ASAT Test Research Articles

Antisatellite Testing and a Whole New Era in Spacefaring: The Implication of China’s 2007 ASAT Test on Global Security and Strategic Intelligence

Antisatellite Testing and a Whole New Era in Spacefaring: The Implication of China’s 2007 ASAT Test on Global Security and Strategic Intelligence

Antisatellite Testing and a Whole New Era in Spacefaring: The Implication of China’s 2007 ASAT Test on Global Security and Strategic Intelligence

Antisatellite Testing and a Whole New Era in Spacefaring: The Implication of China’s 2007 ASAT Test on Global Security and Strategic Intelligence

Indo-Israel Strategic Partnership in Indian Ocean and Outer Space: A Need for Regional Counter-Balancing Approach

Indian space exploration has entered a new phase with the formation of the Indian Defence Space Agency (DSA) in 2018 and the procurement of anti-satellite capabilities in 2019. These two incentives prompted India to join the United States, Russia, and China in militarizing outer space. In a similar fashion, Israel conducted an ASAT test of the Arrow-3 missile interceptor aimed at the exo-atmosphere. While both India and Israel have described their outer space ambitions as removing debris from the lower orbit, the constant use of their military arsenals demonstrates their common goal of obtaining the upper hand over their respective rivals, Pakistan, China, and Iran. Prospects for their partnership in outer space are highly contingent on their cooperation in other defence domains, especially maritime security. For India, the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) is of utmost importance due to China's growing presence, whereas for Israel, the IOR represents a vital trade route that may be at risk due to the development of ports in Pakistan (Gwadar) and Iran (Chahbahar), through which these nations could acquire the means to expand their naval presence. Therefore, while space development complements geo-sensing, particularly in oceans, the interests of both India and Israel in space and IOR enhance the likelihood of their cooperation in these sectors. This paper evaluates how Pakistan, Iran, and China could form a trilateral alliance to counter the emerging US-supported Indo-Israeli nexus in IOR and outer space.

Investigating the Risks of Debris-Generating ASAT Tests in the Presence of Megaconstellations

The development of large constellations of satellites (i.e., so-called megaconstellations or satcons) is poised to increase the number of LEO satellites by more than an order of magnitude in the coming decades. Such a rapid growth of satellite numbers makes the consequences of major fragmentation events ever more problematic. In this study, we investigate the collisional risk to on-orbit infrastructure from kinetic anti-satellite (ASAT) weapon tests, using the 2019 Indian test as a model. We find that the probability of one or more collisions occurring over the lifetime of ASAT fragments increases significantly in a satcon environment compared with the orbital environment in 2019. For the case of 65,000 satellites in LEO, we find that the chance of one or more satellites being struck by ASAT fragments of size 1 cm or larger is more than 25% for a single test. Including sizes down to 3 mm in our models suggests that impacts will occur for any such event. Finally, we apply our methods to examine the November 2021 Russian ASAT test, also finding a significant collision probability over the lifetime of the fragments. The heavy commercialization of LEO demands a commitment to avoiding debris-generating ASAT tests.

International Legal Regulations Concerning Launching of Russian Anti-Satellite Weapon Missiles Reviewed in Space Law Perspective

The development of weapons technology is currently very advanced and competitive, one of which is the Anti-Satellite weapon (ASAT) technology. ASAT has become a real threat to the sustainability of the space environment, this is because ASAT has the potential to damage international peace and security, trigger an arms race, and increase the amount of space debris orbiting the earth. The absence of regulations that specifically regulate ASAT makes countries feel free to conduct anti-satellite missile test launches. For example, in 2021 Russia conducted an ASAT test targeting the Cosmos-1408 satellite. Using normative juridical research and research approaches with statute approach, case approach, and analytical approach, the author wants to study and analyze international legal arrangements regarding the launch of Anti-Satellite Weapon (ASAT) missiles and the legal consequences against Russia as the country that launches Anti-Satellite Weapon (ASAT) missiles. Based on the results of the study, the researchers found that there were no regulations specifically limiting ASAT, but the regulation in question should have been contained in the Outer Space Treaty 1967 as the basis for regulating all activities related to space, then further legal consequences against Russia for launching anti-missile missiles. -satellite, namely Russia is obliged to be responsible in terms of responsibility and liability in terms of liability and is strengthened by the principle of liability based on fault as stated in the Liability Convention 1972.

India’s Anti-Satellite Test: from the Perspective of International Space Law and the Law of Armed Conflict

Abstract To enhance their strategic position, some spacefaring States are engaged in exploiting legal lacunae of international space treaties. Consequently, there is an increase of militarization of outer space. As an instance of such activities, an anti-satellite (asat) test by India represents a strategic move to enhance its deterrence capability rather than earnestly adhering to international space law. Such actions can potentially increase the element of uncertainty in international law, particularly the international space law. The pursuit of military strategic interests in space has increased the possibility of an arms race in space. This article argues that asat tests not only violate certain principles of international law but also undermine the efforts for arms control and disarmament in the outer space. In this regard, an effective role of the international community is required to curb the arms race imperative for a safe and sustainable outer space environment.

A Developing Arms Race in Outer Space? De-Constructing the Dynamics in the Field of Anti-Satellite Weapons

Fears about the militarization of space are widespread. For example, the recent development of Anti-Satellite (ASAT) capabilities by rising powers like China and India is often described as a technologically driven arms race. This article takes a social constructivist approach to deconstruct the dynamics of this supposed arms race. Using a case study of Mission Shakti, the 2019 Indian ASAT test, the conclusion is that the ASAT arms race is more complex than it seems at first glance. Most importantly, states seem less motivated by security gains but frequently make status-seeking arguments. This offers possibilities for de-securitizing outer space again.

Space Debris Remediation, Its Regulation and the Role of Europe

Ever since the launch of the first space object, discarded bits and pieces ranging from disused payloads and spent upper stages to single bolts and tiny flakes of paint have been cluttering outer space, making valuable and widely used orbits and trajectories to and from Earth increasingly unsafe for future use. The response of the international community to this immediate threat to the sustainable use of outer space has been slow and haphazard, and remains limited to non-binding guidelines and technical recommendations for space debris mitigation. Recent events such as the 2007 Chinese ASAT test and the 2009 collision between an active American and an in-operational Russian communications satellite demonstrate that more needs to be done in order to develop a strong international regime on active debris remediation. Given the complexities of these issues and the lengthy nature of international negotiations, one should not expect a comprehensive legal regime for space debris mitigation and remediation to materialize any time soon. As it is in the own interest of its users to preserve outer space for future exploration and use, the regulation of debris mitigation by space agencies may well prove a valuable alternative as a starting point for binding remediation rules. Since new international initiatives in this respect are lacking, the present article looks at the various space actors in Europe, and at the role some of them may play in developing global rules of space debris remediation.

Space Debris Remediation, its Regulation and the Role of Europe

Ever since the launch of the first space object, discarded bits and pieces ranging from disused payloads and spent upper stages to single bolts and tiny flakes of paint have been cluttering outer space, making valuable and widely used orbits and trajectories to and from Earth increasingly unsafe for future use. The response of the international community to this immediate threat to the sustainable use of outer space has been slow and haphazard, and remains limited to non-binding guidelines and technical recommendations for space debris mitigation. Recent events such as the 2007 Chinese ASAT test and the 2009 collision between an active American and an in-operational Russian communications satellite demonstrate that more needs to be done in order to develop a strong international regime on active debris remediation. Given the complexities of these issues and the lengthy nature of international negotiations, one should not expect a comprehensive legal regime for space debris mitigation and remediation to materialize any time soon. As it is in the own interest of its users to preserve outer space for future exploration and use, the regulation of debris mitigation by space agencies may well prove a valuable alternative as a starting point for binding remediation rules. Since new international initiatives in this respect are lacking, the present article looks at the various space actors in Europe, and at the role some of them may play in developing global rules of space debris remediation.

Imported acute viral hepatitis E. case report

Case report We present the case of a 54 year-old female patient, which was admitted to the Clinical Hospital for Infectious Diseases “Toma Ciorba” with 38.5°C temperature, with epigastric and right hypochondriac pain, abdominal discomfort, and jaundice. The clinical exam showed abdominal tenderness on palpation in the epigastric region and in the right hypocondrium, the liver being 2-3 cm below the right costal margin, and the spleen 1-2 cm. Before the admission, the onset of the symptoms was sudden with up to 40°C temperature, pain in the right hypochondrium, permanent nausea, fatigability, decreased appetite and dark urine. Laboratory examination showed: total bilirubin 31.0 μmol/L; direct 7.6; ALAT 1500 U/L; ASAT1300 U/L; alkaline phosphatase726 U/L; GGTP279 U/L; prothrombin index 56%. Personal records: in 2007 the diagnosis of chronic viral hepatitis C was established; bilirubin, ASAT and thymol test with normal values. Markers of viral hepatitis: total anti-HCV positive; total anti-HBc positive; antiHAV IgM negative; anti-HBc IgM negative; anti-HCV IgM positive; anti HDV IgM negative; total anti HDV negative; anti-CMV IgM negative; anti-CMV IgG positive; anti-EBV-VCA IgMnegative; anti EBV-VCA IgG positive; anti-HBs negative; anti-HEV IgM O3positive; anti HEV IgG O3positive. From the epidemiological history it was established that five years before she had travelled to Bulgaria. Instrumental investigations: ultrasonographic examination the liver, right lobe 15.5 cm; the left lobe 6.0 cm; the spleen 12.3x5.0 cm; portal vein 1.0 cm; splenic vein 0.7 cm; FibroScan: the average coefficient of hepatic elasticity 6.8 kPa, which corresponds to F0-F1 stage of hepatic fibrosis (according to the Metavir scale). Symptomatic and pathogenetic administered treatment resulted in clinical and biochemical improvement. The patient was monitored clinically and biochemically at 1 and 2 months. Cytolysis syndrome tests had normal values.

The contest for leadership in East Asia: Japanese and Chinese approaches to outer space

Japan and China, as two advanced spacefaring nations in Asia-Pacific region, are often referred to as rivals in space. China's successful manned space launch program in 2003 and ASAT test in 2007 were considered as turning points which potentially introduces a “space race in Asia”. This article argues that there are three defining arenas in a space race: competition for prestige or soft power, competition over military capability or hard power, and competition of international services or public goods. It analyzes the objectives, norms and logics of space policy in Japan and China, and argues that these two countries have quite different thinking over what to do in space, explaining that they are playing different games in the first two arenas. However, Japan and China are competing for leadership and influence over the region. APRSAF and APSCO, two similar regional space organizations, are the vehicles for this competition. It concludes that there is a space race only in the third arena as a competition for leadership in Asia.

A Verifiable Limited Test Ban for Anti-satellite Weapons

The growing number of actors pursuing sophisticated outer space programs gives rise to one of the more novel challenges of the global commons. Once the privileged domain of the United States and th...

Strategic Choices: Examining the United States Military Response to the Chinese Anti-Satellite Test

The Chinese ASAT test resulted in a kill to a derelict satellite and the production of a debris field that now threatens other satellites in low earth orbit. More importantly, this event crossed a potentially dangerous threshold in the “weaponization” of space. Space assets are now perceived as more vulnerable than ever to direct attack or from accidental damage from orbital debris. This article focuses on the U.S. military response to the Chinese ASAT test. The U.S. military has three basic perspectives from which to react to ths test. First, it can prepare to act offensively to eliminate threats. Secondly, it can choose to develop and field defensive systems. Finally, it can engage in space security cooperation to protect U.S. and international space-based assets and defuse an arms race. The direction the U.S. military takes will ultimately be a function of larger U.S. government policy and national security decisions. On the eve of the election of a new U.S. administration, we find ourselves at a strategic crossroads concerning the protection of our interests in space. The road we take may have far-reaching implications and consequences. It is in our best national security interests to tread carefully and get it right.

China's ASAT Test and the Strategic Implications of Beijing's Military Space Policy

Abstract China's test of an anti-satellite weapon in January 2007 was a surprise to the international community. China has recently made efforts to appear pragmatic in the international arena, which included consistent efforts to prohibit the weaponization of space. As a result of the test, Beijing has seen its international credibility slump and China may face a number of long-term challenges to its economic, political and strategic interests. The destruction of a non-functioning satellite by a Chinese missile created significant space debris that will likely plague satellites in the Earth's orbit for some time to come. This may also have a negative affect on China's ability to cooperate fully with other space-faring nations. Although Chinese diplomats have been longtime proponents of space arms control, China's military analysts have taken another approach to the issue of space weapons. These analysts have examined the effect that U.S. space assets have had on recent conflicts and have identified military space development as essential for a modern military force. China's recent test, however, has not only influenced its space rivalry with the United States, but may also be the impetus for a regional space race. If this is the case, China may have just started a space race that it has been trying to avoid and cannot afford.

Reagan Announces a New ASAT Test

Reagan Announces a New ASAT Test