adequate maritime border patrol management must be carried out so that together, different marine security institutions can maintain the sovereignty of the state. Therefore, the following are recommended: a) regional diplomatic cooperation within ASEAN, b) ensuring of military capability, power, and readiness for placement, and c) the utilization of unmanned technology to aid in securing the archipelagic state.

Role of Maritime Policies and Strategies in Shaping the Maritime Security Threats in Kenya

The prospects and aspirations in Kenya’s maritime domain are today facing complex and highly dynamic traditional and nontraditional maritime security threats that portend a direct consequence to Kenya’s national security. The threats of terrorism and the upsurge of piracy in the Western Indian Ocean region led to the Kenyan government’s reaction to the maritime asymmetric threats. These reactions became the onset of Kenya’s significant engagement in maritime security issues. The adopted maritime responses were reactive in posture, which engendered the establishment and restructuring of several maritime security organizations and training to deal with the threats manifestation in Kenya’s maritime domain. However, the implementation of these maritime security frameworks and responses continue to face challenges, making them tend to be not so much effective in dealing with the maritime threats in Kenya’s maritime jurisdiction. This study sought to find out how are maritime policies and strategies shaping the maritime threats in Kenya. Primary data was collected through key informant interviews with academics, maritime security experts and government officials; both retired and serving. Secondary data was also sourced from relevant publications and media reports. The data obtained were analyzed using content and thematic analysis techniques. The study established that the absence of a strategic national security policy and a national maritime security strategy puts the national interests at stake and under consistent threats that engenders reactive responses among the national security agencies. This has also impacted on regional maritime security cooperation resulting in limited coordination towards common maritime interests, hence an enabler to the multifaceted maritime threats and crimes that went on unabated. There is need to identify the gaps in capacity and centre on strengthening local mechanisms in dealing with maritime security by ameliorating the vulnerabilities, which comes by formulating pragmatic policies and strategy that engenders bilateral, regional and multilateral engagement as key in the maritime governance.

Postmodern conflictology: issues of theory and approaches to methodology

The problematization of the classical concepts in the postmodern philosophy has created some definite challenges that stipulate the development of the “Theory” in its interdisciplinary conceptual meanings and practical applications. The latter demands a certain “list” of the new notions and implies requirements for theorists to reflect the scientific diversity without reducing it to any kind of “theoretical unity”. For these reasons the purpose of this article is the conceptual reconstruction of the notion of the conflict in the specific postmodern context of its sociocultural, political and ethical meanings and senses. The methods of the research are mainly based on the principle of the anthropocentric paradigm, which stipulates the use of the interdisciplinary comparative-critical approaches and social construction methods in the general problematic field of postmodernism. While analysing conflict theories such schools of philosophy as existententialism, phenomenology and pragmatism are considered to be valid in the descriptions of both the actual conditions of the individual human existence and abstract human qualities. The practical aspects of this paper involve the empirical representation of the principles of the value and the sense in the problematic aspects of conflict resolution with the stress on the concepts of the discoursive communication. The obtained results allow to come to the conclusion that the most influential transformations are connected with such postmodern conflict problems as asymmetrical threats and unstable security architecture. The latter proves that the methodological approaches to conflictology should be evaluated from the point of presumably successful resolutions against the background of different spatial and temporal factors, which, in its turn, means creating new administrative modalities of conflict management. It should be stressed that in the context of the conflictological tendencies of the globalizing societies the special place should be occupied by the principles of K.- O. Apel’s discoursive ethics and M. M. Bakhtin’s doctrine of the “responsible dialogism”. Nowadays political approaches cannot be effective in the conflict resolutions without the classical ideals and the absolutes, without the impact of the Pathos, which means implied significance of the “relatively Utopian” ideas and their application in the conflict resolution, the potential possibilities of their realization in the conflict situations.

Re-emergence of Great Power Conflict and US Economic Statecraft

AbstractAfter almost two decades of dealing with asymmetric threats, America's strategic focus on technological superiority carefully honed during the Cold War, began to fracture, eroding its military and economic advantage. But China's recent emergence as a credible geopolitical rival has reinvigorated US efforts to sustain high-tech leadership as the basis of its military primacy. At the center of these efforts are the defense and defense-related agencies of the national security state (NSS) whose mission is to dominate the new technological frontiers of military power and achieve future competitive advantage. Alongside the quest for breakthroughs in foundational technologies, NSS agencies are seeking to correct long neglected deficiencies in advanced manufacturing, by rebuilding the industrial ecosystem's supply chains depleted after decades of offshoring. With this suite of initiatives, the US is following a course of action more consistent with the exercise of (economic) statecraft than industrial policy. However, unlike its authoritarian rival, the US faces the challenge of having to balance security imperatives with commercial interests and, not least, having to contend with a dysfunctional and maladapted presidency.

Utilizing Militia Forces in Modern Warfare: Role and Challenges

The militia as an informal pro-government irregular force helps government forces through a range of asymmetric security threats. Since 9/11, the employment of militia forces has been on the rise. Although the informal Pro-Government Militias (PGMs) operate in juxtaposition with the regular land forces, they are loosely aligned with them. Given the nativity of its members to the battlefield, a militia is best suited to comprehend the operational and tactical situation and, making itself a viable option for state-led forces both from the perspective of low-cost force or its flexibility to deal with irregular threats. Most informal PGMs maintain a stronger ideological and political base, they do not often care about the limitation of their sponsoring state's sovereignty and the legitimacy of their actions. They may even develop linkages with the terrorist outfits for their immediate goals. This puts national security in grave danger. Given the risks, weaker states become vulnerable at the hands of their sponsored militants. Still, the state-led forces will remain inclined to exploit such paramilitary forces to let them shoulder the burden of national security against asymmetric threats.

Uticaj zajedničke bezbednosne i odbrambene politike Evropske unije na bezbednost Republike Srbije

The answer to transnational and asymmetric threats that are a topical issue on the world geopolitical stage can be found in the integration of national security systems, strengthening multilateral forms of security and the collective system of international security, as the key factors in providing peace, stability and democratic development of modern countries. In such circumstances, the need for a cooperative approach in preserving and improving security, based on cooperation and pooling of security capacities of nation states, is strengthening. This paper views the current achievements of the European Union (hereinafter EU) in terms of implementing its own security policy, primarily in the Western Balkans, in a broader sense, and the specific impact of such a policy on the security of the Republic of Serbia, in a narrower sense. Having in mind the extensive and complex context of the discussed topic, the paper considers, in the authors' opinion, an essential part of this issue, through the analysis of the position of the Republic of Serbia in such context, reviewing the genesis of the EU-Serbia relations and identifying current issues in these relations, and also through the possibilities of progress of cooperation and greater involvement of the capacities of our country in the current EU security policy in this region and beyond.

Инструментализация миграции: управление миграционными потоками в двустороннем формате

This article assesses the theoretical contours and effectiveness of migration governance and diplomacy as an instrument of statecraft in interstate relations. The first part provides an overview of the stakes and challenges of migration within the fields of international relations and political theory. In particular, the category of migration defies the theoretical model of the nation­state, on which traditional IR and political theory are grounded. The second part highlights how the state, through the securitization of migration, uses migration as a tool to reaffirm its defining features: reinforcing its borders, legitimating state sovereignty, and building societal security. The third section demonstrates the usefulness of the category of statecraft within the context of migration governance at a bilateral level owing to the absence of a global normative framework. This relationship can serve different purposes, depending on the context: to harm, to deter, to bargain, to escalate. The last section presents contemporary case studies of the application of migration statecraft by the United States and Russia, as well as by member states along external border of the European Union and within the Schengen space. The elements of "migration statecraft" evidenced by these episodes focus on several objectives: trade blackmail, cooperation in an asymmetrical relation, political threat, and diplomatic escalation for electoral purposes. The variety of these cases illustrates the specificity of statecraft in comparison with foreign policy analysis. While the latter refers to a general and long­term strategy, the former is context­dependent and specific to achievement of a precise desired outcome.

Аcиметрія влади в міжнародних відносинах

The article is devoted to a comprehensive study of the asymmetry of power in a complex system of international relations, which is characterized by a particularly high degree of global stratification, integration and asymmetric interdependence. Uneven distribution of power, increasing the number of asymmetric threats at the beginning of the XXI century, limited degree of study of the research topic in the domestic literature highlights the need to understand the asymmetry of power in international relations. In determining the power of the state in world politics, the determining factor is the material and power factor, which is clearly manifested at the present stage of development. Asymmetry of power – uneven distribution of power between participants in international relations leads to the dominance of several states that have higher indices of power than others. Dominance is manifested in various areas – from military to economic and cultural. Inequality of power creates an asymmetry of interaction. The strategy of the state’s behavior in the international arena depends on the level of power. The ratio of total power capabilities between actors can change, which leads to an increase in the power of some actors and the decline of power of others. The asymmetric distribution of power leads to the formation of rights and rules governing the interaction between states, in which states compete for the preservation of the geopolitical status quo and their global influence. Despite the growing role of soft power components, the power continues to play a leading role in the international arena and to influence the format of relations in various areas of cooperation. In general, asymmetry can lead to stability and not cause tension in relations, which contradicts the current theory of international relations on asymmetric relations between states.

Decentralization of Nigeria Air Power: Army’s Drone (UCAV) Reconnaissance, Strike/Fire Complex Combat System

Military power has been a centerpiece in the negotiation of state formation and geopolitical stability. The business of the arm forces of nations has been from a historical perspective anchored on the defense of its sovereign territorial integrity, and the advancement of national interest afar. The advent of the modern state system has seen a reshape in the way and manner with which war is waged. Central to the changes in the conduct of war is the revolution in military affairs. The introduction of aviation resources to the conduct of war in the 20s speaks volumes of the ever-changing strategic environment. The weapon system of the first and second world wars will no doubt be unimaginable to the strategists of the renaissance era. The age of reason has thus passed different phases; the sky has steadily remain a significant part of the domain of warfare. However, the nature of warfare has not remained stagnant. Airpower, which is the weaponization of aviation resources have passed through various phases. Airpower no doubt emerged in the war toolkit of the symmetric threat environment of the twenties, but its demand in the asymmetric threat environment of the 21st century has led to more innovation in capabilities, nature, and missions, and debate for a policy change in command and control. A debate, whose literatures were all-encompassing in the American discourses on strategy, capability, and operations. This article brings the debate on the changing role of airpower, and the need for more reliance on drones and decentralized command and control between the Airforce and the Army in the current threat environment, from a Nigerian perspective. As the battle against Boko Haram ranges, the need for arm overwatch and arm overmatch that aids maneuvering the battlefield and it gray zones to defeat the terrorism, and guerrilla insurgent groups becomes critical in shaping the northeast theater in the image of the Nigerian positive peace. Therefore, the need for drone ISR and fire/strike capabilities to become organic to surface forces, in tonaid the encirclement and obliteration of enemy through observation, orientation, decision, and actions line of operation, which is the critical role of effective battlefield operating system, a mechanism the theater commander employs combat power towards the destruction or exhuastion of the enemy. It should be noted that this article relied on secondary data collection.

The Specific Nature of Asymmetric Conflicts

The article describes the problem of asymmetric conflicts, regarded as a threat to the security of countries and the international community in the contemporary world. The analysis of this issue includes an explanation of the following terms: asymmetry, asymmetric warfare, asymmetric action, asymmetric conflict and asymmetric enemy. The article also presents the specific nature of the area where asymmetric threats occur and the modus operandi of asymmetric conflicts. The article provides examples of asymmetric threats, which include the threat of terrorism (in particular suicide terrorism), cyberattacks, arms trade, illegal drug trade, psychological warfare, information warfare and economic warfare.

Asymmetrical warfare Strategy and its Implications to the Black Sea Regional Security in 21st Century: Non-State Aggressive Actors and Terrorism

Today, military politics have became a dominant factor in the aegis of the contemporary international and regional security, and this provision is also relevant in the Black Sea Region. The nature of military politics presupposes the existence of asymmetric threats, which is revealed in the implementation of functional politics by the states and implies the following components: power, chance, astonishment, armed forces, their doctrines, and armaments. The asymmetric military identification is vital to recognize at the regional level, with the example of the Black Sea Region and it’s involvement of so-called ‘Non-State Aggressive Actors’ (DAESH, Al-Qaeda, etc.). After the Russian annexation of Crimea, the Black Sea Region would be designated as a conflict zone and therefore NATO has reinforced it’s eastern security policy accordingly. The International Community witnessed that there are two regional hegemons: Russia and Turkey, pursuing their own geopolitical and economic interests in the Black Sea region and the region around the Caspian Sea (including one that sees regional power interests). Recently, China, as a global power in its own right, with its ‘One Belt and One Road’ Initiative (OBOR), expresses it’s own interests toward the region,

Hybrid Threats and the Erosion of Democracy from Within: US Surveillance and European Security

Democratic governments have argued that their ability to counter hybrid threats—threats that come from irregular agents such as violent extremists, criminal networks, and cyber attackers—depends on their ability to monitor all forms of online communication. This presents a conundrum for democratic citizens: either governments surveil their communications or they risk endangering the security of their societies. To assess the tradeoffs people make between freedom, privacy, and security, we analyze survey data from seven NATO countries in Europe to assess whether, to what extent, and why European citizens are willing to trade privacy for security. We find that women (rather than men) and the internationalists (rather than the nationalists) are the people who most sharply draw a distinction between targeted surveillance, which is acceptable to them, and blanket surveillance, which is not. We also find that favorable views of the United States and confidence in President Obama make European citizens more willing to support US surveillance programs targeting not only terrorist suspects but also ordinary people and their political leaders. Pro-US attitudes may ease US statecraft, but they do not necessarily foster a healthy balance between freedom and security in the age of asymmetric threats.

A Study on the Laser Designator for the Missile System Using Semi-Active Laser Seeker

Semi-active laser missile systems with high accuracy are necessary to asymmetric threats, such as UAV(Unmanned Aerial Vehicle). They are usually used to attack stationary or slow moving targets, therefore we should study on the laser designator which can detect and track fast moving targets in order to deal with UAV. In this study, design specifications are came up through performance analysis of existing laser designators, and laser designation method for fast moving target is developed. The detection and tracking performance of developed laser designator are verified through inside/outside tests on ground/aerial stationary/moving targets. Through this study, we obtain laser designator techniques that could be applied to actual semi-active laser missile systems. Keywords: 반능동 ë ˆì´ì € ìœ ë„ë¬´ê¸°, ë ˆì´ì € 조사기, 영상 ì¶”ì  Keywords: Semi-active Laser Missile System, Laser Designator, Image Tracking

THE NEW ROLE OF ARMED FORCES AS A RESPONSE TO ASYMMETRIC THREATS

The central theme of this issue is asymmetric threats with emphasis on the new role of the armed forces as one of several possible national responses. Asymmetric threats are not a new phenomenon. According to the literature, they are one of the oldest forms of threats, although in most cases the term asymmetric is not specifically mentioned. Asymmetry as a term referring to something that is not symmetrical or equivalent emerged later than the threats we today identify as asymmetric, and is consequently considered more modern. In reality, asymmetry is a form of threat that no one expects. It can relate to the organizational, personnel-related, and quantity-related aspects or some other aspect. It is important to note that an asymmetric threat emerges in a way that comes as a surprise. Our responses are therefore delayed, since such a threat was unexpected and we are not (yet) properly prepared to counter it. For this reason asymmetric threats are a big challenge. We can deal with them in different ways; one of them is certainly military. In asymmetric warfare, a very important effect is demonstrated with the use of minimal input, assertion of various interests – most often of an individual or group against a larger group or country – innovative approaches, and with high efficiency compared to the resistance of the target. When considering the role of the armed forces and their response to asymmetric threats, both the question and the answer to whether this should be the new role of the military are quite obvious. Asymmetric threats are a series of threats with a rich history, but it is their very innovation, effect of surprise, and inflicted damage that require a great deal of vigilance on the part of all whose fundamental mission is to ensure national security. In the past few years, Slovenia has faced various threats that could be classified as asymmetric, such as floods; ice storm; mass, group and individual illegal migration, and COVID-19. The state responded to them by activating various stakeholders, including the military. With its numerous past experiences acquired at home and abroad, the Slovenian Armed Forces has successfully joined state activities to normalize, assist in, restore and resolve the existing situation, and to provide order and security. Nevertheless, all stakeholders in the country who are involved in the efforts tackling the emerging asymmetric threats, including the Slovenian Armed Forces, are constantly faced with new challenges. These are manifested in various forms such as the need for new knowledge, other forms of cooperation, provision of specific logistical support, changes in legislation, modernization of the self-protective equipment for the employees and the efficiency of communication and other devices. In order to be better prepared and more responsive to asymmetric threats in the future, we still need to do more to face the above-mentioned challenges. There are several ways to do this. One of them is to write articles on the role of the armed forces in asymmetric threats. The authors of articles in this issue share a variety of experiences, views and ideas on how to proceed in order to be better prepared and more effective in the future.

Non-traditional cyber adversaries: Combatting human trafficking through data science

Human trafficking is a complex and challenging global crime exacerbated by the use of technology. This paper begins by dicussing how traffickers utilise technology for scalability, anonymity and profitability as the Internet, social media platforms and encrypted messaging make the recruitment, exploitation and profit of an individual a low-risk, high-reward enterprise. It goes on to describe how counter-trafficking efforts are often siloed approaches, resulting in decentralised information and analysis on the size and scope of trafficking in persons. It presents resources and tools such as the human trafficking kill chain methodology and Artemis, a machine learning (ML) human trafficking risk classifier, show promising disruption tactics which may also be applied to other asymmetrical threats. Recommendations for centralised data collections methods, interagency collaboration and cybersecurity adjacent legislation are also made.

SEAPOWER AND ASYMMETRIC WARFARE IN INDONESIA

<p>This study analyzes the Asymmetric Warfare that occurs at sea and the seapower that should be possessed by a state to overcome maritime asymmetrical threats. This study uses descriptive qualitative which explains in detail the asymmetrical warfare at sea and seapower using case examples. This research uses case examples of asymmetrical threats that occur in the domestic territory of Indonesia, namely the Malacca Strait case. The theories used in this study are defense theory, the concept of seapower, the concept of asymmetric warfare and the concept of international cooperation to analyze the case that occurs. The results of this study are Indonesia’s seapower to combat asymmetric warfare was built in three ways namely, strengthen the military defense equipment, carry out defense cooperation with the state that borders with Indonesia and strengthen the collaboration between related ministries and institutions. These ways are implemented through Malacca Strait Patrol which is defense cooperative include Malacca Sea Strait Patrol, Eyes in the Sky and Information Sharing.</p>