Asian Barometer Research Articles

The Spread of Democracy in China

The spread of democratic ideas and economic growth in China—as suggested by the logic of modernization theory—have not initiated political reform toward democracy in China. Various literatures have attempted to explain this failure by emphasizing economic and social learning factors that clash with China’s national interests rather than emphasizing the context of its spreading process. Generally, this article aims to explain China’s failure to reform its politics toward democracy by focusing on the context of spreading democratic ideas in China. Specifically, this article aims to elucidate the relevance and continuity of the spread of democratic ideas in China during the May Fourth Movement of 1919, the Tiananmen Movement of 1989, and the Umbrella Movement of 2014, to the fifth wave of the Asian Barometer Survey (ABS). This article adopts a constructivist paradigm and constitutive localization theory to explain the failure of political reform in China. The findings suggest that Chinese local political ideas have influenced the spreading process of democratic ideas, contributing to China’s failure to acquire political reform toward democracy.

Generational change and democratic transitions in 14 Asian countries

Generations are the engine of political change. This is especially relevant in the countries of the Asia-Pacific region, which have had a variety of postwar democratic experiences while also encompassing over 60 percent of the world's youth. This article applies the four-fold democratic classification developed by Yun-han Chu and his colleagues to wave 5 of the Asian Barometer Survey to investigate how generational change is shaping democratic orientations in 14 Asia-Pacific countries. Our results show that generations are less important in shaping views of democracy than is the case in other parts of the world. While generations matter for the transition to democracy, they are less important in Asia than democratic experiences, socioeconomic status, or the country in which the person lives.

Regime support in Singapore: from enigma to ‘new normal’

ABSTRACT Singapore is seen as an outlier or abnormal case by political scientists, defying predictions in the social science literature about the causal connection between economic development and democratization. Using data from three different waves of the Asian Barometer Survey (ABS), we found that Singapore’s regime resilience is a product of citizen support for the government’s performance in providing economic welfare, together with positive evaluations of the current regime. But our findings also indicate that the degree to which these factors influence regime resilience has changed over time. What we found suggest that Singapore’s regime resilience cannot be simply reduced to elite repression, or an electorate that has chosen to trade freedom for economic development. The consistent electoral support received by the ruling party in Singapore is the product of a more complex relationship with democracy than just a vote for authoritarianism or prioritizing economic development over democracy.

Trust in Legal Institutions: An Examination of the Philippines

While studies have examined the correlates of institutional trust across Asian countries, few studies have analyzed public attitudes toward two major social control institutions, the police and courts, in the Philippines. This study fills this gap in the literature by exploring the connections between social trust, institutional performance, media exposure and consumption, and trust in the police and courts. Using recent survey data from the Asian Barometer Survey, regression models were employed to assess and compare whether these factors are predictive of police and court trustworthiness. Results reveal the importance of social trust and institutional performance in predicting Filipinos’ trust in the police and courts. However, media exposure and consumption were largely ineffective in predicting police and court trust. Given the Philippines’ unique historical and political context, these findings contribute to existing literature and provide implications for future research and policy.

The political role of middle class in China: disentangling democratic attitudes and values

ABSTRACT China's middle class is found to differ in their democratic orientations – compared to the middle class in the non-state sector, a state sector middle class is believed to show lower support for democracy. Based on data from the Asian Barometer Survey 2019, we contend that democratic attitudes and democratic values are distinct dispositions. Despite displaying weaker attitudes towards the standard Western democratic institutions - such as multiparty elections and free media - the state sector middle class exhibits equally strong democratic values as the non-state sector middle class. On the other hand, compared to other social classes, while the non-state sector middle class shows stronger democratic values, it nonetheless holds a similar level of democratic attitudes. A most similar systems design and a joint method of agreement and difference reveal how values and attitudes are shaped respectively by early existential security and the structural constraints/stimuli one faces.

Challenges to Democratization from the Perspective of Political Inaction: Insights into Political Disempowerment and Citizenship in the Philippines

Though scholarship on Philippine politics has focused on either structures or elites, political participation and inaction have become equally pertinent issues, especially in times of political change. The Philippines shows a curious juxtaposition between high levels of electoral participation in the general citizenry and mass political inaction among the majority of Filipinos outside the ballot. For this reason, we would try to make sense of this paradox by analyzing political disempowerment itself and how it is linked to political participation. Hence, we raise and address the question, what challenges do political disempowerment as political powerlessness and cynicism posit against democratization in the Philippines? The trends captured in the 2nd–5th waves of the Asia Barometer Survey suggest that political disempowerment is a vicious cycle driven by perceived dis/incentives to political participation without depoliticizing citizens. Political spectatorship is the key to understanding the virtuousness or viciousness of this cycle.

Economic Considerations and Public Support for Environment Policy in East and Southeast Asia

AbstractThe “environment–economy trade-off” is a key question in research on public opinion on environmental policies. While evidence from Western economies suggests that individuals are more supportive of environmental initiatives when the macroeconomic situation is favorable, little is known about how environmental policy preferences are shaped by economic factors in East and Southeast Asian countries. Using a survey dataset consisting of 12 countries based on the fourth wave of the Asian Barometer Survey (ABS), we investigate how environmental policy preferences are associated with multiple aspects of economic consideration. In a pooled multilevel analysis, we find that personal economic conditions and perceptions are more consistently associated with greater support for environmental initiatives than objective and subjective national economic conditions. However, an analysis of the heterogeneous effect shows that the effect of individual economic situations is only partially identifiable among lower-middle or upper-income countries in our sample, signaling the complexity of qualifying the relationship between economic considerations and environmental attitudes in a cross-country context.

Confucian Culture and Democratic Values: An Empirical Comparative Study in East Asia

AbstractMany studies have been conducted on the link between Confucianism and democratic values in East Asia, but they have failed to account for the complex character of Confucianism and the possible impact of political systems. This study re-measures Confucian values into four dimensions—authoritarianism, familialism, collectivism, and harmoniousness—based on data from the fourth wave of the Asian Barometer survey. It then uses a multi-layer linear regression model to examine the relationship between the Confucian cultural values and the democratic values held by people in six East Asian societies at both the macro and micro levels. The findings demonstrate an asymmetrical pattern in the relationship between the various dimensions of Confucian cultural values and the democratic values of East Asia, collectivist values do not affect democratic values, while familial and authoritarian values have a significant and negative correlation with democratic values. Harmonious values have a significant and positive correlation with democratic values. In addition, there is a significant positive correlation between democratic institutions and the democratic values, and the relationship between the values of harmoniousness and collectivism and democratic values varies across countries with different political systems. This offers insightful material for reflection as we reconsider the connection between Confucianism and democracy in East Asia.

Technocratic beliefs and delegative democratic attitudes in states of emergency: evidence from a cross-national analysis

ABSTRACT Previous research on delegative democracy has predominantly emphasized its structural aspects, leaving the individual-level determinants of support for this governance relatively unexplored. While some studies have investigated the association between trust in the president and delegative democratic attitudes (DDA), the connection between technocratic beliefs, DDA, and the context of national emergencies has been minimally addressed. This study aims to fill this research gap by examining the correlation between technocratic beliefs and DDA, specifically focusing on how emergencies influence this relationship. Analysing data from the Asian Barometer Survey and the World Values Survey, the results indicate a robust connection between individuals’ technocratic beliefs and DDA. Moreover, this correlation exhibits greater strength as a country’s level of emergency escalates. These results may provide valuable insights into our understanding of both individual and structural factors associated with public support for delegative democracy.

Political Trust in South Asia

This study examines relative trust in national versus local institutions in South Asia using a tripartite framework that combines political and economic performance with religious identity to explain the three categories of relative trust that correspond to individuals whose trust in national institutions is stronger than, equal to, or weaker than their trust in local institutions. In particular, religious minorities in South Asia are often discriminated against and poorly represented at the national level but tend to cluster in local communities, which erodes their trust in national institutions but not necessarily in local institutions. The empirical analysis of two waves of South Asian Barometer surveys eight years apart produced consistent results which suggest that the religious segregation and discrimination in South Asian countries tilt relative trust patterns among religious minorities in favor of local institutions at the expense of national ones.

When the tables turn: Parties in power, losers’ consent, and institutional trust in Taiwan

How does vote choice and partisanship affect institutional trust in Taiwan? While the literature tackles institutional trust in democracies, analyses often focus on only one time period with aggregate measures of trust. Data from two waves from the Asian Barometer finds evidence consistent with losers’ consent of trust in electoral institutions corresponding with party support and vote choice, factors that remain after controlling for trust in non-electoral institutions and generalized trust. However, these factors do not seem to affect overall satisfaction with democracy, suggesting the public differentiates between support for the ideal of democracy and its constituent parts.

Religion, Perceived Unfairness, and Political Protest: Empirical Evidence From East Asian Countries

Religion is considered to have different aspects of influences on political protest, and some have argued that religious participation often mobilizes collective political actions by enhancing individuals’ civic skills and political efficacy. By contrast, religious values and beliefs that emphasize the importance of traditional norms and conformity tend to reduce individuals’ propensities to participate in political protest. The influences of religion on individuals’ attitudes toward coping with injustice and unfairness can be critical for explaining their propensities to participate in political protest. Using data from the fourth wave of the Asian Barometer Survey, this study investigates the role of perceived unfairness in shaping the link between religion and political protest in 13 East Asian countries. In accordance with the arguments of mobilizing and conforming effects, we find that religious attendance increases individuals’ propensities to engage in political protest, while religiosity has a negative effect on political protest. In particular, the results show that the perceived unfairness of income distribution mediates the indirect effects of religion on political protest. They also present that religious affiliations mitigate perceived unfairness and indirectly reduce individuals’ propensities to participate in political protest. Nevertheless, the direct effects of religious attendance on mobilizing political protest are stronger.

The Demographic Ceiling of Changes Driven by the Umbrella Movement

Abstract This article explains post-Umbrella Movement shifts in public opinion in Hong Kong by correlating demographic subgroups with changes in support for the status quo, utilizing Asian Barometer Survey data regarding support for the existing system of government and idealized models for the future. The aim is to determine whether public opinion shifts occurred evenly through population subgroups or were limited to participants and peers. The findings show that while Hong Kongers’ views underwent a seismic shift, the expansion of dissent was unevenly distributed across demographic cohorts, rather than representing demographically symmetric diffusion reflecting societal bridging and cross-demographic coalition building. This indicates that, while the social movement may have shifted aggregate public opinion away from the status quo, its precepts permeated differently across age, class, and especially gender lines, and that views on the status quo were also strongly linked to idealized models for their future, relative to China.

How anti-corruption actions win hearts: The evaluation of anti-corruption performance, social inequality and political trust—Evidence from the Asian Barometer Survey and the Latino Barometer Survey

Corruption is seen as a political cancer that erodes the public’s trust in political system. While it is generally agreed that corruption and political trust are negatively correlated, few researchers have explored the impact of anti-corruption performance on political trust. In this article, we focus on whether combating corruption can enhance political trust and how this influencing mechanism is realized. Based on analyses of the Asian Barometer Survey and the Latino Barometer Survey, we found that political trust is affected by the evaluation of anti-corruption performance and social inequality. The evaluation of anti-corruption performance can enhance political trust directly, while social inequality undermines political trust directly. Social inequality can also moderate the positive effect of the evaluation of anti-corruption performance on political trust. This study not only fills the previous research gap in the relationship between anti-corruption and political trust but also has great practical significance.

Urbanization, education, and religion: Rationalization and erosion of political trust in Asia

AbstractSecularization, expansion of higher education, and urbanization have led to disenchantment with politics and the erosion of political trust in many societies. Religion may continue to be salient, however, how these forces interact with enduring religious influences to shape political trust is unclear. This paper examines the issue using Asian Barometer Survey (2001–2016) data with hierarchical age–period–cohort (HAPC) models. Our results show supportive evidence for the following findings: in East and Southeast Asia, urbanization is associated with less political trust for most religions except Islam; education is associated with less political trust; education's effect is the most salient for the atheists and Buddhists, but it disappears among the Muslims. The findings suggest the power of modernization and secularization significantly differs across cultures and religions. We should not simply perceive religion as a universally conservative force; instead, we need to understand religions through an integrated macro‐micro perspective by situating it in the social contexts.

Exploring Relationships Between Nonprofit Participation and Political Participation in Asian Context

One essential role of nonprofits (NPOs) is to provide opportunities for people to participate in movements and resolve collective issues. This study investigates how NPO participation affects participation in political activities in Asian countries. Specifically, we ask how nonprofit engagement fosters active political activities in Asia. Using the Asian Barometer Survey, which provides information on NPO participation, political contact, and political participation activities, this study empirically examines the correlation between nonprofit participation and political participation in Asia. Our findings confirmed a positive relationship between nonprofit participation and political participation in Asia when controlling individual characteristics, location, and time fixed effects. Furthermore, our analyses further verify moderating effects of political regimes on this relationship, especially for the authoritarian and hybrid regimes. Our findings suggest that regulations, policies, and self-governance should be designed to cultivate a healthy NPO sector in terms of growth, diversity, and accessibility to citizens.

Politically engaged but unwilling to protest: analyzing the role of authoritarian orientations and internet use on protest participation behavior

ABSTRACT Several studies have investigated the effects of internet use on protest participation behavior. However, fewer have explored how personal dispositions of individuals moderate the impact of the internet. This study explores the relationship between political engagement, internet use, authoritarian orientation, and protest participation in Hong Kong, Taiwan, Thailand, and Myanmar. First, analysis of fourth-wave of the Asian Barometer survey data suggests a political engagement-driven stratification in protest participation across all settings. Second, internet use is positively associated with protest participation but only in authoritarian states, and citizens’ authoritarian orientation reduces the likelihood of protest action. Third, high authoritarian orientation subdues the participatory benefits of internet use for politically engaged citizens. Overall, the study confirms that politically engaged citizens are more capable of exploiting the benefits offered by the internet. Still, authoritarianism can inhibit the mobilizing potentials presented by the internet. The theoretical importance of attitudinal factors in protest participation is discussed.

Income Status, Perceived Equity of Income Distribution and Political Participation

Popular political participation is an essential aspect of political modernization. Existing studies have focused on institutional political participation, such as voting in elections, and have primarily explained political participation from objective perspectives, such as income status. However, there has been some neglect of non-institutional political participation. In studies affecting political participation, subjective perceptions of the equity of income distribution and their interaction with income have yet to receive sufficient attention. Based on this, this paper uses data from the fourth round (2014-2016) of the 2016 Asian Barometer (ABS) survey to analyze the impact of income status and perceived equity of income distribution on political participation and the mechanisms of their effects through multiple regressions. The results indicate that income and perceived equity of income distribution have a positive effect on institutional political participation; in terms of impact mechanisms, income status and perceived equity of income distribution affect institutionalized political participation by influencing government satisfaction and political trust; subjective perceptions of equity of income distribution influence institutional political participation behavior more than income inequality; the paper concludes by applying social capital theory to explain the finding that income status and perceived income distribution equity are positively associated with non-institutionalized political participation in terms of the participant path and the dominant path.

Who can you blame? Trust in institutions and mobilization across regimes in Asia

In this article, we consider the attitudinal motivations for political participation in countries across Asia. Specifically, we assess how trust in different types of institutional actors provides incentives for extra-legal actions, such as protest and the use of force, by analyzing the behaviors of individuals based upon their evaluations of representational and implementing institutions. As part of this analysis, we consider attitudes and action in both democracies and non-democracies, arguing for separate mechanisms to motivate unconventional political participation. Using Asian Barometer Survey data, we find that individuals living under democratic regimes are motivated to engage in more costly forms of participation in response to their assessments of trust in elected officials, while those individuals residing in non-democracies engage in these high-risk activities when they are dissatisfied with the performance of the police, civil service, and courts.

Social media use and polarized redistributive attitudes: a comparative and causal perspective

ABSTRACT As social media has become a means of information sharing, knowledge dissemination, and social interactions, it follows that its use significantly influences the formation of attitudes and social norms. Existing literature has raised significant concerns about social media causing political polarization. This study examines whether the use of social media causes polarized attitudes on redistribution by applying the instrumental variable (IV) estimation to the Asian Barometer Survey (14 countries). We find that informational and expressive social media use contributes to citizens’ diverging redistributive attitudes, and these effects are more pronounced in countries that are perceived as less democratic. Based on our findings, we discuss policy implications regarding the role of social media in forming redistributive attitudes.