Rise Of Asia Research Articles

An inter-Asian perspective on China’s rise and power shifts in Asia

PurposeTaking an inter-Asian perspective on the perception of China’s rise and power shifts in Asia, this reflection draws on the examples of Hong Kong’s years-long pro-democracy movement, Taiwan’s democratization and India’s anti-China sentiments to discuss the growth of domestic and international discontents against China’s projection of sharp power, even military power, along its peripheries. The severity of these crises suggests that an assertive China has trapped itself in a perpetual cycle of intensifying authoritarian rule at home and seeking expansionary outreach abroad. China’s diplomatic and military adventurism is likely to antagonize potential allies, jeopardizing the hope for inter-Asian solidarity and cooperation.Design/methodology/approachThe authors consult relevant secondary literature to contextualize the perception of China’s rise to domination from an inter-Asian perspective.FindingsFollowing the end of the Cold War in 1990 and the demise of the Soviet Union as a Eurasian empire, some cultural theorists proposed a postcolonial, inter-Asian perspective to de-globalize the Euro-American-dominated humanities and social sciences, recognizing that many areas once deemed by the West as marginal and peripheral had contributed to the transformation of the modern world. The nineteenth-century Western imperialists and early twentieth-century Japanese militarists once deployed the geopolitical concept of “Asia” to advance their respective discourses of modernity and progress. Thus, the very notion of Asian solidarity or Pan-Asianism is deeply problematic because it reminds us of the entwined histories of colonial oppression and resistance against imperialistic intrusions.Research limitations/implicationsThe conventional “inter-Asian” perspective that emphasizes relational connectedness across and within nations does not seem applicable to explaining the troublesome relationship between American universalism and China-centric authoritarianism.Practical implicationsIn today’s multipolar world, the USA and China are embroiled in a competitive relationship regarding the shape the global order should take. The recent US-China trade war is only the opening shot in the wider bilateral conflict. Behind this contest for global leadership in economic influence and technology is a serious battle of ideas.Social implicationsChina is still coming to terms with many unexpected consequences of globalization. Steady recovery gave China a temporary reprieve but the overall economy has weakened due to many years of trade disputes with the USA and the COVID-19 pandemic. China has yet to find a way to coexist with a fast-developing India, address the genuine grievances and demands for democratic change in Hong Kong and accommodate a stronger pro-independence force in Taiwan. To revive the vision of inter-Asian solidarity, China should build trust at home and abroad and reimagine institutional mechanisms for conflict resolution. Otherwise, it would trap itself in endless cycles of tensions and conflicts that benefit no one.Originality/valueThe rapid rise of China to power in the Eurasian continent and Asian waters has not only distorted the inter-Asian vision of seeking unity among postcolonial states but also accelerated competitions for territorial resources and regional dominance. By reflecting on the latest interventions of China in geopolitical affairs, this paper shows that despite the rhetorical appeal of horizontality, the engagement of many emerging Asian powers has diverged from the ideal of inter-Asian cooperation. The task for scholars is to gain a more accurate understanding of the fluid situations on the ground.

Chinese Grand Strategies in Central Asia: The Role of Shanghai Cooperation Organization and Belt and Road Initiative

Central Asia has long emerged as a hotspot for both the regional and extra-regional powers for two main reasons: its geopolitical location in the middle of Eurasia between Europe, South Asia, the Middle East, Russia and China, and their abundant and mostly unexplored natural resources. Sitting on huge untapped hydrocarbon potentials the Central Asian geographical entity in recent years has offered enormous opportunity and appeal for global countries and emerged as a grand chessboard for regional and extra-regional players. China is one such new pole in the new great game without which any geopolitical and geo-economic debate on Central Asia would be incomplete. With this prelude, this article attempts to analyse China's rise in Central Asia and its strategies to strengthen its position in the heartland region by discarding the much-hyped great game thesis and argues that China’s rise is unparallel and unmatched as testified by the recent Belt and Road Initiative of Beijing

Bridging through “women’s work”: African women and men chasing the rise of China

ABSTRACT Bodomo’s bridge theory describes and predicts the long-term implications of African migrants’ activities and settlement in China. Drawing on research with African retail traders, university students, and corporate executives in China, I show that the bridge theory illuminates how African women and men rationalize their decisions to migrate to China within the context of the rise of Asia. Drawing on the literature regarding African women and work, I explain that structural economic conditions now force more Africans into economic sectors such as trade work that historically were dominated by African women. I demonstrate that African women’s roles as economic providers for their families and children in other sectors, such as university students and company executives, provide evidence of the continued “matricentric” nature of African households that rely on women’s economic productivity. I also examine the possibilities and limitations of building long-standing networks that shape African migrant settlement in China. I show that the historical theorization that characterizes global mobility as male – particularly regarding Africans – has contributed to the misrecognition of African women’s multiple activities in China.

The Rise of Asia as a Destination for U.S. Patenting

The Rise of Asia as a Destination for U.S. Patenting

Land reclamation or Silk Road understanding Beijing’s initiatives in the South China Sea

Purpose Southeast Asia’s position between the continents of Asia and Oceania gave the region a distinctive identity. Over the years, Southeast Asia has witnessed several important political changes and the emergence of new security threats. Historical mistrust, enduring territorial disputes and competition for maritime claims and resources have combined to weaken the regional security structure. The purpose of this paper is to explore whether China’s growing assertive position in the region bring some fresh air in the region following Beijing’s collaborative initiatives. Design/methodology/approach Seas are a central concern for Southeast Asian countries, so it is hardly surprising that the countries in the region are strongly nationalistic in asserting and protecting their claims. Maritime policy analyst, Mark Valencia, comments, “Indeed, when countries in Asia think maritime, they think first and foremost about boundary disputes, not the protection of the deteriorating marine environment or management of dwindling fisheries […] [it] is these perceptions that must change.” This paper will explore whether China’s growing assertive position in the name of diplomatic cooperation will mellow down and bring some fresh air into the South China Sea (SCS) region following Beijing’s One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiatives. Findings The world is still unsure when it comes to SCS! It often feels like “Pengci” or the art of staging drama to get the desired outcome? Beijing has to address the increasing global fears and uncertainty about her motives and talk more about its dracoplomacy. At one point, Beijing followed Xiaoping’s famous guideline: “hide our capacities and bide our time.” But now, things have changed. China is no longer actively avoiding international limelight. The motto has become “going international.” This change was not all talk either rather it was accompanied by significant, short-term action. Since becoming president, Xi has already visited more than 40 countries with his OBOR dream! It is important for Beijing to emphasize the purpose of her massive infrastructure push. That is, to achieve economic development, rather than to satisfy her growing political ambitions on the global stage. The creation of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and other major geo-economic projects are signs that Beijing is using her coercive diplomacy in a subtler way. Therefore, this paper checks whether Beijing’s Silk Road spirit will be successful enough to maintain its agility and grace in the future. Originality/value This is an original piece of work, and it adds value to the special issue titled “China’s Rise and Power Shifts in Asia: Geopolitical, Socio-Economic and Historical Perspectives.”

Assessment of nutritional and functional status of patients attending the geriatric clinic of a tertiary care hospital in Gujarat, India.

The geriatric population is increasing rapidly in developing countries. India and China are the main contributors to this rise in Asia.(1) It is estimated that by 2050, about 53% of the total world population aged more than 60 years will be living in these two countries.(2) In India, where there is inadequate income and no social security, older persons often find it difficult to support themselves. The impact of population ageing is already affecting India.(3) A great number of older individuals require long-term care, and the old age dependency has increased. In addition, the steady decline of the traditional support system of the joint family has put a strain on their overall health and well-being. The increasing elderly population poses a definite challenge to the country’s healthcare system. It has become essential to ensure good nutrition in older people so that they can lead an active and independent life. Studies have shown that undernourished older people require more hospitalisation and prolonged hospital stays as compared to well-nourished individuals.(4,5) This can be prevented by early and periodic nutritional and functional assessments of the elderly population. A useful tool that is standard and validated is the Mini Nutritional Assessment (MNA).(6,7) The MNA includes six components for screening: decreased food intake; weight loss and psychological stress/acute disease in the last three months; mobility; neuropsychological problems; and body mass index (BMI). It also includes 12 components of assessment: living independently; taking more than three prescription drugs per day; pressure sores; number of daily full meals consumed; daily protein intake; daily fruit/vegetable intake; daily fluid intake; mode of feeding; self-view of nutritional status; self-perception of health status; mid-arm circumference (MAC); and mid-calf circumference (MCC). The MNA is a simple tool consisting of an easy questionnaire that only takes a few minutes to complete. In patients who have malnutrition or are at risk of malnutrition, nutritional intervention can be instituted early so as to improve quality of life. The physical and cognitive abilities that are needed for a geriatric patient to live an independent life can be comprehensively evaluated through functional assessment. This includes evaluation of daily activities, cognition, mobility, and bladder and bowel continence. Specific tools and scales can detect moderate impairment of functional capacity in an older person, which is very significant because it may indicate the beginning of a disease. Geriatric patients have multiple problems that are often difficult to recognise clinically. Thus, structured assessment of functional status is essential in the elderly, not only for diagnosis but also for comprehensive management.(8,9) Tools available include the Barthel Index for activities of daily living (ADL), Katz Index of Independence in ADL, and instrumental ADL (IADL) scales such as the Lawton-Brody IADL scale. Additionally, muscle strength or physical performance can be measured using simple and easily available instruments such as sphygmomanometers or mechanical dynamometers. Assessing hand grip strength using a sphygmomanometer helps in identifying elderly people who are at risk of functional disability.(10,11) There is a paucity of data regarding the nutritional and functional status of the geriatric population from the western part of India. Thus, this study was undertaken with the goal of assessing the nutritional and functional status of these geriatric patients and to find a correlation between the two, if any.

A Model of Global Beverage Markets

AbstractThis article describes a new empirical model of the world's markets for alcoholic beverages and, to illustrate its usefulness, reports results from projections of those markets from 2016–2018 to 2025 under various scenarios. It not only revises and updates a model of the world's wine markets (Wittwer, Berger, and Anderson, 2003), but also adds beer and spirits so as to capture the substitutability of those beverages among consumers. The model has some of the features of an economy-wide computable general equilibrium model, with international trade linking the markets of its 44 countries and seven residual regions. It is used to simulate prospects for these markets by 2025 (business-as-usual), which points to Asia's rise. Then two alternative scenarios to 2025 are explored: one simulates the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union (EU); the other simulates the effects of the recent imposition of additional 25% tariffs on selected beverages imported by the United States from several EU member countries. Future applications of the model are discussed in the concluding section. (JEL Classifications: C53, F11, F17, Q13)

De-westernization, democratization, disconnection: the emergence of Brazil’s post-diplomatic foreign policy

ABSTRACT For some time, foreign policy as an expression was perfectly interchangeable with diplomacy, given the degree of leverage enjoyed by diplomatic corps in Brazil's political system. However, there has arguably been some degree of discontinuity in this trajectory, which is noticeable from a couple of trends: Brazil's strategy toward Western powers vis-à-vis the rise of Asia,on the one hand, and democratization of foreign policymaking and the resulting tumultuous relationship between the foreign ministry and the presidency of the country, on the other. I posit that, from Fernando Henrique Cardoso to Jair Bolsonaro, this combination of factors prompted an epochal shift in Brazil's external relations, whose bottom line might be Itamaraty's demise as chief formulator while other governmental bureaucracies, political parties and individuals take over as the gravity centre, turning the contents of Brazil's foreign policy more responsive to social inputs, however less predictable and coherent over time.

Politics of Economic Corridors in South Asia

Rise of Asia has necessitated the greater interconnection and economic integration around the globe. The scope of development is not limited to a nation or a particular region only, in fact, it is taking place across nations as well as regions and sub-regions in Asia. The concept of ‘Economic Corridor’ is used to explain this phenomenon of connectivity. Economic corridors work as a catalyst for regional integration and a driver for inclusive growth by bringing underdeveloped regions into the upward growth trajectory. South Asia is characterised with booming economic growth while economic corridors are playing the role of a catalyst for regional and economic integration. However, such corridors are also creating many political challenges in the region. Hostility among the regional states is a critical factor. In this background, this paper analyses the shaping of economic corridors along regional transport routes and tries to address this question as to how industrial expansion and assortment can bring vibrant change in the region. Moreover, the role of economic corridors is being discussed as a key factor for regional integration in South Asia. The paper also addresses the key political challenges in the implementation of these networks. While discussing the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIMEC) are the main focus of this paper.

Азия как новый центр экономической силы

The rise of Asia has been continuing for several decades, at a faster pace than expected. Asia, despite the vast diversity of its constituent countries, can be called the world's largest "regional economy". Asian consumer markets show not just impressive growth, but also profound changes in structure. The power of Asia will grow, as Asian economies integrate with one another in innovation, trade, capital and knowledge flows, confirming a new trend in globalization – regionalization. Asia is expected to shape global market trends and become the engine for the next phase of globalization, which could be rightly called the Asian Century.

The Role of the EU in Asian Security: Between Transatlantic Coordination and Strategic Autonomy

The Role of the EU in Asian Security:Between Transatlantic Coordination and Strategic Autonomy Yong Deng (bio) keywords Europe, Asia, China, Transatlantic Coordination, United States [End Page 105] executive summary This article examines the struggles of the European Union and the principal European powers to define their security role in Asia and considers the implications for transatlantic cooperation. main argument Lack of coordination on Asian security has frequently surprised and frustrated policymakers on both sides of the Atlantic. In several high-stakes instances, such as the EU states' dual-use technology sales to China, participation in the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and reactions to the international tribunal ruling on the South China Sea, the EU seemed to have acted against U.S. policy. The transatlantic alliance has been largely lost in the U.S. pivot and Indo-Pacific strategy. Despite historical dominance, Europe today has limited presence and capacity in the Asia-Pacific region. While the security threats from Asia are hardly existential for the EU or European powers, their economic interests in a connected Eurasia are fast-growing. The EU and its states have long preferred multilateralism and engagement over hard-power logic, which is evident in how they have traditionally dealt with China. But in light of the crisscrossing challenges posed by Asia's rise, Europe can no longer stay above the fray and must assert a role in an evolving Asia-Pacific. policy implications • Europe's role in Asia has come to a crossroads as it grapples with the new geopolitical and geoeconomic realities of Eurasian connectivity. The crux of the matter is to find the right balance between its traditional alliance with the U.S. and the new imperative for strategic autonomy on Asian issues. • As Europe occupies a pivotal position in the evolving Asian order, careful management of the transatlantic alliance is needed more than ever. Policymakers on both sides should be mindful of the limited European presence in Asia as well as approaches that are distinct from those of the U.S. • The EU and European leaders should think strategically about how to best leverage Europe's unique strengths and visions for an effective role that sustains a rules-based order while managing great-power politics in Asia. [End Page 106] The transatlantic alliance and cooperative relationship between Europe and the United States have together formed the key pillar of the liberal world order since the end of World War II. The rise of Asia over the last few decades, coupled with the global financial crisis in 2007–8, has allowed the region to challenge the preeminence of Europe and North America. Yet Asia's renaissance has also unsettled regional security dynamics and fundamentally destabilized the international status quo. As the center of global geopolitics has shifted east, the United States has pivoted and strategically rebalanced toward Asia. During the Obama administration, the United States called upon the European Union to join in a coordinated transatlantic response to Asian security. Indeed, Kurt Campbell, former U.S. assistant secretary of state, has declared that the U.S. pivot "is meant to be a pivot to Asia with Europe, not a pivot to Asia from Europe."1 However, even before the Trump administration, the EU had been called a security free rider, and the two sides of the Atlantic "on occasion hindered rather than enabled the other's policy objectives and impeded the realization of mutual strategic interests."2 Some of the inadequacies of the transatlantic alliance are evident in how the EU and European powers have handled the Obama administration's rebalance, China's economic and security globalization in the form of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and the Trump administration's nebulous Indo-Pacific strategy. While there is no shortage of communication channels, insufficient institutionalization has beset transatlantic consultations on Asian security.3 By comparison, EU-China dialogue has significantly increased. According to a 2016 European Commission report, "the EU and China are engaged in almost one hundred dialogues and workshops in a typical year."4 This has caught the attention of the Trump administration. Now, U.S. embassies in many European capitals are staffed with China-focused personnel, and "roughly 150 U...

Концептуализация “азиатских ценностей” в Малайзии и Сингапуре

“Asian values” as a concept appeared in the socio-political discourse in 1990s due to the so-called Rise of Asia. Major political leaders of Malaysia and Singapore, Mahathir Mohamad and Lee Kuan Y., played a special role in their conceptual design. The discourse “Asian values” provoked a strong reaction in scientific and political circles around the world, the debates on them are still continuing. The main question regarding “Asian values” is how to determine the degree and nature of their influence on the development of the countries of the East. The purpose of this study is to identify different approaches to the assessment of this concept, the reasons for their occurrence, as well as the role and place of “Asian values” in the process of modernization in the East. As a result, it was revealed that the political situation in the region brought about the development of the concept. Owing to the struggle of a number of states for their influence on the Southeast Asian countries, the latter turned to “Asian values” as ideological sources of self-identification. Another reason is the fact that this concept allows to take into account specific ways of modernization in each country. Finally, the concept was adopted as an ideological basis for the integration process in ASEAN, which remains one of the most progressive integration associations in the Asia-Pacific region. Thus, today, the concept of “Asian values” not only proved its viability, but also became an occasion for development of similar ideas in other regions of the world. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared in the framework of the project no. 19-011-31053 “Megatrends of World Politics in the 21st Century: Spheres of Manifestation and Development” with financial support from RFBR and EISR.

Stereotypes as Historical Accidents: Images of Social Class in Postcommunist Versus Capitalist Societies.

Stereotypes are ideological and justify the existing social structure. Although stereotypes persist, they can change when the context changes. Communism's rise in Eastern Europe and Asia in the 20th century provides a natural experiment examining social-structural effects on social class stereotypes. Nine samples from postcommunist countries (N = 2,241), compared with 38 capitalist countries (N = 4,344), support the historical, sociocultural rootedness of stereotypes. More positive stereotypes of the working class appear in postcommunist countries, both compared with other social groups in the country and compared with working-class stereotypes in capitalist countries; postcommunist countries also show more negative stereotypes of the upper class. We further explore whether communism's ideological legacy reflects how societies infer groups' stereotypic competence and warmth from structural status and competition. Postcommunist societies show weaker status-competence relations and stronger (negative) competition-warmth relations; respectively, the lower meritocratic beliefs and higher priority of embeddedness as ideological legacies may shape these relationships.

CHINA’S BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE: A VIEW FROM A MAHATHIRIST IMAGINARY

Malaysia’s Mahathir Mohamad stands in a delicate position vis-à-vis China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The BRI’s Silk Road-like scenarios of transcontinental rail links to extend market-facilitated trade and investment have a place within a ‘Mahathirist imaginary’ that opposes inequities in a western-ruled global order and sees hope for the ‘rise of Asia’. In vision he shares the ‘Chinese Dream’ of resurrecting ancient land and maritime trade routes as an ‘imperative of globalization’ despite attempts by others to entangle the BRI in narratives of geopolitics long repugnant to his deep non-aligned convictions. His unprecedented resumption of premiership in May 2018 gave Mahathir a dream-like chance to engage with the BRI but he has been jolted by some Malaysian-China projects contracted in the name of the BRI by the Najib Razak-headed regime (2009–2018). Concerned that those projects could strain Malaysia’s debt burden and undermine its sovereignty, Mahathir must balance his support for BRI with undoing some of its local manifestations without jeopardizing long-term Malaysia-China trade, investment and diplomatic relations.

Universities in the National Innovation Systems: Emerging Innovation Landscapes in Asia-Pacific

Historically, universities and institutions of higher learning have gone through three academic revolutions, namely, teaching, research, and innovation. Universities and Higher Educational Institutions (HEIs) in the last two decades have come to occupy an important part in the national innovation systems (NIS), which is a complex of ‘all important economic, social, political, organizational, institutional and other factors that influence the development, diffusion and use of innovations’. From a broader perspective, universities, together with public Research and Development (R&D) labs and science agencies, public policies (on industry, research, innovation and higher education, etc.) and business enterprises are now considered as important actors in the NIS of Asia-Pacific economies. The rise of Asia in the global knowledge-based economy from mid-1990s is closely associated with the rise of knowledge institutions of higher learning and scientific research output. Every Asia-Pacific country embraced and introduced policies relating to innovation in varying forms. Consultancy and collaborative links with industry being traditional forms of engagement, new policy and institutional measures in technology transfer and innovation to engage with society and business enterprises are gaining prominence. Policies for incubation, start-ups, and spin-offs, technology transfer offices (TTOs), and science and technology parks have gained tremendous prominence in leading Asia-Pacific universities. Different national innovation systems in the Asia-Pacific region have given rise to varying roles of universities. Whilst universities in Southeast Asian countries and India continue to play a traditional role of teaching and generating human capital, there are countries such as Singapore, China, Taiwan, and Japan, wherein universities are being transformed as entrepreneurial universities. Science and innovation policies in these countries have orchestrated the goal direction of universities as frontiers of innovation. Universities in Australia and New Zealand have so far been quite successful in marketing higher education to neighboring Asian countries. They have in recent years begun to embark on innovation and commercialization of research. The paper focuses on South East Asia and draws some comparison with more dynamic university ecosystems in East Asia. In doing so, the paper brings into focus the emerging innovation landscapes across the region.

The Rise of Colorectal Cancer in Asia: Epidemiology, Screening, and Management.

Colorectal cancer (CRC) remains the third most commonly diagnosed cancer globally, and its incidence and mortality rates have been on the rise in Asia. In this paper, we summarize the recent trends and screening challenges of CRC in this region. In 2018, Asia had the highest proportions of both incident (51.8%) and mortality (52.4%) CRC cases (all genders and ages) per 100,000 population in the world. In addition, there has been a rising trend of this disease across Asia with some regional geographic variations. This rise in CRC can be attributed to westernized dietary lifestyle, increasing population aging, smoking, physical inactivity, and other risk factors. In curbing the rising trend, Japan, South Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan have launched nationwide population-based screening programs. CRC screening across this region has been found to be effective and cost-effective compared with no screening at all. The emergence of new therapies has caused a reduction in case fatality; however, these new options have had a limited impact on cure rates and long-term survival due to the great disparity in treatment capacity/resources and screening infrastructures among Asian countries with different degrees of economic development. CRC is still rising in Asia, and implementation of screening is necessary for moderate- to high-incidence countries and construction of treatment capacity is the priority task in low-incidence and low-income countries. Unless countries in Asia implement CRC screening, the incidence and mortality rates of this disease will continue to rise especially with the rapidly rising population growth, economic development, westernized lifestyle, and increasing aging.

South East Asian Area Studies beyond Anglo-America: geopolitical transitions, the neoliberal academy and spatialized regimes of knowledge

ABSTRACTCritical theorists and scholars in Asian cultural studies have challenged the political legitimacy and analytical validity of the cross-disciplinary enterprise of Area Studies. Area Studies has been critiqued as emerging from and reflecting imperialist and Cold War-era political agendas; as being overly empirical and disinterested in or even resistant to critical theoretical methods; and as being an outdated form of knowledge that reflects a pre-globalization era defined by the geopolitics of the nation state. I challenge these three criticisms of Area Studies in light of the fact that, contrary to predictions, spatiality has not been erased but rather has been reformulated in the context of globalization. Critiques of Area Studies fail to address dramatic changes in global knowledge production underway as a result of the geopolitical rise of East, South East and South Asia, and overlook the ways the neoliberal re-disciplining of the academy is entrenching Eurocentric forms of knowledge. I argue for the validity and importance of a theoretically engaged project of critical Area Studies in an era when neoliberal managerialism and metrification of research and teaching are casting a conservative pall over the international academy by intensifying the spatialization of knowledge under early twenty-first-century globalization.

Climate change, water resources and sustainable development in the arid and semi-arid lands of Central Asia in the past 30 years

The countries of Central Asia are collectively known as the five ''-stans'': Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kazakhstan. In recent times, the Central Asian region has been affected by the shrinkage of the Aral Sea, widespread desertification, soil salinization, biodiversity loss, frequent sand storms, and many other ecological disasters. This paper is a review article based upon the collection, identification and collation of previous studies of environmental changes and regional developments in Central Asia in the past 30 years. Most recent studies have reached a consensus that the temperature rise in Central Asia is occurring faster than the global average. This warming trend will not only result in a higher evaporation in the basin oases, but also to a significant retreat of glaciers in the mountainous areas. Water is the key to sustainable development in the arid and semi-arid regions in Central Asia. The uneven distribution, over consumption, and pollution of water resources in Central Asia have caused severe water supply problems, which have been affecting regional harmony and development for the past 30 years. The widespread and significant land use changes in the 1990s could be used to improve our understanding of natural variability and human interaction in the region. There has been a positive trend of trans-border cooperation among the Central Asian countries in recent years. International attention has grown and research projects have been initiated to provide water and ecosystem protection in Central Asia. However, the agreements that have been reached might not be able to deliver practical action in time to prevent severe ecological disasters. Water management should be based on hydrographic borders and ministries should be able to make timely decisions without political intervention. Fully integrated management of water resources, land use and industrial development is essential in Central Asia. The ecological crisis should provide sufficient motivation to reach a consensus on unified water management throughout the region.

Eastphalia Revisited: The Potential Contribution of Eastphalia to Post‐Westphalian Possibilities

The rise of Asia in world politics has been inviting heated questions about what implications Asian countries may have for international law and global governance. Whether it will be a blessing or a curse, Asian countries are requested to take their positions toward post‐Westphalian possibilities. Once the main target of Western imperialism and colonialism, Asian countries have been waiting a considerable amount of time to mark their distinctive voices in world politics. With material capabilities, such as rapid economic growth and cutting‐edge technologies, Asian countries attempt to shape international governance structure according to their interests, ideologies, and philosophies. In this course, Eastphalia, which is suggested as an alternative governance system to supplant the Westphalian system, is strongly advocated by powerful Asian countries, including China. However, it is not desirable to understand that Eastphalia only stresses the interests of Asian countries and peoples. Eastphalia is not coined for the interests of Asian countries and peoples only. To the contrary, Eastphalia is crafted to inform Asian countries of what path should be taken to materialize post‐Westphalian possibilities. The successful transition from Westphalia to Eastphalia ultimately depends on whether Eastphalia could actively reflect post‐Westphalian possibilities, especially protection and promotion of human rights under the idea of human security.

Introduction

‘Without doubt, this is the right book at exactly the right time! Despite COVID's media predominance, the dangers to our freedom have not simply faded away; quite the opposite. With their novel analysis piercing through the layers of Germany's strategic wavering, Giegerich and Terhalle demonstrate precisely that. For anyone aiming at taking over executive responsibility for Berlin's foreign and security policy after the federal elections in September 2021, this is a must-read.’ Friedrich Merz, Member of the German Bundestag (1994-2009), Chief Whip and Minority Leader (2000-02) and member of the CDU/CSU Government Team for the 2021 federal elections ‘This is an in-depth study of a crucial topic. Well-argued and well-researched, this book offers an original take on a timely and important subject with broad implications for the future of European and transatlantic security.’ Dr Benedetta Berti, Head of Policy Planning, Office of the Secretary-General, NATO The rise or resurgence of revisionist, repressive and authoritarian powers threatens the Western, US-led international order upon which Germany's post-war security and prosperity were founded. With Washington increasingly focused on China's rise in Asia, Europe must be able to defend itself against Russia, and will depend upon German military capabilities to do so. Years of neglect and structural underfunding, however, have hollowed out Germany's armed forces. Much of the political leadership in Berlin has not yet adjusted to new realities or appreciated the urgency with which it needs to do so. In this Adelphi book, Bastian Giegerich and Maximilian Terhalle argue that Germany's current strategic culture is inadequate. It informs a security policy that fails to meet contemporary strategic challenges, thereby endangering Berlin's European allies, the Western order and Germany itself. They contend that Germany should embrace its historic responsibility to defend Western liberal values and the Western order that upholds them. Rather than dogmatically reject the use of military force, Germany should wed its commitment to liberal values to an understanding of the role of power - including military power - in international affairs. Giegerich and Terhalle show why Germany should seek to foster a strategic culture that would be compatible with those of other leading Western nations and allow Germans to perceive the world through a strategic lens. In doing so, they also outline possible elements of a new security policy. Dr Bastian Giegerich is Director of Defence and Military Analysis at the IISS. He previously worked for the German Federal Ministry of Defence in research and policy roles and is the author and editor of several books on European security and defence matters. Professor Maximilian Terhalle is affiliated with King's College London. Between 2019 and 2020, he served as Senior Adviser to the UK's Ministry of Defence. Previously, he taught at Columbia and Yale universities' security programmes and undertook field work in China and Egypt. His work focuses on hard security, strategy and world order; he has written or edited seven books and published widely in international newspapers and journals. He is a Lieutenant Colonel (res.) in the Bundeswehr.