Assimilation Policy Research Articles

A Diachronic Study on Language Policy of Laos

The purpose of this research is to examine the language policies of Laos in different historical periods: the Kingdom of Lan Xang and the vassal state of Siam, the French colonial period, the monarchical period, and the socialist period. Based on the three-dimensional model of language policy research proposed by Lo Bianco and Aliani, "Text", "Discourse", and "Practice", through analyzing the Lao policy documents that state the position of language use in different periods, unscrambling the literature on the interpretation of policy documents, and investigating the actual use of language, the following conclusions are drawn: during the period of Kingdom of Lan Xang and the vassal state of Siam, the original Lao was similar to the Yue language spoken by the Baiyue people in the history of southern China. The Lao script is alphabetic writing created from Sanskrit and Pali. More than a century of Siamese rule over Laos resulted in a high degree of similarity between the Lao and Thai languages today. During the French colonial period, the Language policy of assimilation, standardization, and “de-Siamization” was implemented in Laos. In the meantime, French had been the official language, working language, and instruction language, while Lao was an optional subject in the education system. During the monarchical period, it was a transitional period in terms of language policy in the Kingdom of Laos. The Royalist Government of Laos continued the language education policies and spelling rules of Lao formulated by the “Comité Littéraire” of French colonial authorities and established Lao as the official language in the Constitution. During the socialist period, the government of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic adopted the language policy of monolingualism by taking Lao as the official language, national language, and instruction language. The monolingual policy aroused opposition from other ethnic minorities, but it played a role in cultivating Lao national consciousness and constructing a national identity for an emerging multi-ethnic country. While fulfilling this historic mission, the Lao government has gradually improved the monolingual policy, adjusted the policy of minority languages, and implemented the policy of the coexistence of multiple languages.

One People? A Visual Language of Australian Citizenship

After World War II the legal category of Australian citizenship was created through the Nationality and Citizenship Act 1948, but continued to overlap with British status. A ‘new language’ of photography actively constituted ideas about Australian citizenship through three interlocking discourses centring on the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, a new assimilationist policy for Australia’s Indigenous people, and a migration program which advanced a powerful visual language of whiteness. The universalising language of the ‘family of man’ took on distinctive vernacular forms as officials sought to define an ‘Australian way of life’ through new photographic formats, including pamphlets, highly-illustrated periodicals, and media stories. As mapped by these visual projects, the universalising and inclusive rhetoric of human rights shaped international aspirations as well as Australian assimilation policy during these postwar years, yet both featured notable ‘blind spots’, or exclusions, that define the limits of citizenship.

DEMOKRASİ SONRASI BULGARİSTAN’DA BEKTAŞİ, KIZILBAŞ, ALEVİ ALVANLAR (YABLANOVO) KÖYÜ

This study aimed to examine the ethno-religious situation of Bektashi, Qizilbash and Alevis in Bulgaria after Bulgaria's accession to the European Union, in the example of Alvanlar village (Yablanovo) in Sliven province. It was investigated in the example of Bektashi, Kizilbash, Alevis Alvans (Yablanovo) village in Bulgaria. After a period of ten years, a new research on the village of Alvanlar has been made and the change that has occurred has been followed. Especially after the Republic of Bulgaria's transition to democracy and accession to the European Union, the practices against the Turks, who are among the minorities in Bulgaria, and the developments regarding the non-fulfillment of the cultural rights demands of the Bektashi, Qizilbash and Alevis, who constitute a considerable number among the Turks, have been monitored. After the article gives information about the importance and method of the research, the village of Alvanlar in Bulgarias Sliven Province is briefly introduced. Secondly, information is given about Alevism-Bektashism in Bulgaria, whose history goes back to the pre-Ottoman era. The history of the village of Alvanlar in the province of Sliven, Bulgaria, and the religious and national practices and difficulties faced by the Bektashi, Qizilbash, Alevis of the Alvanlar village are included. Especially in the socialist period of Bulgaria, the center of the struggle, which resisted the systematic oppression and assimilation policy against the Turkish and Muslim people, is the village of Alvanlar/Yablanovo. In this respect, the village of Alvanlar/Yablanovo is an important settlement in Bulgaria both in the transition to democracy and in the preservation of the Turkish-Muslim identity. It is also the center of Ali Koç Baba, his children and Ali Koç Babas Ojak, who both carry and protect the memory of the dervishes who traveled from Khorasan to Anatolia and from Anatolia to Rumelia. Keywords: Bektashism, Qizilbashs, Alevism, Yablanovo, Alvanlar, Sliven, Bulgaria.

Captive Cousins: Hoomothya, Wassaja, and a Lifetime of Unwellness

Abstract This article explores the lives and experiences of two Yavapai first cousins during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. One of these men was very well known (Wassaja, or Carlos Montezuma), while the other was less so (Hoomothya, or Mike Burns). While both secured American citizenship and a degree of success in mainstream American society, their lives were also plagued by bitter disappointments and personal turmoil. Using the Yavapai concept of nagock hona umi—a Yavapai term meaning unwellness in an individual—the article demonstrates how and why these two Yavapai cousins experienced profound, lifelong unwellness. This unwellness began in childhood, when both were captured by enemies and ripped from their families, and it remained untreated throughout their lives. This article serves as an invitation to scholars to utilize Indigenous methodologies originating from Indigenous communities to better understand how they experienced—and continue to experience—colonialism, genocide, assimilation policies, citizenship and liberalism, and life in the “modern” world.

Decolonization the what, whyand how: A treatieson Indigenous nursing knowledge.

Decolonization the what, whyand how: A treatieson Indigenous nursing knowledge.

Commerce with Indian Tribes: Original Meanings, Current Implications

The Supreme Court’s 2022 ruling in Oklahoma v. Castro-Huerta defied much current precedent and practice, as four dissenters protested. But neither side grappled with the Constitution’s original meaning. Both text and early practice confirm that the federal power to regulate “commerce with the Indian tribes” was a different, more constrained power than the power to regulate “commerceamong the states.” But as nineteenth century courts recognized, federal Indian law could also draw on powers inherent in national sovereignty—a wider, but not unbounded, source of authority and one which necessarily excluded interference from states. Even if tribal reservations are now seen as no more independent than states, they have good claims to protection under constitutional safeguards for the free flow of commerce—rather than being treated as colonial dependents of state governments. In contrast to the conformist and assimilationist policies imposed by federal authority in the decades after the Civil War, today’s Americashould be more receptive to the Constitution’s original view on Indian tribes—as separate nations within the larger American nation.

Resisting Russification in Soviet Ukraine through Literary Translation: The Voice of Mykola Lukash

The Soviet totalitarian regime not only violated human rights, it pursued an aggressive policy of assimilation, seeking Russian cultural and linguistic hegemony over all Soviet republics. Literary translation was no longer viewed as an apolitical activity and became an ideological weapon and an efficient “means of forced cultural change” (Monticelli). Regime ideologues sought control over both the selection of “reliable” authors / texts for translation and the ways in which these texts were interpreted in the target languages. This policy led to the appearance of massive translations from Russian literature and a widespread practice of indirect translations, with Russian intermediary texts as a criterion of fidelity. In Soviet Ukraine, however, this Russification policy went further and targeted the Ukrainian language itself; this resulted in the lexicographical deactivation of many authentic Ukrainian words and their substitution with Russian counterparts. Extensive repressive practices and tight ideological constraints gave rise to translators’ activism and cultural resistance and inspired translators to take on new roles. The case of Mykola Lukash (1919–88), whose name went down in the history of Ukrainian translation as a symbol of resistance, illustrates some of the social roles performed by translators to resist Russification. Lukash’s actions as translation gatekeeper, cultural custodian, and language guardian exemplified the importance of personal agency and a firm occupational identity for translators who opposed assimilation.

Assimilation and economic development: the case of federal Indian policy.

Throughout the nineteenth century, federal Indian policy oscillated between two extreme positions: assimilation versus isolation. While scholars have often been interested in the impact of past federal policy on current levels of economic development among American Indian tribes, none have explicitly examined the influence of federal assimilation policy on long-run economic development. In this paper, I take advantage of tribal-level variation in the application of federal policies to estimate the effect of assimilation on long-run economic performance. To quantify the impact of such policies, I introduce a novel measure of cultural assimilation: the prevalence of traditional indigenous names relative to common American first names. To calculate the distribution of name types, I have gathered the names and locations for all American Indians enumerated in the 1900 United States census. After classifying each name, I calculated the reservation-specific share of non-indigenous names. I estimate the relationship between cultural assimilation in 1900 and per capita income from 1970 through 2020. I find that historical levels of assimilation are consistently associated with higher levels of per capita income in all census years. The results are robust to the inclusion of a variety of cultural and institutional controls and regional fixed effects.

The Assembly of people of Kazakhstan as an institution of interculturalism policy

The article reveals the origins of the systemic crisis of the neoliberal model of multiculturalism. It is shown that the conceptual foundations and socio-political technologies of the neoliberal project of a multicultural society were unable to combine the principle of recognition and promotion of cultural diversity with the imperative of strengthening the civil-political, cultural, spiritual unity of the people. The search for a new model of nation-building and management of ethno-cultural diversity led to the emergence of the concept of interculturalism in the early 2000s. Interculturalism is considered by modern political theory as a kind of third way between the extremes of multiculturalism and the policy of assimilation. The article shows that the approaches and principles of interculturalism are consistently and effectively implemented in the national policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan, having received institutional consolidation in the form of the Assembly of the People of Kazakhstan.

The Piikani Well-being Project: Indigenous-led metrics and mapping to improve human and agricultural system health within the Amskapi Piikani Blackfeet Nation

As the first stewards and scientists, Indigenous Peoples have collected data on land relationships across homelands since time immemorial. Settler-colonial experiences have associated data and maps as tools of dispossession, disparity, and disempowerment. Today, however, Indigenous-led statistics and mapping efforts yield powerful tools for Nations in addressing the interconnected wellness of Indigenous biosystems, lands, and people while honoring collectively held knowledge and community protocols. This article details both quantitative and qualitative Indigenous research, with geospatial methodologies of the Amskapi Piikani (Blackfeet Nation), in the creation of the Amskapi Piikani Nation’s first well-being index. The Piikani Well-being Index (PWI), generated by this project, is grounded in cultural values and informed by traditional and current knowledge(s) defining 80 variables. The PWI encompasses areas of human health, agriculture and food sovereignty, cultural systems, social and educational lifeways, environmental stewardship, institutions and governance, economics, and land tenure to include traditional land use and Native land revitalization after centuries of systematic oppression, assimilation policies, structural inequities, and trauma. This project navigates data sovereignty challenges while mobilizing data generated by the Nation’s first Indigenous land use census. Offering new insights for our Tribal leaders and organizations at nation, local, and watershed scales, the PWI represents an Indigenous system view to better build community research agendas and action. This article discusses the challenges incurred in data collection and use while identifying areas of future work determining metrics and tools to cover the environmental, social, economic, and health research needs of Indigenous communities through data sovereignty.

Crafting an Indigenous Nation: Kiowa Expressive Culture in the Progressive Era by Jenny Tone-Pah-Hote

Reviewed by: Crafting an Indigenous Nation: Kiowa Expressive Culture in the Progressive Era by Jenny Tone-Pah-Hote Benjamin R. Kracht Jenny Tone-Pah-Hote, Crafting an Indigenous Nation: Kiowa Expressive Culture in the Progressive Era. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2018. 142 pp. $29.95 (paper). After 1875, Kiowas in southwestern Oklahoma faced rapid cultural change precipitated by the collapse of the Plains horse and buffalo culture; the influx of Indian Office personnel and missionaries who imposed assimilationist policies; the nefarious Jerome Commission and forced allotment; and attacks on dancing, ceremonies, and Native healers. In Crafting an Indigenous Nation, Jenny Tone-Pah-Hote examines her people's expressive culture—art, music, dance, and performance—to demonstrate how Kiowas navigated and shaped individual, intratribal, and intertribal identities during the Progressive Era and the early twentieth century. In the intertribal arena of fairs, powwows, and expositions, Kiowas formed a distinctive tribal identity observable in war dancing, beadwork, "Indian flat style" paintings, silverwork, and other mediums. Utilizing archival materials, anthropological field notes, and stories about her grandparents, Tone-Pah-Hote describes Kiowa survival and assertion of tribal identity during this challenging era. Images of people and art appropriately frame the introduction and subsequent chapters, setting the tone for discussing Kiowa expressive culture. For instance, chapter one begins with an image that depicts a man and woman on horseback leading a pack horse; both carry weapons because women often accompanied men on war expeditions (16). The presence of Western-style saddles, German silver bridles, trade cloth, and guns elucidates the melding of Western and traditional accoutrements in mid-nineteenth century Plains societies. Kiowa art production was gendered in that men painted scenes of warfare, a marker of male rank and status, whereas women tanned hides and painted parfleche bags. This particular ledger drawing was made between 1875 and 1877 when twenty-six Kiowa men—some were captives—served prison terms in Fort Marion, Florida, at the conclusion of the Southern Plains wars that ended the horse and buffalo [End Page 193] culture. While imprisoned, the men performed war dances and sold art to tourists visiting St. Augustine, in part because they were "objects of display and assimilation" (17) but also to make money. Upon their release in 1878, most of the prisoners returned to a rapidly changing homeland where the formerly nomadic Kiowas were settling in communities. Within two decades, individuals were selecting 160-acre allotments according to provisions of the 1892 Jerome Agreement that opened their reservation for homesteading. Bison hunting, raiding, and trading were replaced by a mixed economy of subsistence farming, foraging, leasing, and wage labor. Despite Indian Office harassment and threats of jail sentences for those participating in tribal dances and festivities, some men were drawn to Wild West shows, fairs, and expositions where they could make money by war dancing. By the 1920s, older war dances transformed into newer forms, including the faster-paced fancy dancer style performed by men donning feathered dance bustles, porcupine hair roaches, beaded clothing and moccasins, and bells attached to their legs that sounded with their dance moves. Perhaps the most popular fancy dancers in the emergent intertribal powwow arena were the male members of the Kiowa Six—Stephen Mopope, Monroe Tsatoke, Jack Hokeah, Spencer Asah, and James Auchiah—noted artists who, along with Lois Smoky, studied art at the University of Oklahoma, where they perfected "Indian flat style" painting. Theirs was an "autobiographical style learned from their relatives" (64), although instead of combat scenes, they painted war dancers at powwows and worshipers at peyote, or tipi, meetings. Peyotism, along with Christianity, arrived in Kiowa country towards the end of the nineteenth century and helped fill the void left by the death of the tribal Sun Dance. After its official charter in 1918 as the Native American Church, the peyote religion spread throughout Oklahoma and beyond. Adherents of the new religion attended all-night tipi meetings, ingested peyote buttons, and sang fast-paced songs accompanied by a water drum and rattle; their songs and prayers traveled skyward, assisted by Water Bird, the intermediary between humans and spirits. By the 1920s, peyote attire and jewelry, including Water Bird and Morning Star motifs...

Sharing the Land, Sharing a Future: The Legacy of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples ed. by Katherine A. H. Graham and David Newhouse

Reviewed by: Sharing the Land, Sharing a Future: The Legacy of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples ed. by Katherine A. H. Graham and David Newhouse Adam Thomas Murry Sharing the Land, Sharing a Future: The Legacy of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. Edited by Katherine A. H. Graham and David Newhouse. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2021. ix + 487 pp. Figures, tables, index. $31.95 paper. Sharing the Land, Sharing a Future is an essential read for any scholar, government official, or student that is interested in the ways the Royal Commission on Aboriginal People (RCAP, 1996) has influenced efforts to improve Indigenous services, status, and policies in Canada. To many, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's (2015) report is front and center for guidance on how to address the effects of hundreds of years of assimilationist policies, the racist and oppressive colonial ideologies that justified them, and the inequities they produced. What many do not know is that Canada already had volumes of insight and consultation from Indigenous leaders and community members in the RCAP; this book does well to detail them. Following the RCAP report, a series of papers were written to explicate how recommendations from the report could be actualized. This text is a collection of these papers, covering governance, health, economic development, education, child welfare services, policy, counseling and therapy, research, and public engagement. The first section of the book contains two chapters that outline the context of the RCAP and the definitions RCAP produced around sovereignty, self-determination, and self-governance, particularly in terms of health governance, jurisdiction, and responsibility, asserting the joint responsibility of First Nations and the Canadian government. This section also reviews important constitutional sections, legal decisions, and treaty agreements that empower First Nations, Métis, and Inuit communities in our era, as well as the complexities and challenges given the lingering authority of the Indian Act. The second section contains eight chapters, or eight letters, presented at the 2016 conference Sharing the Land, Sharing a Future: A National Forum for Reconciliation, which commemorated and reflected on the 20 years since the RCAP report was published. Written by the RCAP cochairs, national chiefs of the Assembly of First Nations and Congress of Aboriginal Peoples, presidents of Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami, Métis National Council, and Native Women's Association of Canada, and the minister of Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada, the letters present leaders' perspectives on the vision and intentions of RCAP, the history since it was released, how it has been used along with other reports to advance self-determination and self-governance at the local level, and what remains to be done to establish healthy and collaborative Nation-to-Nation relationships between Indigenous Nations and the Crown and federal government. The third section, which comprises most of the text, are chapters written by Indigenous scholars and non-Indigenous partners in concentrated areas affected by RCAP's recommendations. Topical areas include education, poverty, economic development, health and wellness, cultural safety, child services, healing, and research. With an impressive list of co-authors, such as Jo-ann Archibald, David Newhouse, Caroline Tait, and Amy Bombay, each issue is discussed both in terms of cutting-edge perspectives as well as RCAP recommendations. Central across all domains is the duty for governments to consult with the affected Indigenous communities in question before and during policy and program development, for localized solutions to be born out of respect for communities' self-determined goals, grounded in their right for survival as distinct cultural peoples, and with the long-term commitment to foster independent, healthy, and financially stable Nations. The fourth and final section, appropriately named "Moving to Action," is a set of chapters dedicated to raising public awareness and engagement, improving research funding opportunities and standards, writing and rewriting policy, and shifting public opinion. Despite the numerous ways this text documents our failures to achieve the vision set forth by RCAP, it simultaneously demonstrates [End Page 60] the many concrete ways progress has been made, with a hopeful eye toward the future. Adam Thomas Murry Department of Psychology University of Calgary Copyright © 2023 Center for Great Plains Studies

Challenges of diversity in languages: the dilemma of using English as a medium of learning in Nigeria – report

Nigeria, just like many other African countries and Asian countries were colonized by the first world countries, The British adopted the policy of assimilation, which the learning of ‘English language’ by Nigerians was one of them. The reason was not far-fetched from the fact that we needed a united language for political, economic and social stability and convenience because of our diversity in cultures and languages. This however was an accomplished agenda because everyone had no option but to learn English language right from childhood and pass mark of this language subject was a criterion to get into the higher education. My experience as an educational instructor of English language, I discovered that students find it easier to express themselves in their native languages than English language, there is stigmatization, disdain or discriminatory expression given to a student finding it hard to make correct grammatical expression by his or her colleagues. Students even feel embarrassed to make presentations, debates and even engage with their colleagues in extracurricular activities because they consider it a deficiency and an embarrassment.

Missed Opportunities and Hope for Healing: Reflections of an Indigenous Catholic Priest–Interview with Fr. Daryold Winkler

The context of my contribution to the roundtable discussion was intended to be from a personal perspective. I have Indigenous roots and am a second-generation survivor of the Indian Day School and Residential School system. For myself, the issue of reconciliation in the church is visceral because my mother and her siblings experienced the detrimental effects of these assimilation policies that we now know as cultural genocide. The effects of these policies continue to be felt in subsequent generations; they are intergenerational and they are traumatic.

Native American Voting Rights in Utah: Federal Policy, Citizenship, and Voter Suppression

Native American Voting Rights in Utah: Federal Policy, Citizenship, and Voter Suppression

A Model of Civilization: Imperial Projects, Indigenous Peoples, and “Domiciliation” in Upper Canada, 1784–1844

From the 1780s to the 1840s, First Nations leaders and imperial officials in the Great Lakes region frequently made common cause to promote the establishment of Indigenous communities within the territories claimed by the British Empire. Largely made up of refugees from across the newly established international border, these settlements offered Indigenous Peoples the possibility of safety and prosperity, while imperial administrators viewed them as crucial props to British power. Although these projects often invoked the discourse of civilization, the approach they advocated was a far cry from the vision of assimilation that is often understood by “civilization” in today’s historiography. Drawing on the model of the nations domiciliées of the St. Lawrence Valley, these projects could be better understood as following a model of “domiciliation,” defined by military alliance, Indigenous autonomy, and the selective adoption of elements of transatlantic culture. This model, however, was consistently challenged by a discourse of “half-civilization” that by the mid-1840s gave rise to a more totalizing policy of assimilation.

A Whirlwind Passed Through Our Country: Lakota Voices of the Ghost Dance by Rani-Henrik Andersson (review)

Reviewed by: A Whirlwind Passed Through Our Country: Lakota Voices of the Ghost Dance by Rani-Henrik Andersson Elena Tajima Creef A Whirlwind Passed Through Our Country: Lakota Voices of the Ghost Dance. By Rani-Henrik Andersson. Foreword by Raymond J. DeMaille. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2018. viii + 401 pp. Illustrations, bibliography, index. $39.95 cloth. Rani-Henrik Andersson's impeccably researched book makes a substantial contribution to the literature on the Ghost Dance that swept across Lakota country in 1890 during one of the darkest periods of tribal history marked by extreme famine, governmental and Christian assimilationist policies, persecution, and forced relocation into the new reservation system. White settler and government fears of the Ghost Dance set into motion the tragic events that would ultimately culminate in the 7th Cavalry's massacre of some 350 Lakota men, women, and children at Wounded Knee on the Pine Ridge reservation on December 29, 1890. Building from his previous work, The Lakota Ghost Dance of 1890 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2008), Andersson breaks new ground by privileging a wide range of Lakota voices as the exclusive subject of this study of the Ghost Dance. His research is rich in primary materials that he carefully curates while pointing out how certain Ghost Dance accounts have become standardized over others, and how some Lakota language sources have been riddled with errors and mistranslations. Andersson revisits over 100 firsthand Lakota accounts pulled from across an impressive collection of archives and organizes these "voices" into four distinct categories that make clear there never was a single Lakota perspective on this historic ceremony inspired by the Paiute prophet Wovoka. Andersson also notes there have been very few recorded accounts by Lakota women on the Ghost Dance. To his credit, he brings women into the conversation by including several of their voices in this study—most notably Alice Ghost Horse and Josephine Waggoner. The handful of other women are cited as "anonymous woman" or "anonymous Lakota girls"—stark reminders that their voices and identities have long been half-hidden in the shadow of the archives. Andersson wistfully acknowledges in the final pages of A Whirlwind Passed Through Our Country that there is a fifth category of Lakota voices that remains beyond his reach as a non-native scholar. Lakota stories of the Ghost Dance and its aftermath have been carefully passed down through an oral tradition across eight generations of descendants. It will be up to a new generation of rising Native scholars and historians alone to decide what from this private collection of firsthand accounts can be respectfully shared with those who wish to learn more about the Ghost Dance beyond the limits of the archive and the written page. [End Page 113] Elena Tajima Creef Women's and Gender Studies Wellesley College Copyright © 2023 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska–Lincoln

Борьба сербов в Австрии против унии в XVIII веке

The author examines the position of the Serbian people and the Orthodox Church under Austrian rule since the end of the Holy League war with Turkey from the end of the 17th century to the era of Josephism. After having settled in Austria, the Serbs were exposed to the assimilation policy of the authorities, the main instrument of which was the union with the Roman Catholic Church imposed on the Serbs. The sources for the study were normative and administrative acts of authorities at various levels, decisions of the Serbian people's church councils, official and private correspondence, as well as previously unpublished diplomatic documents from the fund of the Russian embassy in Vienna. The article identifies the main directions of the state policy and the Roman Catholic Church towards the Serbs and analyzes Serbian response. It is concluded that the inhabitants of the cities greatly resisted the union while, while the Orthodox bishops showed a tendency to compromise with the authorities. In the struggle against the union, the Serbs tried to apply for the support of the largest Orthodox power. Russia, for its part, provided assistance to the Serbs, and its volume was largely determined by the position and personal views on the "Serbian issue" of the Russian am­bas­sadors in Vienna. In conclusion, it is emphasized that thanks to the active position of the Ser­bian urban class and patronage from Russia, the Austrian Serbs managed to maintain their adherence to the faith of their ancestors and the independence of their church throughout the 18th century. This became the key to preserving their national and cultural identity in an alien, foreign environment.

Türkiye'deki Suriyeli mülteciler ve geleceğin getirecekleri

This is a brief letter that addresses the question of Syrian refugee crisis in Türkiye as it is unfolding. As a Dutch born second generation person who has experienced the various phases of multiculturality, diversity, integration and assimilation policies, I believe to be able to contribute to the political and social debate from a constitutive perspective.

МОВНА ПОЛІТИКА В УКРАЇНІ І ПЕРСПЕКТИВИ ЄВРОІНТЕГРАЦІЇ

The paper discusses the current state and the prospects of language planning and language policy in Ukraine from the perspective of their conformity with the European language ideologies, sociolinguistic principles and practical approaches. Since late 20th century language policy in Ukraine has been determined by the battle of two antagonistic language ideologies: 1) advocating the spread of Ukrainian into public spheres from which it was ousted or denied access to by the centuries of imperial domination and 2) conservation of colonial legacy accompanied by appeals to western-type liberal values of human rights and individual freedom. Under the pretext of implementing the principles of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages pro-Russian political forces tried to impede the spread of Ukrainian into public life and to conserve the language situation caused by Russian assimilation policy. As a result, the reputation of the Charter in Ukraine was seriously damaged. Sociological surveys show that Ukrainian speakers prevail among those striving for the country’s membership in the EU and NATO, while those rejecting the prospects of the country’s Euro-Atlantic integration are mostly Russophones. Since the start of the full-scale military aggression of Russia against Ukraine the number of Ukrainian citizens shifting from Russian to Ukrainian in their daily intercourse is ever growing. Symbolically they distance themselves from the ideology of the so called Russian World and join the ranks of the supporters of either Ukrainian monolingualism or of bilingualism with the sufficient knowledge of the state language. There are indications that the feasibility of implementation of the Charter towards Russian and some other languages in Ukraine could be questioned. Yet taking into account that the Charter recognizes that protection of regional or minority languages should not be to the detriment of the official language or threaten territorial integrity of the country, there is no sound reason for its denunciation.