Artisanal Industry Research Articles

Artisanality and culture in innovative regional agri-food development: lessons from the Tasmanian artisanal food industry

Artisanal food processing is socio-cultural practice. Artisanal products embody the processor's values and beliefs and are an expression of place. By studying the Tasmanian artisanal food industry, this article explores how culture can be employed in innovative regional development and how the growth of small to medium enterprises is consistent with sustainability. Recommendations for developing a policy regime conducive to the flourishing of artisanal industries are provided. This article arose from research which investigated the difficulties of identity preservation as a result of enterprise expansion as well as the authenticity of claims in the artisanal food industry. The research methodology was primarily a multiple case study, preceded by a scoping study. Three small-scale agricultural cottage enterprises and three small-scale agricultural cottage enterprises that had expanded were purposively selected from the cheese, berry and wine sectors. During 2004, extensive in-depth interviews were conducted with the principals of each case study enterprise. The research established the artisanal food industry's alignment with the endogenous regional development model. The significance of specific spatial and place characteristics and the pivotal role of values was established. The findings demonstrate the rationality of employing culture in regional development.

Labor Camp Socialism: The Gulag in the Soviet Totalitarian System by Galina Mikhailovna s> Ivanova Donald J. Raleigh , Carol Flath (review)

REVIEWS 765 in the aviation sector, but here the damage was probably done by the Purges rather than premature development: modern fightersand bombers replaced obsolete ones on the production lines in I940-4I ratherthan in I937-38. In any event constructingtanks, aircraft,and guns taught Soviet industryabout mass production. The availability of these weapons gave the Red Army the possibilityto trainlarge numbersof personnel and to develop operationaland tacticaldoctrine.All these were factorsin Soviet survivalinI94I-42. This book makesa valuable contributionto the expanding literatureon the Soviet armed forces and war industry in the I920S and 1930S produced by Bob Davies, Mark Von Hagen, Roger Reese, Sally Stoecker, Lennart Samuelson, and others.It also providesvaluable insightsinto Soviet decisionmaking more generally at a criticaljuncture. The subjectis a most important one, and thisbook is certainlynotjust for studentsof militaryhistory. Department ofHistory EVAN MAWDSLEY University ofGlasgow Ivanova, Galina Mikhailovna. LaborCampSocialism.7The Gulagin theSoviet Totalitarian System.Edited by Donald J. Raleigh. Translated by Carol Flath. M. E. Sharpe, Armonk, NY, and London, 2000. XXiV+ 209 pp. Photographs.Notes. Index. $24.95. THIsbook is a translationof the author'sGUL4AG vsisteme totalitarnogogosudarstva (MOSCOw, I997), and ispart of Sharpe's'The New Russian History Series'.Its appearance is certainly welcome, for it is probably the first archive-based study which attempts to cover the entire history of the camp system from Tsarist times to the GULAG's effective dismantling in 1956. It is by no means a definitive study. It provides few data on the size of the camp system, offers no systematic analysis of the latter's structure and operation, and makes not even the slightest pretence at discussing existing historiography on the topic, of which, in fact, the author seems to have only a rudimentary knowledge. Fortunately the book is weakest precisely on those periods on which we already have access to other studies, namely the I930S and World War Two, and strongest on the post-war period, about which we know relatively little, save for the revelations of various memoirs. The book's broad scope, its lively mode of argumentation, and rich but never over-specialized use of illustrative examples make it an ideal text for students, subject to a few cautions which I note at the end of this review. The book consists in effect of three extended essays: the evolution of the GULAG as a system of punishment and repression; the economic role of the GULAG; and an analysis of the people who staffed the GULAG administration and the camps themselves. These are bracketed by a brief introduction, which surveys the Tsarist system of penal colonies, and an even briefer conclusion. The first essay on the evolution of the camp system is the least original, not because it is not based on solid research, but because much of what it says we already know from memoirs and Western studies. It is, however, central to Ivanova's larger thesis, namely that there was a linear evolution from the use 766 SEER, 79, 4, 2001 of prison camps to isolate and punish opponents during the early years of Bolshevikrule to the application of mass terrorand slavelabour under Stalin. I shallreturnto thispoint at the end. The second essay on the economy reallydoes breaknew ground, especially in its coverage of the postwar years. Nearly forty years ago S. Swianiewicz (Forced Labour andEconomic Development, Oxford, I 965) gave us a fascinating,but largely theoretical analysisof the role which camp labour played in relieving the bottlenecksand strainsin the freelabour marketcreatedby Stalin'spolicy of hypertrophic development of heavy industry during industrialization. Ivanova's account is almost the polar opposite of this approach. She provides a meticulous analysisof the sheerwastefulnessand inefficiencyof the GULAG economy, even when taken on its own terms. Although labour power was virtuallyfree, the camps produced goods at vastlyhigher costs than even local artisan industries could turn them out. For all its strategic importance, especially after World War Two, the GULAG was a huge drain on the economy. The third essay is the most original of all, and gives us fascinatinginsights into the web of toadyism and corruption which allowed figures of demonstrablemediocrityand criminalpredilectionsto riseto leadingpositionswithin theMVD and GULAG, oftenin defianceofobjectionsby Partyand Procuracy bodies. It was frequently the case that...

Toward a Model of Changing Social Roles in a Costa Rican Ceramic Artisan Industry

Anthropology of Work ReviewVolume 22, Issue 3 p. 27-32 Toward a Model of Changing Social Roles in a Costa Rican Ceramic Artisan Industry Dr. Jim Weil, Dr. Jim Weil Science Museum of MinnesotaSearch for more papers by this author Dr. Jim Weil, Dr. Jim Weil Science Museum of MinnesotaSearch for more papers by this author First published: 28 June 2008 https://doi.org/10.1525/awr.2001.22.3.27Citations: 5AboutPDF ToolsExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume22, Issue3September 2001Pages 27-32 RelatedInformation

The Spatial Structure of Unplanned Shopping Clusters developed along the Cheonggyechon-ro and the Emerging New Industrial Clusters

This paper introduces a new type of industrial cluster developed at the CBD of Seoul. Conventionally, clusters are said to be consisted of hi-tech, often IT activities, manufacturing industries or artisan craft industries with increasing vertical integration and performance usually supported by venture capitals and favorable business infrastructure, not to mention governments', be it central or local, incentive plans. The study area, Cheonggyechon region has long been a traditional CBD frame of Seoul, Korea, being troubled by deterioration, traffic jams, and environmental degradation as most inner cities experience. Recently, this region has transformed to the most dynamic and productive area not by IT industries but by apparel and fashion activities. The study of the developmental trajectory and key characteristics for this kind of industrial cluster can give us insight both for the transition of inner city and for the cluster theory. This paper firstly briefly profiles the growth of the Cheonggyechon region over the past decade. It then shows the current spatial and business structure of the new industrial cluster, focusing on the fact that transactions costs are reduced, the creation and flow of information improves, and the local institutions are prone to be most responsive to the new cluster's specialized needs. The third section presents the key components of the customized production-distribution-shopping cluster development process, emphasizing the localized networking, social capital, spontaneous institutionalization of associational economic climate, and cultural economy based on place-specific inertia. The paper concludes with some comments about the prospects and perils of the new industrial cluster of Seoul.

5582692 Method for the purification of Vitamin E : Baird James L Concord, MA, United States Assigned to Artisan Industries Inc

5582692 Method for the purification of Vitamin E : Baird James L Concord, MA, United States Assigned to Artisan Industries Inc

5582692 Method for the purification of Vitamin E : Baird James L Concord, MA, United States Assigned to Artisan Industries Inc

5582692 Method for the purification of Vitamin E : Baird James L Concord, MA, United States Assigned to Artisan Industries Inc

“La teoría i la realidad": The Democratic Society of Artisans of Bogotá, 1847-1854

I N late 1851, the artisan Cruz Ballesteros bitterly criticized members of the Colombian Liberal party in a scathing leaflet entitled La teoria i la realidad. Ballesteros complained that the Democratic Society of Artisans had been manipulated by Liberals to secure that party's rise to power. The society had temporarily set aside its objective of working for the common interests of Bogota's skilled laborers in order to pursue Liberal political victories, for which Liberals had pledged to reward the society by advancing its causes. Ballesteros, a carpenter, alleged that rather than fostering artisan industry and democratic government, Liberals had exploited the artisans' organizational strength, ignored their pleas for tariff protection, and denied them legitimate political participation.' In his outburst, Ballesteros echoed the sentiments of Ambrosio Lopez, who earlier in the year had charged that artisans had lost control of the society to the red serpents of the Liberal party, leaving craftsmen no choice but to leave the organization to struggle for their own interests.2 These sentiments are at odds with some later scholarly interpretations on the Democratic Society and seem, on the surface, to support conclusions reached by Conservatives in the 185os. Writers such as Venancio Ortiz had then argued that red liberals had misled loyal artisans with

Distribution structure of small artisan industry: analysis of descriptive model

We have found that a single type of theory distribution provide a useful representation of the observed distributions by employees of artisan firms subdivided either by activity or region. This statistical law suggest an economic interpretation of a likely genesis by a stochastic process.

Socio-historical factors in the evolution of Latin American cities (1850-1950)

Theories about the spatial distribution of the population should consider historical factors explaning settlement growth patterns, geographic relationships between economic organizations and structures of domination. Urban concentration has been a region-wide phenomenon for one hundrer years, begining late XIX Century. However, the rol of the cities in the development processes has been more important in those countris where the oligarchy consolidated its domination earlier. Its role stems from the expansion of commercial and financial activities in detriment of artisan industries. In this sense they were parasite cities: the ruling classes were consimers rather than savers, rentists rather than producers. Two types of cities are considered in the paper: bastion cities and central cities. They were developed during the primary export period, from the middle of the las Century until the 1920s. In the bastion city the monetary economy was restricted to the city, economic surplus was spent or reinvented almost entirely in the city while the masses of the population were kept at subsistence levels in the rural areas. The ruling classes justified their domination as something functional to their self-assigned role of spreading the civilization over a "barbaric" national periphery. Thus the bastion city generated an authoritarian political structure. In other countries the central city gave place to a broader social demographic diffusion of modern values and a more dynamic and opener environment emerged. The oligarchies imposed themselves in a less authoritarian manner and did not opposed the growth of middle classes. A greater cultural and social continuity throughout a network of medium size and small cities spread towards the national peripheries. Industrialization policies that followed the crisis of the primary-export model implied subsidies to the major cities and therefore, encouraged the spatial concentration of population. Local life was undermined and the regions lost internal integration as a result of a reorganization of national territories imposed by the emerging industrial city. Industrialization processes implied a tacit social compromise between traditional social structures and the adoption of imported technologies, between the preservation of social thierarchies and pressures towards democratization. The timing of the industrial processes is a key factor in explaining the differences among countries with regard to social urban structures and to urban physical environment as shaped by the social elites, classes and masses. The later the industrial process occured the higher is the population density in the rural areas, the lesses is the initial rate of urbanization and the higher the rate of population growth in the large cities. Urban exploition accompanying the more recent industrialization processes in Latin America is often accompanied by social marginality and a caothic growth of the large cities.

The expansion of capitalist relations of production in Mexican crafts

Significant changes are occurring in the relations of production and exchange in rural Mexican crafts, with increased merchant control over production constituting one of the more salient aspects of this process. Among the factors stimulating this development are the continuing proletarianisation of the Mexican peasantry and the considerable growth of the tourist market. This article discusses the changes in production relations taking place in the artisan industries of Yucatan and the parallel developments reported elsewhere in Mexico. It is concluded that although retaining certain ‘precapitalist’ features, relations of production in rural artisanty are increasingly determined by the larger capitalist economy.’

The Political Economy of Artisan Industry: Government and the People in the Silk Trade of Lyon, 1830-1870

The silk weavers Lyon traditionally regarded free enterprise as the worst plague their industry. Unlimited free trade, argued the master silk weaver, J.A.B., in 1832,-delivered the working class into the murderous hands of insatiable ambition.1 In 1850 the master weaver Weichmann blamed the unrestrained freedom for the impious struggle in which workers are pressured and demoralized by frequent reductions wage.2 By the mid-1860s, however, weavers' attitudes towards free trade began to change. Freedom trade, meaning especially freedom from government regulation industry, was no longer considered a social evil or a plague, but rather part a more general political and social liberty that was beneficial and desirable. The principles liberty, declared the Proudhonian silk weaver J. M. Gauthier, were without question the true generators every society.3 The representatives twenty-one cooperative societies Lyon, many them silk weavers, advanced a similar view in a statement their aims in 1865. Free trade forces us to progress or to die hunger, they declared. All

Some French Contributions to the Industrial Development of Germany, 1840–1870

Germany in the 1830's gave few if any indications of its great industrial potentialities. The population was overwhelmingly rural and agrarian; Berlin was the only city containing more than 100,000 inhabitants, and the great majority of “cities” (in the legal sense) numbered less than 10,000. Nonagricultural production was carried on for the most part in the home or in small shops employing the old handicraft techniques. The pattern of foreign trade was that which has since come to be associated with “underdeveloped” agrarian nations: exports of agricultural products (grain, wool) and the output of artisanal industries, imports of manufactured goods and exotic wares. In those industries that were to lead the way in Germany's industrialization there were as yet no signs of growth. The few spinning factories that were set up in the 1820's and 1830's employed mainly English and Alsatian machinery, and sometimes foreign capital as well. Coal production lagged behind that of tiny Belgium, and was no greater than that of mineral-poor France. The small, dispersed iron industry was still almost universally conducted with the ancient charcoal technique, and the famed chemical industry was still to be born. The Zollverein was just beginning its great work of economic unification; the effective realization of its promise had to await more adequate means of transportation and financial institutions to provide capital; but by 1840 there were only a few short, isolated lines of railway and no modern credit facilities.