Aspectual Heads Research Articles

On imperfective suffixes in Russian

This article is concerned with imperfective suffixes in Russian. It argues that there are at least three imperfective suffixes, the progressive morpheme, the iterative marker and the habitual suffix. It is shown that they differ in morphosyntactic and semantic properties. As to their structural properties, the progressive suffix is the lowest marker; the iterative morpheme attaches in a higher position; and the habitual morpheme is structurally the highest element. Thus, the article argues against a unitary approach to the iterative suffix and the habitual morpheme. Semantically, the iterative suffix has a pluractional meaning, whereas the habitual suffix is a vague generic quantifier. As to their phonological properties, the three markers are homophonous; they are spelled out as an -yva- allomorph. In this respect, the suffixes differ from the morphological aspect operator encoding (im)perfectivity in the aspectual head, which is phonologically empty. Further, it is shown that there are certain prefixes in the verbal morphosyntactic structure that are placed between the progressive projection and the iterative projection.

Flavors of Progression in Urban Jordanian Arabic

This study investigates the syntactic and semantic properties of three grammaticalized aspectual markers in Urban Jordanian Arabic (UJA): the particle ʕam, the active participle ʕammal, and the active participle ʔaaʕid. While traditionally perceived as markers of progressive aspect with identical semantics, this study distinguishes itself by unveiling significant syntactic and semantic differences among the three markers. In particular, the study shows that ʕammal functions as an inceptive aspect marker, ʕam marks immediate aspect, and ʔaaʕid signals durative aspect. The study provides evidence for this categorization by showing that the markers can co-occur in the same sentence. Such co-occurrence highlights a hierarchical order among the three markers, with ʕammal merging at the highest position, ʔaaʕid merging at an intermediate position, and ʕam situated at the lowest position. To capture this hierarchy, a fine-grained aspectual system is proposed, where each marker heads its own aspectual projection. Evidence from word order and agreement is provided to support this view. The findings of this study align with Cinque's (2006) theory, illustrating diverse progressive aspectual heads that merge at different levels in the extended verbal projection.

The “Return” of Southern Italo-Romance Tonna: From Pseudocoordination to Adverb. A Case Study in Grammaticalization

The present work constitutes an initial look at the use of tonna, an invariable form of tornare ‘return’, used as a relatively uncommon V1 in southern Italo-Romance pseudocoordination structures. Along with losing its ability to inflect, grammaticalization of tornare, frequent across Italo-Romance, has consisted in its shift from lexical motion verb to a functional one with repetitive aspectual value, i.e. tonna mmanciu ‘I eat again’. This paper presents novel data from the variety of Eolian (Italo-Romance dialect of the Eolian Islands), which shows constructions previously unattested with invariable V1s, such as its embedding under functional verbs in non-finite clauses. A cartographic approach building on existing accounts of pseudocoordination V1s – centered on Cinque’s (1999, 2006) hierarchy of functional projections – leads us to consider two overarching explanations for tonna: that it is (a) a functional, aspectual head (in one of the two “repetitive” projections, viz. AspRepetitive(I), AspRepetitive(II)) or (b) an adverb, a specifier in these respective projections. Ultimately, the conclusion that it has (re)grammaticalized to the point of becoming a (deficient) adverb in the lower AspRepetitive(II) proves to be the most convincing from a theoretical perspective. A potential structural consequence is the syncretic status of the AspRepetitive(II) head.

Basque adjectival participles: Stative, resultative or experiential

In this paper, I analyze the form and meaning of adjectival participles in Basque, an ergative language with a predominant use of analytic verbal forms. I show that even though adjectival participles have similar morphological makeup, they can be the exponents of different aspectual configurations, with different interpretation and syntactic distribution. As attested for other languages such as English and Greek, Basque adjectival participles can be interpreted as stative or resultative (Embick 2004), and also as target state participles or resultant state participles (Kratzer 2000; Anagnostopoulou 2003). As noted in the literature (Anagnostopoulou 2003; Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou 2008; Alexiadou et al. 2014; Alexiadou et al. 2015), these types are subject to different syntactic distribution, particularly regarding the acceptability of different sorts of event-related and subject-oriented modifiers. In this paper, I propose that a further aspectual class must be included into the typology of adjectival participles: experientials. In fact, adjectival participles in Basque can be interpreted experientially under certain conditions. The five-way typology of participles emerges as the result of the combination of two different aspectual heads (a stativizing Asp head, as in Kratzer 2000 and Embick 2004, and an aspectual operator with anteriority semantics, as in Kratzer 2000; Alexiadou et al. 2014; Alexiadou et al. 2015) with complements of different sizes and nature. In particular, the experiential reading arises when the Asp head of anteriority combines with particular vP semantics and/or with a particular linking relation between the subject of predication and the arguments within VOICEP.

Linking constructions in Mayrinax Atayal

This study investigated and examined linking constructions in Mayrinax Atayal. Although in the literature, linkers are categorized as either complementizers or aspectual heads, their syntactic behaviors and statuses have not been fully probed and analyzed. From minimalist and cartographic viewpoints, this paper will divide Mayrinax linking constructions into three classes with respect to their distribution, function, and representation. There is a complex selectional relationship among matrix predicates, linkers, and complements. The obligatory selectional restrictions imposed by matrix predicates determine the diverse structures of complements and the syntactic statuses or features of linkers. High-order evaluative verbs and factive cognition verbs c-select finite island complements headed by high linkers, which are weak finite complementizers that do not allow extractions. Utterance verbs, cognition verbs, and evidential/epistemic modals c-select normal finite complements headed by mid linkers, which are strong finite complementizers that allow extractions. Low-linking constructions are further divided into three categories. The deontic modal c-selects a non-finite AspP introduced by a type A low linker, which occupies the aspectual head position. Tough/middle evaluatives and object control verbs c-select a non-finite CP introduced by a type B low linker, which surfaces as a strong non-finite complementizer. Low adverbial verbs, subject control verbs, and resultative action verbs c-select a non-phase intransitive vP introduced by a type C low linker, which is realized as a vP-layer complementizer. The linker cartography is a reflection of the predicate hierarchy, which has been established and verified by a huge number of languages. The findings from this study will shed light on understanding phase theory and cartographic syntax in Formosan languages.

The biabsolutive construction in Lak and Tsez

In ergative constructions, the agent of a transitive verb is in the ergative case and the theme is in the absolutive case. By contrast, in biabsolutive constructions, both the agent and theme of a transitive verb appear in the absolutive case. This paper presents and analyzes the biabsolutive construction in two Nakh-Dagestanian languages, Lak and Tsez. Despite many surface similarities, the biabsolutive constructions in Lak and Tsez call for different syntactic analyses. We argue that the biabsolutive construction in Lak is an instance of restructuring in the presence of an aspectual head bearing a progressive (imperfective) feature. Tsez biabsolutive constructions, on the other hand, are biclausal; we argue that the theme and the lexical verb are contained in a PP complement selected by a light verb. Related languages may be classified as “Lak-type” or “Tsez-type” based on the behavior of their biabsolutives. The existence of two underlying structures for one surface pattern in Nakh-Dagestanian poses a learnability problem for a child acquiring a language with biabsolutive constructions. We outline a set of strategies used by a learner who must compare the available input data with a set of structural hypotheses.

Adjectival participles in Turkish

Adjectival participles have been classified either as lexical participles or phrasal participles which are then further classified as target and resultant state participles based on some syntactic and semantic diagnostics as elaborated in Kratzer (1994, 2000), Anagnostopoulou (2003), Embick (2004) for German, Greek and English respectively. In this study we present the typology of adjectival participles in Turkish and show that unlike German, Greek and English, Turkish bears distinctive morphology for the three types of participles proposed in the literature. Based on diagnostics of event-oriented manner adverb modification, the present study argues that lexical adjectival participles formed with –(I)k directly attach to the root without an eventive layer as is the case in German and Greek lexical adjectival participles but phrasal adjectival participles with –(I)lI and –mIş morphology both have an eventive layer. A distinction is drawn for phrasal adjectival participles based on compatibility with (i) by phrases, (ii) purpose clauses and (iii) agent oriented adverbials which indicate an additional voice projection for resultant state participles with –mIş morphology. We propose that phrasal adjectival participles with –(I)lI denote target state participles and AspTARGET does not directly attach with the root but selects for vP projection. Phrasal adjectival participle with –mIş denote resultant state participles and unlike German and similar to its Greek counterpart, AspRESULTANT selects for vP and VoiceP. Additionally, phrasal participles derived from atelic activity verbs become grammatical only with –mIş participles when accompanied by telic expressions with an end point. We argue that the semantics of the aspectual stativizers differ for –(I)lI and –mIş participles and hence we get different restrictions on formation. This study shows that Turkish provides clear evidence for the tripartite classification of adjectival participles, and differences can be captured through different internal structures in syntax and semantic differences between the aspectual heads.

On the aspectuality of the Individual-Level / Stage-Level dichotomy

<p><span style="font-size: 12.000000pt; font-family: 'Cambria';">This paper addresses how the contrast known as Individual-­‐Level/Stage-­‐Level (IL/SL) is implemented in the grammar. More specifically, the paper is a critical assessment of the view that the IL/SL distinction is an aspectual distinction. The empirical data I will be using to probe into the IL/SL dichotomy is the contrast between the copular verbs in Spanish </span><span style="font-size: 12.000000pt; font-family: 'Cambria'; font-style: italic;">ser/estar. </span><span style="font-size: 12.000000pt; font-family: 'Cambria';">I will argue that the Spanish copular contrast reflexes the IL/SL dichotomy and that this dichotomy cannot be reduced to an aspectual difference in the ways it has been proposed in previous literature. Concurring with other authors I will argue that IL/SL-­‐ness ensues from a different syntactic composition, very likely from different heads of prepositional nature, which can be argued to carry aspectual value. Crucially, however, this aspectual heads do not seem to translate into differences at the level of viewpoint or situation aspect in any relevant sense, as has been proposed in the literature. </span></p>

Argument structure licensing and Englishhave

This paper provides a unified syntactic account of the distribution of Englishhavein causative constructions (e.g.John had Mary read a book) and experiencer constructions (e.g.John had the student walk out of his classroom). It is argued thathaveis realized in the context of anapplicative head(Appl) and an event-introducer v, regardless of the type of v.Haveis spelled out in the causative when Appl merges under vCAUSE, and in the experiencer construction when Appl merges under vBE. This proposal is extended tohavein possessive constructions (e.g.John has a hat/a brother):haveis realized in the context of vBEand Appl. The proposed account provides empirical evidence for expanding the distribution of Appl: (i) a causative can take ApplP as a complement, which was absent in Pylkkänen's (2008) typological classification, and (ii) Appl can merge above Voice, contrary to Pylkkänen's analysis in which Appl is argued to always merge below VoiceP, never above. Moreover, the proposed account supports the theoretical claim that argument structure is licensed by functional syntactic structure; in particular, it shows that the relevant functional heads are not aspectual heads, but Appl and v.

Licensing of argument structures by functional heads: evidence from English have

This paper provides a unified syntactic account for the distribution of English have in causative and experiencer constructions. I argue that have is realized in the context of an applicative head (Appl) and an event introducer v, regardless of the type of v. In causative, have is spelled out when Appl merges under vCAUSE, and in experiencer when Appl merges under vBE. The proposed account supports a theoretical claim that argument structure is licensed by functional syntactic structure (Borer 2005); unlike this study, however, it shows that the relevant functional heads are not aspectual heads, but Appl and v.

Root infinitives in child second language English: an aspectual features account

This article examines the emergence of finiteness in early second language (L2) English of five consecutive bilinguals (ages 6 to 9). The departure point is Gavruseva’s (2002; 2003) proposal that nonfinite root predicates result from the underspecification of syntactic aspectual heads at the initial state S0. Gavruseva’s ‘underspecification of AspP’ account is developed further by examining the feature contents of aspectual projections in English from a crosslinguistic perspective. It is argued that English, in contrast to Russian and French, lacks the genuine imperfective and perfective morphemes and so makes use of a greater variety of aspectual features (e.g., intrinsic and compositional telicity features, inter alia). It is also proposed that an English verb’s telicity semantics defines its aspectual class and predicts its finiteness status in children’s early grammar. An advantage of the ‘aspectual features account’ is that it explains why statives (inherent atelics) and punctual eventives (inherent telics) show much higher finiteness rates than nonpunctual eventives (an aspectual class defined by a compositional telicity feature) in the child L2 data. Other approaches to the root infinitive phenomenon such as the Truncation Hypothesis (Rizzi 1993=94) and the Morphological Deficit Hypothesis (Haznedar and Schwartz, 1997; Lardiere, 1998; Prévost and White, 2000) cannot explain these finiteness patterns.

Finiteness and Aspect in Spanish/English Bilingual Acquisition

The article investigates the acquisition of finiteness in the languages of a Spanish/English bilingual child (Mina, 1;9.5-2;6.21). We use the `underspecification of AspP hypothesis' of Gavruseva (2002 b, 2003) to argue that a non-finite root stage is attested in both Spanish and English, despite the fact that the two languages evolve as grammars with distinct INFLs (Rizzi 1993/94, Wexler 1998). It is shown that the use of non-finite and finite root predicates is determined by the verb's Aktionsart or, more precisely, by the verb's telicity semantics. We also argue that developmental trends support the `two separate systems' hypothesis of bilingual acquisition (Genesee 1989), with the similarities following from the undespecified aspectual heads in both grammars and the differences following from the morphological properties of inflectional paradigms.

Aspectual inflection, verb raising and object fronting in American sign language

This paper examines the object fronting construction of American sign language (Liddell, S., 1980. American Sign Language Syntax. Mouton, The Hague; Matsuoka, K., 1997. Verb missing in American sign language. Lingua 103, 127–149), and its relation to verb raising and aspectual inflection. In this construction, word order, canonically S–V–O, is modified to O–S–V. Matsuoka argues persuasively for a relationship between object fronting and overt verb raising, driven by the presence of an affixal verbal inflection [Lasnik, H. 1995b. Verbal morphology: syntactic structures meets the minimalist program. In: Campos, H. and Kempchinsky, P. (Eds.), Evolution and Revolution in Linguistic Theory. Georgetown University Press, Washington, DC, pp. 251–275]. Thus, her analysis reduces ASL object fronting to an instance of ‘object shift’ as occurs in the Scandinavian language family. However, evidence is provided here, from the distributions of adverbs and modals, and from the interaction of object fronting with question formation and raising contexts, which indicates that ASL object fronting targets a position high in the clause. A new model of ASL object fronting is developed against the backdrop of Matsuoka and the Lasnik theory of verbal morphology. This new framework has much in common with Matsuoka's account, while attaining greater empirical coverage. In this framework, as in Matsuoka, overt verb raising is triggered by the presence of an aspectual head (Asp). However, I argue that AspP is part of an articulated COMP layer [Rizzi, L. 1997. The fine structure of the left periphery. In: Haegeman, L. (Ed.), Elements of Grammar: Handbook in Generative Syntax. Kluwer, Dordrecht. pp. 281–337]. Object fronting targets spec-AspP, an A′-position. This model is shown to provide a better account of the distribution of adverbs and modals in object-fronted clauses, as well as explanations of the behavior of object fronted clauses in questions and in embedded contexts. Lasnik's model of verbal morphology is extended such that verbs in (some varieties of) ASL allow both derivational and lexical options for aspectual inflection. This mechanism provides for an explanation of the infelicity of object fronted clauses in embedded contexts. The analysis crucially relies on the categorial status of object-fronted clauses and the mechanism of c-selection.

Is there primacy of aspect in child L2 English?

This article investigates whether the Aspect-before-Tense Hypothesis (Antinucci and Miller, 1976; Shirai and Andersen, 1995) accounts for the acquisition of tense-aspect morphology in child L2 English. The main question addressed is whether early uses of tense-aspect inflections can be analyzed as a spell-out of semantic/aspectual features of verbs (such as punctuality, telicity, durativity, etc.). The data are drawn from a detailed longitudinal study of an eight-year-old Russian-speaking child who was acquiring English as L2 in the USA. It is first shown that the emergence of tense-aspect morphology patterns by aspectual verb class. However, contrary to the Aspect-before-Tense Hypothesis, it is argued that the acquisition patterns cannot be attributed to “defective” tense, nor do they reflect the spell-out of aspectual features. A new approach to the data is developed that proposes underspecification of the syntactic aspectual head in early L2 child grammar.

Predicative Constructions and Functional Categories in Haitian Creole

This paper seeks to provide a unified analysis of the particle se in Haitian Creole, traditionally identified as an equality marker, a resumptive pronoun, or a focus marker. This study also serves to illustrate the role and the structural organization of functional projections in this non-inflected language. Under the proposed analysis, se (as well as ye, which has long been recognized as bearing a relation to se) is not a verbal copula; rather, it is a predicate forming aspectual head. A unified analysis based on general principles of UG is offered for se, appearing in predicative sentences, in nominal clefts, and in predicate cleft constructions. It is argued that in all these contexts, se always occurs with DP predicates or predicates headed by a functional head, such as CP predicates, not with any other type of predicates.

L'aspect et la copule vide dans la grammaire des titres

M.-T. Vinet The aim of this paper is to discuss the structure of predicate constructions without a copula in French headlines. We show that the categorial selection for the syntactic realization of predication is here partly determined by the semantic properties of a lexical verbal element. We also demonstrate the role of a non-overt Aspectual head in licensing DP predicates which are obligatorily free adjuncts in this register of French. Finally, a brief comparison of predicate constructions in Moroccan Arabic serves to emphasize the universality of certain aspects of these constructions.