Arms Procurement Research Articles

Autonomy or Power? The Franco-German Relationship and Europe's Strategic Choices, 1955-1995

Preface Abbreviations Introduction Prelude to Cooperation, 1955-1962 France, Germany, and the Europe That Wasn't, 1962-1966 Attempts at Arms Procurement Collaboration, 1955-1964 The Reformulation of Security Strategy, 1967-1973 The Forging of the Paris-Bonn Axis, 1974-1983 The Continuing Difficulty of Armaments Collaboration, 1975-1987 The Long Road to Genuine Dialogue, 1983-1988 Strategic Adaptation in a Post-Cold War World, 1989-1995 Conclusion Selected Bibliography Index

Anglo‐Israeli strategic relations, 1952–56

Anglo-Israeli co-operation over Suez-Sinai in 1956 was entirely 'episodic'.l True, in 1952 Ben-Gurion hoped that the return to power of the Conservatives might effect a change in Israel's relations with Britain.2 In addition, the possibility of Israeli involvement in a Middle East defence alliance under Anglo-American aegis came up again at the end of 1952 and documents in the Israeli State Archives show that the issue of a strategic link specifically with Britain resurfaced briefly in 1954. However, the partnership of late 1956 did not flow from any prior Anglo-Israeli strategic understanding.3 Anglo-Israeli relations deteriorated considerably prior to co-operation in late 1956, and the main thrust of Israeli policy toward Britain during the four years before the Sinai-Suez campaign was the procurement of arms. From 1952 to 1956, Britain sold arms to all of the countries of the Middle East, while the United States would sell arms only in the framework of Western regional defence. Thus Israel had to seek arms from Britain even though Jerusalem's procurement efforts in London during these four years met with very limited success. By the time of the Sinai campaign in 1956 and after four years of intensive arms procurement efforts in Britain, Israel had succeeded in purchasing only 24 Meteor jets, a few score old Sherman tanks most of which were scrap hulks and two Second World War vintage destroyers. The Meteors which the Israelis received were jets that they considered nearly obsolete as early as 1952 but, as we will observe, had no choice but to buy. Jerusalem was greatly disappointed at Britain's refusal to supply one of the most advanced tanks of that period, the Centurion, because by 1955 the British had supplied 41 of these tanks to Israel's bestarmed rival, Egypt. Indeed, Britain was so careful not to augment Israel's military capability past a limit set by London's policy-makers that it refused to sell Israel parachutes on the very eve of British-Israeli co-operation in the Suez-Sinai campaign. This was the result of a consistent British policy of attempting to prevent Israel from developing a paratroop force by objecting to the sale to Israel by France of Noratlas transport planes as well as parachutes.4 Here was a paradox which we shall explore, that even while the British sold so little weaponry to Israel, the Israelis had to persevere in their efforts to obtain arms from Britain. Israel's relationship with Britain was delicate because Jerusalem's arms

The Gates of Gaza: Israel's Road to Suez and Back, 1955-1957.

Preface - The Egyptian-Czech Arms Deal: The Formation of a National Emergency - Status Assessment - Crisis Diplomacy - Preventive War - Operation Kinneret - Defensive Deployment - 'The Alpha Plan' - The Peace Brokers: Robert Anderson's Mission - The Struggle over the Armistice Agreements - The Failure of Arms Procurement in the US - Success in France - Waiting in the Wings: August-September 1956 - The Jordanian Border Flares Up - General Challe's Scenario - 'Collusion': The Shvres Conference - Operation Kadesh: Political Dimensions - Withdrawal - Difficult Decision - Afterword - List of Abbreviations - Notes - References - Index

ASEAN's arms modernization and arms transfers dependence

Abstract This article examines the impact of arms procurement policies in ASEAN countries between 1951–93. It argues that, since the post‐Second World War period, countries in Southeast Asia have depended upon only a few foreign countries for their major weaponry, despite their awareness of potential drawbacks. In the effort to modernize their armament inventories in recent years, ASEAN nations have continued to be dependent upon a few foreign suppliers. Remedies for arms transfers dependence are discussed. However, it is suggested, based on empirical evidence, that the dependence of ASEAN countries on foreign arms suppliers will continue and probably increase if their arms modernization programmes proceed as planned.

Alliance Building versus Independent Action

An important international security question is whether nations in an anarchic competitive world system are more likely to ensure their security by pursuing policies of complete independence or of alliance building. The question is addressed using the paradigm that “strong chaos” in an arms-race model is equivalent to crisis instability and war in the international system being modeled. Nonlinear recursion relation models of competitive arms procurement are constructed for independent arming and for alliance building policies in a world system of three symmetric nations. The results are that alliance building always preserves a peaceful world from perturbations in the relationships between the competing member states whereas independent courses of action may allow such perturbations to build up to strong chaos and presumably war.

Ethics and the defense procurement system

A large U.S. government investigation into arms procurement procedures with corporate contractors has recently led to guilty pleas to fraud and illegal use of classified documents. Operation Ill Wind has brought public attention to the criminal and unethical conduct of large defense contractors in their dealings with the government. This article will review how the defense contract bidding process operates and why illegal activity has been able to compromise the process. We will offer proposals to improve the process in light of the present inquiry.

Arms Procurement Policies in ASEAN: How Much is Enough?

This paper aims to establish the concept of a framework within which the arms procurement patterns of the ASEAN members can be evaluated. There is a danger that existing differences and areas of potential conflict within ASEAN may be exacerbated by an escalation of arms transfers into the region. Consequently it may be possible to achieve a certain level of understanding and cooperation within ASEAN if there was a useful framework for assessing the nature of arms purchases which will have to be defined as including both arms procurement and defence indus trialization. It is also proposed that the term self-sustainment is a more meaningful one than self-sufficiency to describe the optimum level of procurement within rational strategic and eco nomic boundaries. Lastly threat perception determines defence spending which, in turn, is the product of the imperatives of na tional survival and nation-building.

Arms Proliferation Issues in ASEAN: Towards a More “Conventional” Defence Posture?

The armed forces of the ASEAN countries have embarked upon a major drive to modernize their air and naval capabilities. But does this reflect a shift in emphasis from internal security operations to conventional warfare? This paper finds that the air and naval forces of four ASEAN countries are moving beyond internal secur ity and coastal defence roles. A number of factors have affected this transition, especially the declining credibility of the Western strategic umbrella in the region, and the emergence of new security concerns, including the protection of maritime economic zones that are increasingly vital to the ASEAN countries. These con cerns might have contributed more than just the perceptions of a conventional external military threat to the apparent shift in the defence posture of the ASEAN countries. Even a most casual overview of recent trends in the force structures and equipment of the armed forces of the countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) shows a move towards significant expansion and modernization. While the defence spending and arms pro curement budgets of the ASEAN countries are at a lower level compared to many states in other volatile Third World regions, especially the Middle East and South Asia,1 the ASEAN trends are important in the context of the historical dependence of these countries on Western security commit ments and the hitherto essentially internal security orientation of their armed forces. To be sure, the regional armed forces retain their traditional missions and roles. The Army is still the dominant service in those states where it has engineered internal political change, and counter-insurgency

West European cooperation and competition in arms procurement: Experiments, problems, prospects

West European cooperation and competition in arms procurement: Experiments, problems, prospects

British arms procurement: Protection versus freer trade

Throughout the post-war era, the leading members of the Atlantic Alliance have accepted the desirability of a liberal system of world trade. Ultimately, adherence to this view rests on the principle of comparative advantage, according to which free international exchange permits a country to export those commodities which it produces relatively efficiently and to import those which it produces inefficiently. Exchange on this basis enables the participating states to enjoy the gains from trade arising from international specialisation. However, despite the shared belief that unrestricted international trade is beneficial, the major arms procurers within NATO have, in practice, displayed a distinct absence of enthusiasm for comparative cost considerations in the field of military purchasing. Consequently, weapons procurement is characterised by a pronounced tendency to discriminate in favour of domestic suppliers. That the United Kingdom is no exception to the rule is reflected in a low propensity to import defence equipment. Thus, in recent years only 10 per cent of equipment expenditure has been on contracts placed abroad, a figure which contrasts markedly with the growing proportion of the domestic civil market in manufactured goods accounted for by imports. The purpose of this article is to examine the merits of British indigenous weapons procurement. It begins by outlining the reasons for the rising cost of defence equipment, since it is this trend which is mainly responsible for calling into question the traditional reliance on UK suppliers for most items of military hardware. Next it discusses the advantages and disadvantages of discriminating in favour of domestic arms producers. Finally, the paper seeks to identify how the liberalisation of procurement practices could best be achieved.

Hot and Cold Diplomacy in Indo-Pakistani Relations

Research Article| March 01 1983 Hot and Cold Diplomacy in Indo-Pakistani Relations Jyotirmoy Banerjee Jyotirmoy Banerjee Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Far Eastern Survey (1954) 23 (3): 280–301. https://doi.org/10.2307/2644274 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Jyotirmoy Banerjee; Hot and Cold Diplomacy in Indo-Pakistani Relations. Far Eastern Survey 1 March 1954; 23 (3): 280–301. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/2644274 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search nav search search input Search input auto suggest search filter All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1983 Regents of the University of California Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

International Arms Procurement: New Directions and Estimating Foreign Military Power

International Arms Procurement: New Directions and Estimating Foreign Military Power

Reviews of Books

Abstract Tactical Nuclear Weapons: An Examination of the issues By William R. Van Cleave and S. T. Cohen (Macdonald and Jane's, London 1979), £8.50, 119 pages. Reviewed by Ian Bellany. Many Reasons Why By Michael Charlton and Anthony Moncrieff (ScoIar Press, London, 1978), £4.50, 250 pages. Reviewed by Colin Beer. America in Vietman By Guenter Lewy (Oxford University Press, New York, 1979), £9.50, 540 pages. Reviewed by Colin Beer. Suez 1956: A Personal Account By Selwyn Lloyd (Jonathan Cape, London, 1978), £6.50, 275 pages. Reviewed by P. H. C. Hayward. Two-way Street: USA-Europe Arms Procurement: The Klepsch Report (Brassey's, London/Crane Russak, New York, 1979), £5.00, 95 pages. Reviewed by Ellen E. Anderson. Kidnap and Ransom: The Response By Richard Clutterbuck (Faber and Faber, London, 1978), £2.95, 192 pages. Reviewed by David Bolton. Burma 1942–1945 By Raymond Callahan (Davis Poynter, London, 1978), £5.50, 190 pages. Reviewed by Ronald Lewin. Tears of Glory: The Betrayal of Vercors 1944 By Michael Pearson (Macmillan, London, 1978), £4.95, 250 pages. Reviewed by P. H. C. Hayward. On to Berlin: Battles of an Airborne Commander By James M. Gavin (Leo Cooper, London, 1979), £8.50, 336 pages. Reviewed by Martin Lindsay. The Great Ships Pass: British Battleships at War 1939–45 By Peter C. Smith (William Kimber, London, 1977), £9.95, 544 pages. Reviewed by Julian Oswald. Bonaparte By Correlli Barnett (George Allen & Unwin London, 1978), £7.50, 224 pages. Reviewed by Michael Glover. A Lighter Shade of Blue: The Lighthearted Memoirs of an Air Chief Marshal By Sir Christopher Foxley-Norris ([an Allan, London 1978), £4.95, 143 pages. Reviewed by John Barraclough. A Dictionary of Battles (1715–1915) By Brigadier Michael Calvert and Brigadier Peter Young (New English Library, London, 1978), £11.95, 358 pages. Reviewed by Shelford Bidwell. Soldiers, Statesmen and Cold War Crises, By Richard K. Betts (Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1977), £10.50, 292 pages. Reviewed by P. Williams. International Pressures and Political Change in South Africa Edited by F. McA. Clifford Vaughan (Oxford University Press, London, 1978), £5.95,109 pages. Reviewed by B. G. Frow. Rhodesia, Ending an Era By Major General H. P. W. Hutson (Springwood Books, London, 1978), £5.95, 198 pages. Reviewed by B. G. Frow. Imbalance of Power: Shifting US-Soviet Military Strengths By John M. Collins and Anthony H. Cordesman (Macdonald and Jane's, London, 1978), B. G. Frow.8.50, 316 pages. Reviewed by Peter Nailor. The Soviet Threat, Myths and Realities Edited by Grayson Kirk and Nils H. Wessell (Praeger, New York, and HoltSaunders, Eastbourne, 1978), £12.00, 182 pages. Reviewed by Peter Nailor.

Middle east and North Africa

The incidence of grand corruption in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) declined in 2001–02 owing simply to reduced opportunities for ‘commissions’ as a result of an economic recession. Global slowdown, reduced investment in emerging markets and a fall in oil prices resulted in declining capital investment and a slump in construction and arms procurement.1 With the decline in real income, however, petty corruption was on the rise. Corruption among senior state officials and politicians was still considered rampant throughout the region. International efforts to curb corruption in the MENA region were hampered during the year by concerns about security, with ‘good governance’ conditionality rarely applied with great effect. Governments trumpeted the anti-corruption cause, but initiatives to curb corruption generally lacked sincerity. In a widespread climate of authoritarian rule, the root causes of corruption have failed to be addressed. Anti-corruption strategies are unlikely to achieve greater success in the future without the initiation of far-reaching political reform. Numerous corruption cases were brought to the public’s attention in 2001–02, but they were usually driven by a government’s need to improve its image or settle political scores, and did not signify real structural change. Civil society anti-corruption initiatives rarely translated into tangible change owing to the low levels of civil rights, freedom of expression and political participation that are prevalent throughout the region. Nevertheless, public opinion surveys suggest increasing public concern about corruption, and several NGOs across the region have focused on the issue. The MENA business community also indicated its concern about corruption, particularly because of its impact on foreign direct investment in the region. It is, however, often difficult to separate private sector venality from that in the public domain, given the intimate links between the family networks that hold power and the principal business interests in the region.