Association Of Southeast Asian Nations Member Research Articles

Spatiotemporal Characteristics and Rainfall Thresholds of Geological Landslide Disasters in ASEAN Countries

Drawing upon a comprehensive global database of landslides and utilizing high-resolution IMERG satellite precipitation data, this study investigates the spatial and temporal variations of landslide occurrences across the member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). This study constructs a region-specific, graded warning system by formulating an average effective intensity–duration (I–D) rainfall threshold curve for each ASEAN member. Examination of 1747 landslide events spanning from 2006 to 2018 illustrates a significant association between the frequency of landslides in ASEAN regions and the latitudinal movement of local precipitation bands. Incidences of landslides hit their lowest in March and April, while a surge is observed from October to January, correlating with the highest mortality rates. Geographical hotspots for landslide activity, characterized by substantial annual rainfall and constrained landmasses, include the Philippine archipelago, Indonesia’s Java Island, and the Malay Peninsula, each experiencing an average of over 2.5 landslides annually. Fatalities accompany approximately 41.4% of ASEAN landslide events, with the Philippines and Indonesia registering the most substantial numbers. Myanmar stands out for the proportion of large-scale landslide incidents, with an average casualty rate of 10.89 deaths per landslide, significantly surpassing other countries in the region. The I–D rainfall threshold curves indicate that the Philippines experienced the highest precipitation levels before landslide initiation, whereas Myanmar has the threshold set at a considerably lower level.

Determinant factors of gross domestic product (GDP) in Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member countries

Background The gross domestic product (GDP) of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member states can be used to determine their overall economic growth. In order to increase GDP, all emerging nations in Southeast Asia are stating to depend on foreign direct investment (FDI), the tourism industry, international visitors visiting ASEAN member nations banking credit, and low inflation rates. High inflation is a problem that developed and developing countries will definitely face. One of the problems faced by ASEAN member countries is that most of the member countries are in the developing country category. For ASEAN member countries, high inflation levels will encourage economic instability. GDP is less than optimal because of these classic problems in developing countries so that economic growth is not as planned. The ASEAN Economic Community (AEC), which ASEAN established, is seen as a way to reduce unemployment, alleviate poverty by boosting the travel and tourism industry and increasing investment, as well as to offer or distribute credit to businesses at low interest rates in order to boost GDP. The purpose of this study is to investigate and analyze how the GDP of ASEAN member nations is affected by FDI, foreign visitors, bank credit, and inflation. s: We analyzed panel data for seven ASEAN members from 2002 to 2020. FDI, foreign tourists, banking credit, and inflation are the research factors examined as independent variables that have an impact on GDP, the dependent variable. Results The study’s findings indicate that while inflation has a large negative impact on GDP, FDI, foreign tourism, and bank credit have a considerable positive impact on GDP. Conclusions FDI, foreign tourists, bank credit, and inflation have a significant influence on GDP in ASEAN member countries.

Foreign Direct Investment in ASEAN Airline Industry

The development of aviation market in Southeast Asia after the Covid-19 pandemic is promising. More aircraft are delivered to the Asia-Pacific region, including the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) Member States. The introduction of ASEAN Open Skies (also known as ASEAN Single Aviation Market) a decade earlier together with ASEAN Economic Community Blueprint 2025 goals for an integrated and cohesive regional economy highlight the importance of a seamless air connectivity. Liberalisation of the airline industry in ASEAN Member States is crucial to restart the airline industry pre-pandemic and to grasp the so-called Asian century momentum. However, ASEAN Member States are reluctant towards liberalisation efforts, maintaining protectionism on both freedoms of the air (traffic rights) as well as foreign direct investment (ownership and control). Existing legal framework at regional level, namely ASEAN Framework Agreement on Services (AFAS) and ASEAN Trade in Services Agreement (ATISA), only received lukewarm attention from ASEAN Member States. This article discusses the urgency to recall the commitment of a gradual liberalisation based on AFAS and ATISA among the ASEAN Member States, the implementation of which will lead to the establishment of a regional community carrier which benefits ASEAN citizens.

The Impact of Vaccination, Infection and Fatality Rate on ASEAN Air Transport Industry in the Pandemic Period

This study aims to determine the impact of COVID-19 on air connectivity in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) region, specifically focusing on infection, vaccination and fatality rates. To examine the impact of COVID-19 on the ASEAN air transport industry, a panel data series was created. The panel covered data from 57 airlines with different business models in the 10 ASEAN member states from January 2019 to July 2022 (31 months). The results of the study have shown that there is a significant inverse linear relationship between full-service and low-cost international flight movements, passenger demand and vaccination rate, infection rate and fatality rate. At the country level, Brunei experienced the lowest drop in air passenger demand, followed by the Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia and Cambodia. Other countries (Indonesia, Lao PDR, Myanmar, Singapore and Vietnam) were not significant predictors of passenger demand. The study’s results have indicated that an increase in infection rate has a greater impact on the international air travel market compared to the domestic market. The reduction rate of the domestic market is only half that of the international market, while the fatality rate demonstrated no differences. This study represents a valuable contribution to the existing knowledge of the pandemic’s impact on the air transport industry, focusing on Southeast Asian countries. It provides evidence to help stakeholders in the aviation industry prepare for future related crises. The study concludes that fostering greater cooperation and coordination among ASEAN member states in managing health crises and facilitating the aviation industry can promote economic growth, enhance resilience and strengthen regional integration in the long run. JEL Classification: F02, I30

ASEAN cooperation to combat transnational crime: progress, perils, and prospects

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has grappled with the persistent threat of transnational crime (TC) in Southeast Asia since its establishment in 1967. The rising tide of globalization and technological advancement has only exacerbated the problem, leading to the evolution and organization of various criminal activities. As ASEAN faces a multitude of non-traditional security challenges that transcend national borders, including climate change, infectious diseases, and resource scarcity, TC remains a critical concern that could jeopardize regional stability and security. This article undertakes an extensive analysis of ASEAN's endeavors to combat TC. It delves into key documents outlining ASEAN's commitment, highlights the significant achievements, and identifies the challenges facing the region. The qualitative study evaluates the effectiveness of ASEAN's response to TC within its cooperative framework and core principles. Through content analysis, it draws insights from ASEAN's official documents, as well as reports from Interpol and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, to understand the regional efforts in countering TC. The research reveals a range of collaborative efforts initiated by ASEAN to tackle TC. By focusing on examples of successful operations, such as Operation Maharlika III against human trafficking and Operation HAECHI-I targeting cybercrime, the study underscores the vital role of cross-border cooperation. However, the analysis highlights the challenges posed by the complex nature of TC and the varying capabilities of ASEAN member states. It underscores the importance of regional cooperation and external partnerships to address the evolving threats of TC effectively. In essence, ASEAN's commitment to combating TC is evident through the adoption of strategic documents, joint operations, and capacity-building initiatives. Nevertheless, the evolving nature of TC and its diverse manifestations pose ongoing challenges. A balanced approach in addressing TC is needed that encompasses not only securitization but also a criminal justice response.

Leading countries and research networks advancing clean production and environmental sustainability in Southeast Asia

PurposeThis study aims to assess the response of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to cleaner production and environmental sustainability, with a specific focus on identifying the leading countries and research networks driving these efforts.Design/methodology/approachA benchmarking academic journal was chosen, and the journal’s archive was comprehensively examined. To construct the data set, a conventional keyword search technique was applied in February 2023 to filter for ASEAN affiliations. The study used hybrid bibliometric analyses and multi-criteria decision analysis (MCDA) to analyze the collected data and address the research purpose.FindingsThe data analysis revealed a rising research trend, particularly after 2014. Malaysia had the most publications, followed by Thailand and Singapore, and their publications had the most cumulative citations among ASEAN countries. Research collaborations between Malaysia, Thailand and Singapore were frequent, but participation from other countries was low. The research topics on which ASEAN members focused were also identified, but it became apparent that there was little coordination. A scant few collaborations involving more than two countries were observed; thus, the MCDA analysis concluded that research leadership was absent in ASEAN countries.Originality/valueThis study contributes insights to the existing literature and offers a valuable overview of the research direction and collaboration status of cleaner production and environmental sustainability in the ASEAN region, thus benefiting policymakers. Additionally, this study introduces a novel approach combining bibliometrics analysis with MCDA to assess research collaboration, thus providing a novel methodology for future research policy evaluations.

ASEAN, Russia's invasion of Ukraine and the politics of pragmatism

Abstract The timid response of member governments of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to Russia's invasion of Ukraine has puzzled many western observers as it flagrantly violates the most basic norms of international law to which ASEAN expressly subscribes. This article seeks to provide answers to this puzzle. Informed by practice theory, the article transcends conventional realist explanations of how small and medium-sized countries respond to great power politics. Combining material and cognitive arguments, practice theory allows identifying the cultural and ideational roots of these policies and uncovering mismatches between rhetoric and agency. It suggests that, conceptualized as communities of practice, ASEAN member countries' foreign policy elites have developed a path-dependent pragmatism, which guides their response to great power politics and hence the war in Ukraine. Employing a qualitative mixed-methods approach, the empirical part of the article examines how south-east Asia's diplomatic communities of practice define pragmatism and shows that, historically, pragmatism has strongly guided their foreign policies. It traces ASEAN governments' pragmatic responses to the war in Ukraine at three levels: the national, regional and the (global) multilateral level. The article concludes that liberal proselytism does not help the West to win over ASEAN member countries to support its pro-Ukraine course.

The Indigenous Peoples In ASEAN: Critical Analysis On Development Aggression

Indigenous peoples (IPs) constantly face challenges in terms of culture, land and human rights. The IPs are often the subjects of government and private corporations' resource extraction and development initiatives in their ancestral domains and territories, hence, development aggression. This paper aims to have a critical analysis of the existing development aggression experienced by the IPs within the ten (10) member-states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The researchers contend that ASEAN and its member-states lack robust actions and efficiency in addressing development aggression. Employing a qualitative-descriptive approach, this study utilized the Key Informant Interview (KII) as the primary data, along with document review for secondary sources. This study argues that the development aggression continues to persist among the ASEAN member states as the majority of member states failed to recognize IPs, resulting in continued infringement of their rights. Moreover, the COVID-19 measures was utilized against IP communities and the constant advancement of extractive industries. Furthermore, it has been proven that both National policies and regional mechanisms confront considerable difficulties and need more legal frameworks in dealing with development aggression. The ASEAN member-states are not fully implementing customary rules and other international standards established by organizations such as the UN and the ILO. This study found that there are five (5) policies which may help protecting the IPs against development aggression. The development of Grievance Redress Mechanisms (GRMs) within the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR) specific for IPs and the inclusion of indigenous communities in income- generating projects developed in their ancestral lands and resources is the main one.

Connectedness and economic policy uncertainty spillovers to the ASEAN stock markets

Uncertainty regarding Chinese and American economic policies impacts major investable asset classes in politically contestable geographic regions such as Southeast Asia. Our objective is to examine the dependence structure of Chinese and American Economic Policy Uncertainty (EPU) and returns on six Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) stock indices and to assess the impact of a significant statecraft consideration, the One Belt One Road (OBOR) Initiative, and an exogenous shock, the COVID-19 crisis, on the connectedness between EPU and ASEAN stock returns. We do so by employing novel connectedness and copula approaches. We find that American and Chinese EPU influence ASEAN equity indices differently across countries, with the connectedness of US EPU and ASEAN stock markets exceeding that of Chinese EPU post-2002. Further, we find that the introduction of the OBOR Initiative by China in 2013 coincided with a slight change in the dependence structure for several individual ASEAN stock indices, and show that the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the relationship between American and Chinese EPU and individual ASEAN stock index returns was not homogenous across countries. In doing so, we shed new light on the vulnerability of ASEAN member capital markets to statecraft considerations and exogenous shocks, as well as to economic policy decision-making in China and the United States.

It’s about inspiring the greater community to continue supporting this sector: Elite sport success as a main policy objective for disability sport promotion in ASEAN member states

ABSTRACT Promoting sport participation among people with disabilities is often counted as one of the policy priorities of the national government as well as a main activity of sport for development initiatives to aid the Global South. However, little is known about specific systems, policy, history, and plans for disability sport promotion understood by disability sport administrators in the Global South. The current study focused on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and aimed to explore how ASEAN government officials perceive the status of sport for people with disabilities. Representatives from nine ASEAN member countries participated in individual semi-structured interviews. The results of thematic analysis generated three themes: (1) Perceived lack of disability awareness and disability sport recognition; (2) Elite sport successes address problems at hand; and (3) Elite sport success to motivate funders. These themes suggest that successes in elite sports are of central importance for sport promotion among people with disabilities in ASEAN countries because they perceive that elite sport success can raise disability awareness, popularise disability sport, and motivate funders. Also, Paralympic success is viewed as an opportunity for them to demonstrate success otherwise unattainable in the Olympics. Some of the participants’ accounts appear to go against the current knowledge generated in the Global North; however, as funding is important to develop disability sport administration, it might be inevitable for them to continue promoting elite sport success for now.

Inequity of maternal-child health services in ASEAN member states from 1993 to 2021

IntroductionInequity in maternal-child health services is a challenge to global health as it hinders the achievement of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and Universal Health Coverage. Though the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has made remarkable achievements in maternal-child health, there remain gaps in reaching global goals. This study aimed to compare and investigate the inequity in maternal-child health (MCH) services in ASEAN member states to help guide policy decisions to improve equitable health services in the SDG era and beyond.MethodsUsing the WHO Health Inequality Monitor, we identified inequity summary measures for five MCH services in ASEAN member states from 1993 to 2021: antenatal care, births attended by skilled health personnel, diphtheria, tetanus and pertussis (DTP3) immunization, measles immunization, and polio immunization. We divided the analysis dimension of inequity into urban–rural inequity, economic status inequity, and sub-regional inequity. Trends of absolute and relative inequity in every dimension of MCH services in ASEAN member states were examined with the principal component analysis (PCA).ResultsThe mean coverages of MCH services are 98.80% (Thailand), 86.72% (Cambodia), 84.54% (Viet Nam), 78.52 (Indonesia), 76.94% (Timor-Leste), 72.40% (Lao PDR), 68.10% (Philippines) and 48.52% (Myanmar) in 2021. Thailand have the lowest MCH services absolute inequity indexes of -1.945, followed by Vietnam (-1.449). Lao PDR and Myanmar have relatively higher MCH services absolute inequity indexes of 0.852 and 0.054 respectively. The service in Cambodia, Indonesia, and the Philippines is pro-specific regions (with subnational region absolute inequity indexes of -0.02, 0.01, and 1.01 respectively). The service in Myanmar is pro-rich (with economic status absolute inequity index of 0.43). The service in Lao PDR and Timor-Leste is pro-urban areas, pro-rich, and pro-specific regions.ConclusionThe inequity of MCH services in ASEAN persists but is in a declining trend. Thailand and Vietnam have performed well in ensuring MCH services equity, while Laos and Myanmar are still facing serious inequity dilemmas. The progress of MCH service equity in Myanmar, Cambodia, the Philippines, and Indonesia is uneven. It is acceptable to learn from the successful experiences of Thailand and Vietnam to improve the equities in other ASEAN countries. Policies should be developed according to the specific types of MCH inequity in member states to improve equity levels.

Role of regional trade agreements in enhancing investments in mineral resources projects in ASEAN

In this research, the effects of the regional trade agreement on sustainable investment in mineral resources in 10 Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) members are investigated using econometric analysis of annual data from 1990 to 2021. The empirical estimations confirmed that the gross domestic product has an adverse effect in the short term. In addition, a 1% increase in the development of capital markets will increase green investments in mineral resources by 0.23% and 0.34% in the long and short term, respectively. Geographical distance as a proxy for transportation and insurance costs has an adverse short-term and long-term effect on the amount of green investment in mineral resources. Furthermore, the ASEAN trade-in goods agreement (ATIGA) and ASEAN investment facilitation framework are essential and significant factors in improving sustainable investment in mineral resources in ASEAN member countries.

The growth effects of financial integration in the ASEAN countries

PurposeFinancial integration has played an essential role in achieving economic growth in the members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). However, its effects on economic growth in the region in the long run have been underexamined. This paper examines these effects for the ASEAN member countries.Design/methodology/approachA fully modified ordinary least squares (FMOLS) estimation is used to take into account two critical econometric issues in panel data analysis, including (1) cross-sectional dependence and (2) slope heterogeneity. The dynamic ordinary least squares estimation is also used for robustness analysis. The authors use the generalized least squares estimation to examine the effects in the short run.FindingsThis study’s empirical results confirm the important role of financial integration to economic growth in the ASEAN countries in the short term. However, the effects appear to disappear in the long term. The authors also find capital, labor, and human development positively contribute to economic growth in the region. International trade plays a significant role in supporting economic growth in the ASEAN in the short run. However, its effect seems to weaken in the long run.Originality/valueThe growth effects of financial integration in the ASEAN region in the long term have largely been neglected. As such, the authors examine these effects using updated data on financial integration. The authors extend this study’s analysis by considering foreign direct investment and financial depth as the alternative proxies for financial integration. Other estimation technique is also used as the robustness check.

Industrial policy in Asia-Pacific integration: localization measures and subsidies in ASEAN countries

ABSTRACT As part of Asia-Pacific regionalism, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is in the process of establishing a single market. ASEAN member states conduct their industrial policies on their own but are also guided by the ASEAN legal framework. Having once been in the mainstream of government economic interventions, localization measures still continue to be in use in this region and today affect not only manufacturing but also data-reliant industries, erecting barriers to the advancement of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Southeast Asian countries, like many others, have widely utilized various forms of subsidies as a means of promoting domestic industries. Because of their trade-distortive effects, localization measures and subsidies are disciplined by the World Trade Organization. With the focus on ASEAN member states, this article discusses localization and subsidy issues as addressed under trade rules and outlines some tasks for the ASEANization of industrial policies to deepen regional integration and strengthen ASEAN’s unity.

Competition law and policy of the ASEAN member states for the digital economy: a proposal for greater harmonization

ABSTRACT Over the last decade, many countries have demonstrated remarkable development in their competition regimes, and the regimes of the Member States of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) are no exception. Since effective competition policy for the digital economy has become an important topic across the world, it is time to discuss desirable guidance for digital competition law and policy in the ASEAN region. There are notable obstacles to providing digital policy guidance for the ASEAN Member States. Most Member States have distinctive objectives of competition law, such as associating the non-economic goals of fair competition with unique substantive rules on unfair trade practices. Moreover, the dissimilar level of law enforcement among the Member States requires ASEAN to provide applicable standards for the appraisal of conduct in digital cases so as not to distort competition in the ASEAN region. This article aims at providing suggestions for ASEAN guidelines for the digital economy, which has not been discussed before, by analysing the cases and legislation in several competition regimes.

Starlink for ASEAN: A Changemaker in the Race Toward Sustainable Development?

In 2015, highlighting the fundamental role played by connectivity, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) reaffirmed its vision to build a competitive, resilient regional community. Information communications technology (ICT) has been highlighted as an essential component to achieve the multiple dimensions of connectivity across the ASEAN member states (AMS). Currently, however, the development of ICT-related infrastructure in individual AMS is uneven, with gaps in development both between and within countries. It is in this ecosystem that satellite constellations may represent a great opportunity to support connectivity, mostly in those geographical areas where the deployment of terrestrial telecommunication infrastructure would either be physically difficult or financially unsustainable.The space-related industry is not new to ASEAN. Indeed a few of its members have long histories of engaging with various forms of space development, with investments increasing especially in recent years. Among the currently available satellite constellations, one is attracting particular attention: Starlink. But could this network of low Earth orbit satellites really be a changemaker toward the achievement of full regional connectivity, providing a boost in the race to fulfilling the Sustainable Development Goals?To answer this question, we propose a simple two-dimensional framework into which each AMS can be mapped. The two dimensions are the readiness and usefulness of the adoption of Starlink. The score in each dimension is obtained based on three factors against which the AMS are quantitatively evaluated and ranked. The analysis accounts for the heterogeneity of AMS and is supported by secondary data. The proposed approach provides an easy-to-use tool for policymakers and government bodies, to decide whether or not to invest in the adoption of Starlink as a tool for boosting their race toward sustainable development.

Southeast Asian States Have Their Own Views on the Ukraine War

Southeast Asian States Have Their Own Views on the Ukraine War Jeffrey Reeves (bio) Just as Southeast Asia has emerged as the center of gravity for the countries of the global West's respective Indo-Pacific strategies, so too has the region become a priority area for Western diplomacy on the Russia-Ukraine war. Since the start of the conflict, the United States, in particular, has lobbied Southeast Asian states and the secretariat of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to condemn Russia's aggression and to comply with Western sanctions against Moscow. In May 2022, for example, the Biden administration raised the Ukraine war in discussions with Southeast Asian leaders at their summit in Washington and tried to insert language in a joint U.S.-ASEAN vision statement criticizing Russia's militarism, ultimately having to settle instead for more vague language on support for territorial sovereignty and international law.1 Similarly, in 2022, the entire Western cohort of the G-20 pressured then host Indonesia to include language criticizing Russia's invasion in the group's joint statement. According to one European sous-sherpa involved in the statement's drafting, China and India also partially supported this language, which therefore made it possible to include.2 In at least one instance, however, European leaders were unable to bring their Southeast Asian counterparts on side with their criticism of Russia. In a December 2022 joint statement following an EU-ASEAN summit, negotiators failed to draft a common critique of Russia's actions.3 Neither have Western leaders had much success in securing Southeast Asian state support in condemnation of the war at the bilateral level, aside from Singapore, which is unique in the region for its relative acceptance [End Page 55] of Western views on the Ukraine war. Indeed, for all the West's efforts to propagate a distinctly critical narrative of Russia in Southeast Asia, regional media, scholarship, and leadership remain either noncommittal to the idea of Russian censure or sympathetic to what they perceive as Russia's strategic logic. As the Ukraine war passed its one-year anniversary in February 2023, Southeast Asian states were decidedly less interested in the war and in criticizing Russia than before. Although in a March 2022 UN General Assembly resolution eight ASEAN members voted to condemn Russia (Vietnam and Laos abstained), polling now shows that Southeast Asian states lead the world in their disinterest toward the war.4 Large majorities of the public in Thailand (60%) and Malaysia (56%) and sizable numbers in Singapore (44%) and Indonesia (48%) believe that the war is not their business and that their states should not interfere.5 Far from being a region that is sympathetic to Western narratives on the Ukraine war, Southeast Asia stands out for its perceived detachment from the conflict. How can one explain Southeast Asian states' apathy toward the war at a time that stands out in many ways as a high-water mark for Western states' attention? While the diversity within and between Southeast Asian states makes it nearly impossible to answer this question comprehensively in short form, there are several trends and characteristics across the region that provide some degree of insight. First, there is a clear lack of consensus on the origins, strategic direction, and global impact of the Russia-Ukraine war among Southeast Asian states and within ASEAN. Second, most Southeast Asian states remain open to and interested in maintaining economic, political, and social ties with Russia despite Western pressure to limit or restrict engagement. Third, Southeast Asian states are, in general, more cynical about Western intentions toward the war than other states, particularly with respect to Washington's proclivity to use the conflict to justify the further isolation of China and NATO's attempt to use the conflict to expand its influence in Asia. In this essay, the author will draw on polling data, official statements, media, and scholarship from across Southeast Asia to detail regional states' contemporary views on the Ukraine war and demonstrate that Southeast Asian states are generally less concerned about Russia's invasion [End Page 56] of Ukraine than their European and North American counterparts, more critical of the war's...

The NSP-K and NSP-K Plus: Elevating South Korea’s Middle Power Presence Among Asean Member Countries

The Republic of Korea's New Southern Policy (NSP-K), introduced in 2017, and its New Southern Policy Plus (NSP-K+), introduced in 2020, were regarded as highlights of former President Moon Jae-in's foreign policy initiatives. Building upon the three pillars of ‘People, Prosperity and Peace', South Korea strengthened diplomatic and economic ties with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as part of its effort to elevate the organization as one of its main diplomatic partners. While the benefits of the NSP-K and NSP-K+ were very much focused on its external partners, the authors argue that the policy also elevated South Korea's middle power presence and ambition in the region, albeit with an unequal impact on various ASEAN member countries. This paper examines the concept of middle power and in doing so, looks at previous initiatives undertaken by South Korea in advancing its middle power strategy. It will then evaluate whether the NSP-K and NSP-K+ could be regarded as successful tools which contributed to enhancing South Korea’s middle power diplomacy and presence among ASEAN member states.

Maternal Depression during Pregnancy and Postpartum Period among the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Countries: A Scoping Review

Identification of mothers with depression is important because untreated perinatal depression can have both short- and long-term consequences for the mother, the child, and the family. This review attempts to identify the prevalence of antenatal and postnatal depression (AD and PD, respectively) of mothers among the ASEAN member countries. A literature review was conducted using PubMed, Scopus, and the Asian Citation Index. The reviews covered publications in peer-reviewed journals written in the English language between January 2010 and December 2020. Of the 280 articles identified, a total of 37 peer-reviewed articles conducted in 8 out of 11 ASEAN member countries were included. The Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale (EPDS) was the most common instrument used to identify depression. This study showed the number of studies reporting the prevalence of AD was 18 in five countries. For PD, 24 studies in eight countries were included. The prevalence of AD ranged from 4.9% to 46.8%, and that of PD ranged from 4.4% to 57.7%. This first review among ASEAN countries showed very few studies conducted in lower-middle-income and substantial heterogeneity in prevalence among studies reviewed. Further research should be conducted to estimate the prevalence using a large representative sample with a validated assessment tool among the ASEAN countries.

Analysis of the Relationship Between Climate Change Impacts and Terrorism in ASEAN (1990-2018)

In August 1967, realizing that peace and stability is the catalyst to economic growth, 5 nations (Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, and The Philippines) formed the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The group eventually evolved and adding more members resulting with a grouping of 10 states with the addition of Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Lao’s PDR, Myanmar, and Vietnam. This paper intends to review the link between climate change and terrorism in member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Association of Southeast Asian Nations/ASEAN). The datasets used to form the empirical model are the number of terrorist attacks from 1990-2018 recorded in the Global Terrorism Database (National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START) and Climate Change Indicators 1990-2018 recorded in The World Bank. Using multiple regression analysis, the study answered the research question as ‘An increase in access to electricity, rainfall, and farmland size has a statistical probability of increasing terrorism attacks in ASEAN, while an increase in greenhouse gas emissions, statistically has a probability of reducing terrorism attacks in ASEAN member states.