Assassination Attempt Research Articles

Afghanistan: the reconstruction process

In this article the author focuses initially on the degree of support provided by the international community to the interim administration of Afghanistan and notes that the pledges made at the Tokyo Conference do not equate to the per capita levels of funding made available for other recent emergencies. He draws attention to the inter–relationship between security and funding for reconstruction and comments that the recent decision of the US government to join with others in agreeing to finance work to upgrade the major highway system is very timely in shoring up the regime in the wake of the recent assassination attempt on Hamid Karzai. He stresses that the international community needs to provide sustained support to the new government if it is to survive. He also analyses the complex relationship between the administration and the aid community and reports on the calls by the government to be given the major part of the resources allocated by international donors and to be supported to take the lead in determining policy and strategy. The author notes the nature of the Afghan economy and the potential for reconstruction, taking account of the economic impact of the conflict, the progress made by the aid community since 1992, the humanitarian crisis arising from the drought of 1999–2001 and the large scale, mainly involuntary, return of refugees from Pakistan and Iran since March 2002. He comments on the fact that the agricultural economy cannot support its population, on the need for economic safety valves in the form of migration to Pakistan and Iran, on the availability of camps for internally displaced people, and on urbanization. In concluding the author is both optimistic and cautious, noting the fragility of the situation, but also acknowledging that the international community is taking timely action to address it through reconstruction assistance although it remains reluctant to give sufficient priority to security provision.

Management of acute suppurative parotitis

Acute suppurative parotitis (ASP), an inflammatory and infectious process of the parotid gland, was a well-recognized complication of abdominal surgery before the advent of antibiotics. With the use of perioperative antibiotics, ASP has become a rare occurrence. The overall incidence of this disease has been reported to be 0.01% to 0.02% of all hospital admissions and 0.002% to 0.04% of postoperative patients. 1 McAnally T Parotitis—clinical presentation and management. Postgrad Med. 1982; 71: 87 PubMed Google Scholar , 2 Spratt JS The etiology and therapy of acute pyogenic parotitis. Surg Gynecol Obstet. 1961; 112: 391 Google Scholar , 3 Gustafson JR Acute parotitis. Surgery. 1951; 29: 786 PubMed Google Scholar , 4 Robinson JR Surgical parotitis: A vanishing disease. Surgery. 1955; 39: 703 Google Scholar It has been postulated that ASP has been known since the time of Hippocrates, 5 Speirs CF Mason DK Acute septic parotitis: Incidence, aetiology and management. Scot Med. 1972; 17: 62 PubMed Google Scholar but it was Cruveilhier in 1836 who gave the first clinically accurate description of this process. 6 Yonkers AJ Krous HF Yarington CT Surgical parotitis. Laryngoscope. 1972; 82: 1239 Crossref PubMed Scopus (13) Google Scholar US President James A. Garfield sustained an abdominal gunshot wound during an assassination attempt in 1881 and subsequently died of complications of suppurative parotitis. 7 Goldberg MH Infections of the salivary glands. in: Oral and Maxillofacial Infections. Saunders, Philadelphia, PA1987: 239 Google Scholar Although the infection is usually confined to the parotid capsule, spread of infection has been noted to the cervical fascial planes. Guardia et al 8 Guardia SN Cameron R Phillips A Fatal necrotizing mediastinitis secondary to acute suppurative parotitis. J Otolarygol. 1991; 20: 54 Google Scholar reported a 67-year-old man who died from necrotizing mediastinitis secondary to ASP. ASP has been traditionally regarded as an ascending bacterial sialoadenitis via retrograde transductal flow of bacteria from Stenson's duct into the gland parenchyma. 9 Goldberg MH Harrigan WF Acute suppurative parotitis. Oral Surg Oral Med Oral Pathol. 1965; 20: 281 Abstract Full Text PDF PubMed Scopus (9) Google Scholar There are multiple etiologic factors for the development of ASP. The purpose of this report was to review the surgical and medical management of this increasingly rare entity.

The Making of the Guomindang’s Japan Policy, 1932-1937

From the Manchurian Incident in September 1931 to the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in July 1937, the Nanjing government's agenda was dominated by relations with Japan and conflict with the communists. To deal with the dual threat, Chiang Kai-shek formulated the policy of first internal pacification, then external resistance (xian annei, hou rangwai). Hence, suppressing the communists would take precedence over resisting Japan. The wisdom of this approach was widely contested in the party, the government, and the country at large. It was branded by its critics a policy of nonresistance (bu dikang) toward Japan. But Chiang had the staunch support of Wang Jingwei, the veteran and influential party leader who had formed a political alliance with him in January 1932. They stayed the course despite mounting opposition. Their cooperation in dealing with the Japanese threat gradually dissolved only after Wang withdrew to Europe to recuperate after an assassination attempt in November 1935. In China and in the West, this political alliance forged between Wang Jingwei and Chiang Kai-shek has conventionally been portrayed as joining two unequal partners. Chiang's contemporaries often recollected that the real power of the Nanjing government was in the hands of Chiang (Jiang Tingfu, 1984: 149; He Lian, 1988: 112-15; Chen Gongbo, 1979: 326-30). This assessment has been readily

Loyal or Rebellious? Protestant Associations in England 1584–1696

The current historiography of oaths of association in early modern England mainly concentrates on the two oaths which bookend the period discussed in this article, the 1584 association in defence of Elizabeth I and the 1696 association for William III. Generally, the verdict of historians on these two associations has been negative. Christopher Haigh, paraphrasing Sir John Neale, describes the Elizabethan association as a 'political vigilante group, pledged to use lynch law to safeguard the throne'.1 The association of loyalty to William III has come in for even harsher criticism, described by John Kenyon as a 'bitter faction instrument' imposed on the pretext of a flimsy assassination plot.2 In both cases these associations have been seen as exceptional responses to moments of crisis. However, more recently Patrick Collinson, Ann Hughes and Mark Knights have all noted that oaths of association were promoted and imposed in the 1620s, 1640s and 1680s. These historians agree that these documents were not, first and foremost, designed to protect the person of the monarch but were instituted to secure the Protestant state. For Patrick Collinson, the 1584 association fits in with schemes for an interim republic to ensure that the crown passed to a Protestant successor in the event of Elizabeth's death.3 Ann Hughes sees the Elizabethan association as providing the opponents of Charles I with an earlier, English equivalent of the Scottish National Covenant.4 Mark Knights has shown how proposals for an oath of association during the crisis over succession 1678-83 became linked to demands for the exclusion of James II from the throne.5This article follows the work of Collinson, Hughes and Knights by unravelling the radical implications of oaths of association in this period. By dealing chronologically with the proposals for and implementation of these documents, it will be demonstrated that oaths of association were tendered with even more frequency than these historians have realised. It will also be shown that these were all tests imposed at times of particular Protestant crisis, that they were associations which accepted the possibility of the death of the reigning monarch and that they usually attempted to deal with this eventuality by making provision for a temporary republican government. This article will also explore the ways in which, especially in the 1640s, the notion of an oath of association became intertwined with the idea of a national covenant.6 As will be made clear, this carries with it important implications for political allegiance, defining loyalty confessionally and making obedience to the monarch conditional on his or her readiness to defend the faith. Under Elizabeth, the consequences of this redefinition of allegiance were muted. Under a more religiously suspect ruler like Charles I, or an outright papist like James II, the king's apparent inability or unwillingness to defend the faith became not only a grounds for resisting him, but also for deposing him. There were of course differences between these various oaths of association and the ends to which they were put. The point of this article is not to suggest that there was a 'high road' to the Civil War which began in 1584, but to argue that there were intellectual legacies from the end of the Elizabethan era which played an important part in English resistance movements of the 1640s and 1680s.IThe association of 1584 was a response to genuine anxiety about the security of the Queen's person. William of Orange, having survived one Catholic assassination attempt, had been murdered that year and an English conspiracy, the Throckmorton plot, had recently been uncovered. Parliament was not in session and there was a clear danger of a political vacuum should Elizabeth be killed.7 To deal with this situation, in October Walsingham and Burghley set about drawing up an 'Instrument of Association', it seems without the Queen's knowledge. In its final form the association bound those taking it to give their 'lyves, landes and goodes in her defence' and promise that they would 'revenge, all maner of persons of what estate soever they shalbe and their abettors, that shall attempte by any acte counsell or consent to any thinge that shall tende to the harme of her Maties royall person'. …

The Power of Solitude: My Life in the German Resistance

'Dearly beloved Child of my Heart, we are probably standing at the end of our beautiful and rich life together. Because tomorrow the People's Court intends to sit in judgment on me and others. I hear that we have been expelled from the army. They can take the uniform from us, but not the spirit in which we acted' - Peter Yorck von Wartenburg, in a letter to his wife. Marion Yorck von Wartenburg was involved in the Nazi resistance group known as the Kreisau Circle, whose co-founder was her husband, Peter. The Kreisau Circle participated in the assassination attempt on Adolf Hitler on July 20, 1944. Peter's cousin Claus Stauffen-berg and other members of the military resistance carried out the attempt. When they failed, hundreds of people were arrested, tried, and executed, including Peter. Marion and other members of the conspirators' families were also arrested and spent months jailed under miserable conditions. In this memoir Marion recreates the terrifying reality of her life as the wife of a resistance fighter and at the same time conveys the depth of the bond that existed between her and her husband. Julie M. Winter is co-director of the Foreign Language Institute in Helena, Montana, and the author of Luther Bible Research in the Context of Volkish Nationalism in the Twentieth Century. Peter Hoffmann is William Kingsford Professor of History at McGill University in Montreal. His works include Stauffenberg: A Family History, 1905-1944.

Structural Principles and Presidential Succession

An important, but often overlooked, aspect of the Constitution is the way which it established and structured the federal government, including the methods and procedures for selecting officeholders. The Constitution establishes some of these procedures itself and punts others to Congress for the passage of framework legislation. Any decisions as to the design, creation, and operation of a selection procedure reflect four underlying structural principles - separation of powers, federalism, democracy, and political partisanship. Any selection scheme reflects a choice or emphasis on one or more of these principles and a change the principles of emphasis often will require a change the selection procedures. Every selection decision can and should be examined against these principles to determine what principle or principles are at work; whether the choice properly reflects the principle or principles that it is trying to reflect; and whether a different procedure would better serve the intended principles. One selection issue that was punted to Congress and the legislative process was executive succession the event of a double vacancy the presidency and vice presidency. The current statute provides for legislative succession, through the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and is the reason that Secretary of State Alexander Haig was wrong when, following the 1981 assassination attempt on President Reagan, Haig famously declared that he was in control, here the White House. This Article examines three structural principles - separation of powers, political partisanship, and democracy - and the role each plays selection under the Constitution. It then analyzes the current double vacancy statute light of these. It concludes that the present succession order is inconsistent with all three principles, considered individually and on overall balance. A scheme more consistent with each of these principles would establish cabinet succession, beginning with the Secretary of State. The new statute also should provide for a special presidential election as soon as possible.

Tradition and Reception of Roman Imperial Ethics in the Opera La clemenza di Tito

??? COHPAnATIST TRADITION AND RECEPTION OF ROMAN IMPERIAL ETHICS IN THE OPERA LA CLEMENZA DI TITO Werner Wunderlich I. Fingiti in mente Eroe più generoso, e più clemente. [...] Inútil chiama, perduto il giorno ei dice, in cui fatto non ha qualcun felice. (Mozart, Clemenza I, Recitative) ViteUia, to whom these Unes are addressed in Mozart's opera La clemenza di Tito, is told to imagine a milder and more generous hero, one who says that the day on which he has made no one happy is useless and lost. This patriotic and friendly song of praise to the Roman emperor Tito (Titus) and his goodness is sung by Sesto (Sextus), his favorite and confidant. He cites the famous dictum "Amici, diem perdidi," the apothegm of hyperbolic self-characterization that had been attributed to Titus Flavius Vespasianus Caesar by the Roman historian Suetonius (669).' Sesto wants to make it clear to his beloved Vitellia what an outrage an assassination attempt on this emperor would be. However, Vitellia , the proud daughter ofthe former emperor Vitellius whom Titus had ousted, is furious. She impatiently scolds Sesto, telling him that he should drive that magnificent embodiment of imperial virtue from the throne and not delay a moment longer. Enough words have gone back and forth; now she wants action. Agitated with rage and hate, Vitellia angrUy demands revenge for her father and for her shattered hope that Titus would make her his empress. And so disaster takes its course within twenty-four hours. Of course, the palace coup miscarries. Titus, torn between raison d'état and mercy, forgives Sesto and Vitellia in the end as weU as aU the other conspirators because he prefers not to exercise his official power and authority, but to show human love and goodness. II. Metastasio's opera of royal homage La clemenza di Tito was first produced on November 4, 1734, in the Vienna Hoftheater, using the score by court composer and vice conductor Antonio Caldara, to celebrate the nameday of Charles VI, honored in Italy as "cesare" and as the successor ofthe Roman emperors (cf. Rice 132 ff). In the epilogue-like "licenza" of La clemenza di Tito, which functions more as a topos than as a declaraVcH . 25 (2001): 5 ROMAN IMPERIAL ETHICS IN LA CLEMENZA DI TITO tion ofloyalty, the author turns directly to the "good" sovereign Charles VI and gives his reasons for referring to Titus: Non crederlo, signor; te non pretesi Ritrarre in Tito. [...] Veggo ben che ciascuno Ti riconobbe in lui. [. . .] E ogni virtù più bella, Se in te, signor, s'aduna, Come ritrarne alcuna Che non somigli a te? (750) Believe not, Sire, that I wish to portray you in Titus. [. . .] But I see that everyone recognizes you in him. [. . .] And were, O Sire, all virtue combined in you most beautifully, how could one portray someone that would not resemble you?2 The motif and theme of this Titus play (Lühning, "Clemenza" 60Of) correspond to those in CorneiUe's Cinna ou la clémence d'Auguste (1641). Of course, instead of the Augustus material, Metastasio, the famous "principe" of melodramatic poetry and "poeta cesareo" of the Vienna court, chooses the Flavian emperor Titus as eponymous hero of the libretto praised by Rousseau and Voltaire3 for its unity ofplace, time, and action (cf. Moberly). Besides, ever since the Titus plays by Corneille and Racine, the figure of the forgiving ruler and the motif of mildness were familiar on the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century stages. For example , Francisco Antonio Bances Candamo's play El esclavo en grillos de oro (ca. 1690) shows how the emperor Trajan brings a conspirator to reason by naming him co-emperor and forcing him to discharge the duties ofthe position. Likewise, Johann EUas Schlegel's tragedy Canut of 1746 is an homage to the Danish King Friedrich V, who was admired by Klopstock as the ideal enlightened monarch (cf. Borchmeyer). Metastasio, whose original name was Pietro Antonio Domenico Bonaventura Trapassi and who got his HeUenized name from his patron, the jurist and writer Gian Vincenzo Gravina, belonged to the tradition ofthe Accademia dell'Arcadia, founded in Rome in 1690 and supported by Gravina . This "poet's school...

Tale of two kings.

It was a pleasure to read Gretchen Vogel's News Focus article about the liver enzyme CYP3A and its possible role in physiology, and historically as a poison resistance mechanism for legendary rulers such as King Mithridates (“How the body's ‘garbage disposal’ may inactivate drugs,” 5 Jan., p. [35][1]). Accompanying the article was a picture of a stone carving of “King Mithridates” shaking hands with Hercules; however, the Mithridates in the carving is not the King Mithridates of Pontus (Mithridates Eupator/Euergetes VI “the Great,” 120 to 63 B.C.) featured in the article and in A. E. Housman's poem (LXII in “A Shropshire Lad) for having built up his poison resistance by ingesting small amounts throughout his lifetime. The famous stone carving pictured was located in ancient Arsameia in what is now southeastern Turkey. In the first century B.C., the area belonged to the kingdom of Commogene and was referred to by the Romans as Cappadocia. The region of Pontus, on the other hand, was located to the north, bordering the Black Sea. The carving was erected around 50 B.C. by King Antiochus I Theos in the memory of his father, King Mithridates I Callinicus, son of Samus I and King of Independent Commagene, who reigned from 96 to 70 B.C. These two “Mithridati” are separate historical rulers whose lives and names nevertheless overlapped, with King Mithridates of Pontus admittedly gaining more historical clout and the ever-coveted title “the Great” by defeating some of Rome's best generals of the day such as Pompey, Lucullus, and Sulla, and resisting assassination attempts by poison—apparently by priming his CYP3A enzyme—to feature in a Housman poem. Science regrets the error, which John Spitzer of the Peabody Conservatory in Baltimore, Maryland, also brought to our attention. As Spitzer noted, “With friends like Hercules, [Mithridates of Commagene] didn't need any CYP3A enzymes to protect him against his enemies.” [1]: /lookup/doi/10.1126/science.10.1126/SCIENCE.291.5501.35

Benito Mussolini (1883-1945): assassination attempt at International Society of Surgeons Convention, rise to power, medical history, and final days.

Benito Mussolini (1883-1945): assassination attempt at International Society of Surgeons Convention, rise to power, medical history, and final days.

Dubious mandate: a memoir of the UN in Bosnia, summer 1995

A critical year in the history of peacekeeping, 1995 saw the dramatic transformation of the role of United Nations’ forces in Bosnia from a protective force to being an active combatant under NATO leadership. Phillip Corwin, the UN’s chief political officer in Sarajevo during the summer of that year, presents an insider’s account of the momentous events that led to that transformation. Dubious Mandate interweaves personal experiences of daily life in a war zone—supply shortages, human suffering, assassination attempts, corruption—with historical facts, as Corwin challenges commonly held views of the war with his own highly informed, discerning, and trenchant political commentary. Sympathetic to the UN’s achievements, yet skeptical of its acquiescence to the use of military force, Corwin is critical both of the Bosnian government’s tactics for drawing NATO into the conflict and of NATO’s eagerness to make peace by waging war. He challenges the popular depiction of the Bosnian government as that of noble victim, arguing that the leaders of all three sides in the conflict were “gangsters wearing coats and ties.” Highly caustic about Western reportage, he examines the policies of various Western political and military leaders and gives a detailed account of a pivotal phase of the war in Bosnia, a period that culminated with NATO’s massive bombing of Bosnian Serb targets and ultimately led to the Dayton Peace Agreement. Without a proper understanding of this critical period, he argues, it is difficult to understand the greater scope of the conflict. Corwin also offers insightful portraits of some of the leading players in the Bosnian drama, including Yasushi Akashi, the UN’s top official in the former Yugoslavia in 1994–95; General Rupert Smith, the British commander in Sarajevo in 1995; and Hasan Muratovic, a future Bosnian prime minister. Capturing the essence of a tense and difficult time, Dubious Mandate will interest diplomats, politicians, military personnel, scholars, and those still trying to fathom the continuing mission of the United Nations and the unfolding of events in the former Yugoslavia during the 1990s.

Can the Twenty‐Fifth Amendment Deal with a Disabled President? Preventing Future White House Cover‐Ups

Presidential infirmity, accompanied by a failure to fully inform public, has been stamped indelibly on our history during past two hundred years. Fourteen of eighteen American presidents in twentieth century had significant illnesses while in office.(1) Presidents also have faced physical threats leading to incapacity and death. Of eight presidents who died in office, four victims of bullet wounds. From 1789 to 1958, there eight assassination attempts against presidents; from 1963 to 1994, there ten attempts, one successful. The threats are increasing in number.(2) Among presidents in this century, Warren Harding, Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Dwight Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy, and Ronald Reagan all had illnesses that either concealed from American people or underreported.(3) In response to Eisenhower's demand for a mechanism whereby a disabled president might power temporarily to vice president, Twenty-fifth Amendment to U.S. Constitution was passed by Congress in 1964,(4) was ratified by states, and became law of land in 1967.(5) Its central purpose was to preserve cognitive competence in White House at all times by ensuring that a sick or injured president, incapable of decision making in a crisis, will be temporarily relieved of burdens of office.(6) A second goal was to forestall concealment of presidential disability by making of power to vice president temporary, thereby assuring president that he could reclaim office once he was able to so. John D. Feerick, most knowledgeable historian and legal scholar of Twenty-fifth Amendment, observes, Since its adoption, has been implicated at least five different times and has proven its utility in providing for a and efficient of presidential and vice presidential power.(7) Elsewhere, however, ` states that the worked quite well in handling presidential succession crises of 1973 and 1974 (dealing only with section 2 on replacement of vice president) but that it did not work as it was intended in 1981 and (involving important sections 3 and 4 on disability).(8) These two statements contradict each other; generalization of a quick and efficient transfer of power cannot be equated with failure to invoke it when President Reagan was disabled by John Hinckley's bullet in 1981.(9) Feerick contends that fiascoes of 1981 and 1985 (when Reagan had surgery for colon cancer) do not reflect a basic weakness in amendment but rather were born out of political considerations.(10) Can there be any doubt that such considerations will be operating at full steam whenever possibility of presidential disability arises? How can we be sure that politics will not block implementation of Twenty-fifth Amendment in future, at a time when nation requires a strong, rational leader in full command of his intellectual and cognitive faculties? Senator Birch Bayh, architect of Twenty-fifth Amendment, has himself deplored fact that sections 3 and 4 have not worked as framers intended.(11) The amendment's central problem is threefold. First, issue is deeply embedded in a political culture where those who surround president and are closest to his aberrant behavior or disabling illness are dependent for their positions and prestige on keeping him in office.(12) Second, a political judgment of disability by vice president and Cabinet must be based on a sound medical determination of impairment of such a degree that it impedes president's ability to discharge some or all of duties of office. Third, a mechanism for providing this type of unbiased, accurate information on president's health never has been formally addressed. (To extent that it has been considered, primary responsibility has been placed on White House physician, who is enmeshed in a profound conflict of interest. …

‘No, we won't go that way; that is not the way to take’: The place of Aleksandr Ul'ianov in the development of social‐democracy in Russia

Viewed in the context of the development of the Russian revolutionary movement in the 1880s, the assassination attempts on Aleksandr III by the group of students which included Aleksandr Ul'ianov had considered significance. Ideologically the group's programme was in line with Plekhanov's current thinking on assassination as a revolutionary tactic. In terms of organisation the group had contacts with revolutionary student groups in St Petersburg and Vil'na, some of whose members were later to achieve prominance in the international socialist movement. The mass arrests which followed the failed assassination attempt contributed to the abandonment of terrorism, characteristic of the Social Democratic groups in later years.

Medical Histories of Confederate Generals

<b>Medical Histories of Union Generals</b>, by Jack D. Welsh, 422 pp, $35, ISBN 0-87338-552-7, Kent, Ohio, Kent State University Press, 1996. I had hoped that these volumes would provide in-depth medical histories of the most influential soldiers of the Civil War but was delighted when I found they make interesting and entertaining reading as well. The books are not a simple chronology of Union and Confederate generals' injuries, illnesses, and treatment but rather are easy to follow and often detailed and graphic accounts. The description of the Union general Cassius Clay's assassination attempt illustrates: "In 1843, Clay was attacked by a paid assassin, Samuel M. Brown. Brown fired his pistol at Clay, who severely cut Brown's face with his bowie knife. A bullet was aimed at Clay's breast, but a knife scabbard, strapped to his chest with a silverlined point, was hit instead and his chest was

Crisis in the Presidency. The physician's role in assessing official capacity.

Making a judgment about how the health of an individual affects his or her ability to perform daily tasks, let alone official duties, is a difficult and delicate procedure. Physicians, especially neurologists, are frequently asked to assist in such a judgment by assessing cognitive and reasoning skills. The neurologist may be asked to assess a person's capacity to not only drive a car or perform skilled tasks, but to evaluate whether a person is able to continue to practice law or medicine, hold political or judicial office, or run a company, to name a few. To complicate matters, the procedures for arriving at this judgment and the plans for implementing the resulting decisions are rarely in place when a crisis arises. The history of the most powerful office in the nation, the United States Presidency, indicates that confusion, disagreement, and often, nonaction or ill-considered action follow a crisis. The nation has lacked firm leadership in many instances of presidential incapacity, including Garfield's lingering death after being shot, Cleveland's covert surgery for cancer of the roof of the mouth, Wilson's major stroke, Roosevelt's hypertension and cardiac failure, Eisenhower's transient aphasic episode, the assassination attempt on Reagan, and others, which are likely unknown. Three recent conferences convened by James F. Toole, MD, and Arthur S. Link, PhD addressed the issue of determining the capacity of a president to continue in his official duties. Participants included neurologists, psychiatrists, internists, historians, lawyers, and reporters. Several physicians who had cared for various presidents attended. President Carter addressed the first conference, President Ford addressed and participated in the second, and the third was …

Encyclopedia of German resistance to the Nazi movement

Germans of many persuasions resisted Nazi rule for many different reasons, but, until recently, political considerations often determined who were regarded as genuine resisters and who were not. The Encyclopedia of German Resistance to the Nazi Movement does justice to all facets of the opposition to Hitler and his regime. Approximately seven thousand individuals known by name come under the broad notion of resistance governing this volume. The encyclopedia is divided into three (copiously cross-referenced) parts, moving from general overviews to highly specific short entries.In Part One, ten long essays survey the main groups of resisters and opponents of the Nazi regime, including Communists, socialists, Christians, Jews, Jehovah's Witnesses, the military, women, young people, and emigres. Part Two contains shorter articles on specific topics, groups, and events, ranging from the Confessing Church and the Jewish Chug Chaluzi to military sabotage, desertion, everyday disobedience, and assassination attempts. Part Three consists of 550 short biographies of the main opponents of National Socialism mentioned.

The effect of violent attacks by schizophrenic persons on the attitude of the public towards the mentally ill

This paper tests Scheff's proposition that selective media reporting has a reinforcing effect on the stereotype of mental illness. Based on several population surveys carried out in the “old” Federal Republic of Germany it can be shown that in 1990 there was a marked increase in desired social distance from mentally ill people immediately following violent attacks, by two individuals suffering from schizophrenia, against prominent German politicians. Both events were widely covered in the media. During the following two years expressed social distance decreased slowly. At the close of 1992, however, it was still elevated when compared with the situation in early 1990 before the first assassination attempt had occurred. There was a corresponding trend in the tendency of the public to ascribe the attributes “dangerous” and “unpredictable” to psychiatric patients. Thus, our findings do support Scheff's contention that selective reporting does indeed have an impact on the attitudes of the public as it confirms the stereotype of insanity, which has important implications for public policy issues.

Psychological sequelae to assassination attempts.

The experiences of nine subjects who were the victims of assassination attempts are described. All but one were the victims of shootings or attempted shootings. Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) was an almost invariable response. Brief alcohol abuse was quite common. Most subjects displayed considerable feelings of anger. Only a minority expressed anger against their assailants while much anger was displaced towards the medical profession and institutions of the state. This displacement of anger is discussed as are the implications for treatment of such displacement.

The bad relations between Alexander and Leo

It is well known that there was an element of tension, not to say hatred, between the imperial brothers Leo VI (886?912) and Alexander I (912?913). This fraternal enmity appears to have emanated primarily from Alexander himself, as the Life of Euthymios makes explicit. 1 Certainly during Leo's reign Alexander, his co-emperor, was implicated in two plots against his brother. The first is located in the period from late 899 to early 900, a very sensitive moment in Leo's reign as his second wife Zoe Zaoutzaina had just died without providing him with a male heir. The Life of Euthymios reports that at this time Alexander was suspected of designing to overthrow Leo, and as a punishment he was separated from his wife. The second plot in which Alexander was thought to have been involved was that which led to the assassination attempt on Leo in the church of St. Mokios during the feast of Mid-Pentecost 903. Such was Leo's suspicion of his brother that he kept him well away from the tasks of an emperor, and it seems that ultimately he considered removing Alexander as the imperial colleague of his son Constantine VII and appointing the logothete of the drome Himerios as guardian of the young emperor instead. However Alexander did come to power on the death of Leo in 912, and his brief reign suggests the depth of his antipathy for his sibling as it is characterised by its policy of overturning what Leo had established: the treaty with the Bulgarians was rejected, the Arabs were offended, the patriarch Euthymios was deposed and Nikolaos was reinstalled, Zoe Karbonopsina was ejected from the palace, Constantine VII ran the risk of castration, and Himerios was sacked and imprisoned. Thus it is clear from our sources that there was a high degree of animosity between Leo VI and Alexander, which largely issued from the younger brother. What the sources do not indicate is why this should be so, and in this short note I aim to provide an explanation.

Conflicting Emotions and the Indivisible Heart

Christabel Bielenberg must be one of the few people to have sought out an appointment with the Gestapo. An Englishwoman married to a senior German civil servant, she was determined somehow to free her husband, who was being held in the aftermath of the 1944 assassination attempt against Hitler. As she related it on Desert Island Discs, her success in facing down the forbidding official who eventually received her owed to the sight of a uniformed female officer leaning over one of the reception desks and repeatedly slapping a rather gracious old man across the face. ‘All of a sudden my fear vanished and I was filled with pure rage.’ For it was in that condition that she entered the interviewing room. Reflecting on this decades later, she opined majesterially, ‘I don't think it possible to have two intense and opposite emotions simultaneously.’

First, Do No Harm …

To the Editor: Recently, a writer to a national weekly publication indicated that he had seen a narrative that had been circulating throughout his facility. This narrative portrayed physical therapists as insensitive Neanderthals who delight in inflicting discomfort upon their patients. Although many found this to be humorous, the author was offended by the characterization of our profession. James Brady, who was shot in the assassination attempt against former President Reagan, delighted in referring to physical therapists as “physical terrorists.” I personally have many patients who were so apprehensive prior to their initial visit that they took pain medication before their appointment. We have an image problem that needs to be addressed. And unfortunately, it is being propagated by many of our clinicians. How many times have we heard “No pain, no gain”? As a clinician myself, I have become extremely concerned over the increased utilization of aggressive-passive techniques.…