Armenian Minority Research Articles

Od zviadistů ke gruzínskému snu: volatilita a parlamentní volby v gruzínskem Džavacheti v letech 1992-2020

This study addresses the longstanding instability of the Georgian party-political scene, which has significantly shaped the nation's electoral dynamics. This instability primarily arises from the organization of parties centered around the popularity of their leaders. Starting with Gamsakhurdia and further strengthened by Shevardnadze and Saakashvili, this trend has begun to wane in the last decade. The consequences of this unstable system, established in the 1990s, are still evident, with Georgian elections often swayed by economic-populist projects led by charismatic leaders. Focusing specifically on Javakheti, this research examines how the Armenian minority's loyalty to the ruling party can be attributed to the party's charismatic leadership and connections with elites in Tbilisi. However, election results indicate a declining support for the ruling party in this region, reflecting a shift in political culture. The study explores the internal structure of voting behavior in Javakheti and highlights the influence of ethnic differences on political preferences. The conclusions drawn provide insights into the social control exercised by patrons, the dynamics of group versus individual rational choice, the impact of ethnic homogeneity and settlement concentration, the spatial influence on politics, and the legal framework governing the political mobilization of the ethnic minority.

Assessing the Perception Index on Right of Education in the Mother Tongue (Pire) for Different National Minorities in Albania

Albanian legislation defines the education of national minorities in their mother tongue as a fundamental constitutional right. The judgment for the realization of this right using PIRE and its indicators evaluated for different national minorities in Albania showed that there are significant differences between them. The Greek, Macedonian, and Armenian minorities perceive the completion of the right to education in the mother tongue qualitatively better than Roma, Serbian, Bulgarian and Egyptian Montenegrin national minorities. Bosnian national minority values the completion of this right at the "Moderate" level. Among the component indicators of the index, citizens perceive legislation, desire and opportunities as the most important. This perception is more pronounced among the Greek, Macedonian, Armenian and Bosnian minorities. Citizens perceive more sensitive effects in the fulfillment of the right to education in the mother tongue generated by the factors: (i) the level of their information about this right and the paths they must follow to fulfill it; (ii) population size of national minority and its distribution in the territory; (iii) the level of use of the mother tongue in family communication; (iv) citizen cooperation and with local government bodies; (v) encouraging private initiatives and (vi) increasing capacities in bilateral and regional cooperation.
 
 Received: 25 February 2024 / Accepted: 21 March 2024 / Published: 23 March 2024

Armenians in Modern Turkish Literature: The Ghost Stories of Orhan Pamuk

Abstract: The relative paucity of Armenians in the novels of the Turkish Nobel laureate Orhan Pamuk is ironic, given Pamuk's own political and very public stance on the Turkish government's silence concerning the twentieth century history of violence towards its Armenian minorities. I examine a possible relationship between this paucity and the influence of theory (deconstruction, new historicism) on Pamuk as an intellectual—whether a conviction regarding the intangibility of history, nationhood, or the self has any part to play in the way Armenians haunt Pamuk's work. If Armenians in Pamuk's fiction effectively amount to ghosts, examining the meaning of their spectral presence will highlight a strategy for lamenting a past one can now no longer articulate.

In the Beautiful Heaven, a Golden Cage: Race, Identity and Memory in Turkification of Armenian Children in State Orphanages During the Armenian Genocide

ABSTRACT The perpetration of the Armenian Genocide did not originate as the direct implementation of ideological convictions; rather, stemmed from an amalgamation of certain theories adjusted to political and economic developments in the Ottoman Empire in tandem with the desire to transform a multi-ethnic and multi-religious empire into a Turkish nation-state. Within this nation-building project, the Young Turk’s government chose to exterminate the indigenous Armenian minority, using forced transfer and the assimilation of children and young women into Turkish society as one of the methods of destroying the Armenian community. This fits well into the overall Turkish nationalist ideology, as women and children were deemed as not having a transmutable ethnic identity: while a woman’s identity could be discounted, the identity of children could be reprogrammed by stripping them of their Armenian identity and imposing a new identity through change of personal data, religious conversion and education. Building on existing research, this article first presents the ideological foundations of Turkish nation-building and the implementation of the Armenian Genocide to achieve this end, focusing on the forcible transfer and assimilation which selected Armenian children endured. Informed by both published and unpublished memories of transferred children, the second part of the article reconstructs the actual process and methods of Turkification used in several state-run orphanages while also presenting the resistance of Armenian children to these efforts. This article expands the number of known state orphanages and widens the geographic scope of where Turkification practices took place, thus substantiating a general assimilation policy of the CUP towards some selected Armenian children and arguing that forced transfer and Turkification were used as a method of destroying the Armenian community. It also enters new testimonies into public circulation that help to better understand the role of forced transfer during the Armenian Genocide and its implications on the survivors.

Armenian Resistance to the Hamidian Massacres

Between 1894 and 1896, the Hamidian massacres claimed the lives of more than 100,000 Armenians in Ottoman Turkey. This article presents an exploratory analysis of Armenian resistance to the massacres. It examines the context and contours of resistance, including the strategies employed, scope and organization of resistance efforts. Evidence indicates that resistance was widespread, and Armenians adopted a diverse range of strategies in attempting self-protection. The relative powerlessness of the Armenian minority, however, meant that most attempts at resistance were overwhelmed. Additionally, resisters were often targeted for especially violent retribution. The lack of success of resistance efforts can also be partially explained by the role of the Ottoman government in the massacres.

Kamusal söylemde olumlu benlik temsili: İnkâr stratejilerinin eleştirel söylem analizine Ekşi Sözlük’ten örnekler

In today's society, racial and ethnic biases / concerns can be shown in a variety of ways. Members of the majority group primarily shape public discourse by expressing their ethnic perspectives in various ways. They may show, hide, and/or deny negative feelings against minorities, immigrants, refugees, and/or the others. In this regard, the present study attempts to examine and explore denial of unfavorable ethnic attitudes, biases, and worries voiced in public discourse regarding Turkey's Armenian minority. Within the framework of the study, I will investigate what kind of denial strategies may be found in the posts (comments) under the headings "Ermenilerden özür diliyorum" [I apologize to Armenians] and "Hepimiz Ermeniyiz" [We are all Armenians] posted on Ekşi Sözlük "Sour Dictionary" (one of the largest collaborative online communities in Turkey) between 2007-2008 years, shortly after the assassination of Hrant Dink (a journalist and member of the Armenian minority group living in Turkey) in 2007. Accordingly, I will discuss the sample entries within the scope of Critical Discourse Analysis and Teun van Dijk's denial strategies, which aim to show how ideology and ideological processes reveal themselves as linguistic systems. Then I will present my analysis of the most frequently used denial strategies observed in these entries. I will examine the denial methods used in the text and determine how racial or ethnic biases and concerns (at the macro level) are expressed in the text through word choice, sentence structure, hierarchy, and context (micro level). In this way, we will be able to see macro-level goals in the text through micro-level structures.

The First Active-duty Diplomat of the Ottoman Empire in South Africa: Ohannes Majakyan Bey (1867-1941)

The first active-duty diplomat of the Ottoman Empire in South Africa, Ohannes Majakyan Bey, showed how an Ottoman diplomat of Armenian origin can successfully represent the last Turkish-Islamic empire in his diplomatic services. Of course, it was the Ottoman Empire that gave him this confidence ; however, adaptation of Armenian minorities to the state was also about the loyality of Armenians, whom was called Millet-i Sadiqa in the Ottoman society. The donations that Ohannes Majakyan Bey collected from South African Muslims for the Turkish soldiers who fought against the Italians in the Tripoli War was a manifestation of the respect for the Ottoman Caliphate in Africa. Another important point was here is how a diplomat of Armenian origin properly represented the Ottoman State regardless etnich and religious differences. The activities of Ohannes Majakyan, which were reflected in the newspaper headlines in South Africa, were best examples of serving his country with a merit-based approach above the Armenian identity. The Ottoman Empire took advantage of the non-Muslim diplomats like Ohannes Majakyan Bey, who served in the Sub-Saharan region, and rewarded him repeatedly. This paper aims to enlight the activities of Ouannes Majakyan Bey in the light of the archival documents in Turkey and South Africa.

Erasure at Home, Erasure in the World: Armenian History in Turkey (and Beyond) and Non-Discourses on Modern Political Conflict

On October 16, 2020, the Los Angeles Review of Books published a powerful letter about the war on Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabagh) that was signed by scholars who are considered to be among those most actively engaged in postcolonial theory and political activism, including Tariq Ali, Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, Noam Chomsky, Amitav Ghosh, and Cornel West. This letter read: Before the ravages brought in by World War I and the 20th century, Azeris and Armenians in the area lived in the kind of conflictual coexistence with which we are acquainted in the multiethnic parts of the world. We are asking now not only for an agreement to a ceasefire but an insistence on the preservation of that ceasefire and protection for the Armenian minority in its efforts toward self-determination. We hope, in the long run, with the participation of all international institutions of justice, that the democratic will of the ethnic Armenians of the area can be acknowledged.2Yet scholars who specialize in the history of Turkey, the Ottoman Empire, and the Middle East were remarkably silent about this war that will have long-term effects on the small Republic of Armenia (population three million) and the relationships it will be able to maintain with its neighbors, in particular the Republic of Azerbaijan (population ten million) and the Republic of Turkey (population eighty-four million). The latter two countries’ militaries jointly attacked the unilaterally recognized, independent Armenian enclave of Artsakh (population 150,000) during a global pandemic, with help from paid Syrian mercenaries and Turkish military technology.

Tracing conflict: remembering and forgetting during the pilgrimage to Saint George Koudounas

The paper explores a number of sacred practices connected to the celebration of Saint George during the pilgrimage to the Greek-Orthodox Christian monastery of Saint George Koudounas on the island of Prinkipos (Büyükada, Istanbul). The aim is to study the embodied materialisation of memory in conflicting geopolitical landscapes. Before the population exchange of the 1920s and the further displacement of the Greek-Orthodox with the Istanbul pogroms of the 1950s and 1960s, the island was part of the multi-cultural environment of Istanbul, with Greek and Armenian minorities as protagonists in its life. After the twentieth century ‘unmixing’ of populations, this reality has drastically changed, with most of the Christian sacred spaces being destroyed, abandoned, desacralised, or re-sacralised. Yet, the pilgrimage to Saint George Koudounas is still considered one of the most significant religious events of Istanbul, with thousands of pilgrims participating in it. The paper suggests that pilgrimage as a historical and cultural construct allows a space for a performative negotiation of memories from the violent transformation of the country. Remembering and forgetting meet in the activation of practices (walking, weaving, and praying) and objects (small bells, threads, and candles) during the pilgrimage performed by both Muslims and Christians.

Minorities’ strategic response to discrimination: Experimental evidence

Discrimination against minorities is pervasive in many societies, but little is known about strategies that minorities apply to minimize discrimination. In our trust game with 758 high-school students in the country of Georgia, ethnic Georgian trustors discriminate against the ethnic Armenian minority group. We introduce an initial signaling stage to investigate Armenians’ willingness to hide their ethnicity to avoid expected discrimination. 43 percent of Armenian trustees untruthfully signal that they have a Georgian name. Signaling behavior is driven by expected transfers and identity-based motives. This strategic misrepresentation of ethnicity increases Georgian trustors’ expected back transfers and eliminates their discriminatory behavior.

Un-Silencing the Past: A Juxtaposition of Personal and Political in Elif Shafak’s Novel, The Bastard of Istanbul

This paper explores the thematic aspect of bastard and the alternative spaces present in the novel to show how Armenian genocide is addressed and unsilenced from the censorship of the State. The juxtaposition of the Armenian issue with the tribulations of ‘Kazanci’ family is argued as a metaphorical and personalised account of Armenian genocide. Such an engagement with the past has been made possible by bringing political and personal together in the form of a family in Istanbul and a family in America; one belonging to a Muslim majority and the other belonging to an Armenian religious minority.

Armenian Genocide Survivors: The Strunga Orphanage in Romania

This article examines the history of the 200 children rescued from massacres that took place during the Armenian Genocide, who found shelter in Greater Romania (1918-1940), in the Strunga orphanage, which was open for three years, from 1923 to 1926. The Strunga orphanage history approach reflects the dimensions of humanitarian assistance in the Kingdom of Romania on the issue of Armenian refugees, particularly on the fate of children after the genocide. The reconstruction of this orphanage history is based on historical sources, such the Album of Orphans (1923), archive documents and articles from the contemporary press published by the Armenian minority in interwar Romania. In general, the humanitarian dimensions of Armenian community support in Romania offered the orphans the possibility of rehabilitation after the genocide and adaptation to the new social environment that Romania represented.

Commemoration and Jewish National Identity: Lviv in the Last Decades of the Nineteenth Century

Commemoration and Jewish National Identity:Lviv in the Last Decades of the Nineteenth Century Ela Bauer (bio) In January 1886, the Jewish world commemorated one hundred years since the death of Moses Mendelssohn (1729–1786). In Dessau, Mendelssohn's birth place, Berlin, New York, and other places, Jews and non-Jews gathered together to honor him.1 Not everyone in the Jewish world at that time believed that Mendelssohn and his legacy deserved commemoration.2 In the Jewish community of Lviv (Lemberg, Lwów), the administrative capital of the province of Galicia, Jews and non-Jews came together to honor Mendelssohn in the local progressive synagogue (temple).3 Those who attended this ceremony listened to a lecture delivered by Rabbi Bernard Levehstien (1821–1889), the temple's preacher, and to the singing of temple's choir. At the club of Shomer Yisra'el (Guardian of Israel), a lecture dedicated to Mendelssohn was delivered by the president, Dr. Emil Bik (1845–1906).4 While Agudat Akhim (Association of Brothers) did not organize a ceremony,5 its bilingual (Polish and Hebrew) periodical, Ojczyzna-HaMazkir, reported on several commemoration events in different parts of Galicia.6 At the club of Mikra Kodesh (Holy Assembly), this date got no attention. The official explanation for ignoring the event was the illness of the head of the association, Rabbi Josef Kobak (1835–1913). During the weeks that Kobak was ill, many of the association's planned activities were cancelled. After his recovery, there was no point in retroactively commemorating events, including the hundred-year anniversary of the death of Mendelssohn.7 Several members of the association did not accept this official explanation, including Mordecai Ehrenpreis (1869–1951), who argued that Mikra Kodesh did not commemorate the anniversary of Mendelssohn's passing because the founders of the association did not agree with his agenda and ideology.8 We know that the founders and members of Mikra Kodesh appreciated and admired the Hebrew writer Peretz Smolenskin (1842–1885), who, among other things, was known for his criticism of Mendelssohn.9 It might be that the admiration and appreciation that the founders and members of Mikra Kodesh felt for Smolenskin led to the decision not to commemorate Mendelssohn.10 After all, the events chosen to be commemorated by Mikra Kodesh were [End Page 1] related to specific dates and people that supported the ideological agenda of the association. These types of events mirrored the multifaceted components of their identity.11 This article examines the different events that the associations Mikra Kodesh and Zion choose to commemorate in Lviv in the last decades of the nineteenth century, the ways that various components of the personal and collective identities of the association's members were articulated in these events, and how these commemorations were affiliated with the formation of Jewish national collective memory. ________ The province of Galicia (officially, Galizien and Lodomerien) appeared on the map for the first time when it became crown land of the Habsburg Empire, after the first partition of Poland in 1772. Although the name of the province is linked to the medieval Ukrainian principality of Halych, from 1772 until 1918, i.e., the time in which the region was under Austrian authority, the territory of Galicia included additional lands that were not part of the medieval Ukrainian principality of Halych. The population of Austrian Galician was multiethnic, including Poles, Ruthenians (Ukrainians), and Jews. There were also small German and Armenian minorities that during the nineteenth century integrated into the Polish nationality. Poles and Ukrainians each accounted for over 40 percent of the population and Jews for over 10 percent. In Western Galicia, Poles were the majority. In Eastern Galicia, the Ruthenians comprised the largest part of the population. In 1867, the Jewish residents of Galicia became citizens of the empire.12 In the same year, as part of the Austrian Ausgleich (dual monarchy, with Hungary), the Polish minority in Galicia received the right of self-governance. Until World War I, Polish was the language of government and local bureaucracy, as well as the language of instruction, first in elementary- and middle-school systems and later at the universities in Kraków and Lviv. From 1867...

When Perpetual Persecution Becomes Ottoman Genocide

Abstract A review of Benny Morris and Dror Ze'evi's The Thirty-Years Genocide deals with the experience of Armenian, Assyrian, and Greek minorities in late Ottoman and early Republican Turkey. The thesis of a long genocide challenges the international law concept of genocide while reopening a line of interpretation of long-standing persecution that is close to Christian memory, but far from contemporary historians' emphasis on political decision-making. The review specifically deals with the Assyrians who were less of a passive victim than Morris and Ze'evi maintain.

Pendereccy wywodzą się z Iranu

The Penderecki Family Comes from Iran
 The author conducts linguistic research to support the thesis that the surname of the outstanding Polish composer Krzysztof Penderecki is of Iranian origin. The name was formed by adding the suffix –i (Persian suffix indicating origin) to the word root Fenderesk, which is the name of the district in the Iranian province of Golestân on the Caspian Sea, where the Armenian minority still resides. In the Persian language there is a correspondence between the letter P and F. This confirms the Penderecki family’s tradition that their ancestor came from Isfahan, he initially bore the name Pendereski (Fenderesk-i) and was of Persian-Armenian origin.

Do Minorities Misrepresent Their Ethnicity to Avoid Discrimination?

Discrimination against minorities is pervasive in many societies, but little is known about strategies minorities may apply to minimize discrimination. In our trust game with 758 highschool students in the country of Georgia, ethnic Georgian trustors discriminate against the ethnic Armenian minority group. We introduce an initial signaling stage to investigate Armenians’ willingness to hide their ethnicity to avoid expected discrimination. 43 percent of Armenian trustees untruthfully signal that they have a Georgian name. Signaling behavior is driven by expected transfers and non-pecuniary motives. This strategic misrepresentation of ethnicity increases Georgian trustors’ expected back transfers and eliminates their discriminatory behavior.

Do Minorities Misrepresent Their Ethnicity to Avoid Discrimination?

Discrimination against minorities is pervasive in many societies, but little is known about strategies minorities may apply to minimize discrimination. In our trust game with 758 highschool students in the country of Georgia, ethnic Georgian trustors discriminate against the ethnic Armenian minority group. We introduce an initial signaling stage to investigate Armenians’ willingness to hide their ethnicity to avoid expected discrimination. 43 percent of Armenian trustees untruthfully signal that they have a Georgian name. Signaling behavior is driven by expected transfers and non-pecuniary motives. This strategic misrepresentation of ethnicity increases Georgian trustors’ expected back transfers and eliminates their discriminatory behavior.

Życie towarzyskie Ormian lwowskich od połowy XIX wieku do 1939 roku

<p style="text-indent: 1.25cm; margin-bottom: 0cm; line-height: 150%;" align="JUSTIFY">W tekście zostało przedstawione życie towarzyskie Ormian polskich zamieszkujących we Lwowie bądź też związanych z tym miastem koneksjami rodzinnymi w okresie od połowy XIX w. do 1939 r. Ze względu na zachowane materiały źródłowe przedmiotem rozważań były sfery ziemiańskie oraz inteligencja. W pierwszej części autorka podjęła problematykę skomplikowanej kwestii „dziwnej” tożsamości Ormian zamieszkujących na terenach polskich. Wykazała, iż na początku XX w. wykształciła się specyficzna tożsamość Ormian polskich, co można określić łacińską formułą <em>gente Armeni natione Poloni</em>. Ich odmienność od etnicznych Polaków polegała na pamięci o innym pochodzeniu, innym rodzie (<em>gens</em>), a jedynym namacalnym dowodem pozostał obrządek. Następnie omówiła konkretne przykłady życia towarzyskiego, opisując bale karnawałowe, zarówno te organizowane w prywatnych domach, jak i te oficjalne (w tym słynny z okresu międzywojennego na całą Polskę „bal ormiański”), omówiła najbardziej popularne sposoby spędzania wolnego czasu – życie salonowe, organizacje i uczestnictwo w potańcówkach, przedstawieniach teatralnych, koncertach muzycznych imprezach charytatywnych, polowaniach, gonitwach koni; wyjazdy na kuracje oraz wczasy zagraniczne. Dzięki artykułowi możemy poznać zwyczaje i reguły panujące w tym środowisku na przestrzeni omawianego okresu oraz śledzimy proces akulturacji Ormian. Artykuł jest szczególnie cenny dla współczesnej mniejszości ormiańskiej, która jest bardzo aktywna w odkrywaniu i pielęgnowaniu historii swojego narodu. Dzięki niemu członkowie niektórych rodów – zwłaszcza ci odkrywający dopiero swoją „ormiańskość”, mogą również poszerzyć wiedzę o swoich przodkach.</p><p style="margin-bottom: 0cm; line-height: 150%;" align="JUSTIFY"><span lang="en-US"><br /></span></p>

Book review: Vital Memory and Affect: Living with a Difficult Past

Ozlem Koksal’s book focuses on the representation of minorities in Turkish cinema from a transnational perspective. The book examines recent filmic explorations of the three large minorities that disappeared from Turkey after World War I and with the establishment of Turkish Republic in the 1920s: the Greek, Jewish and Armenian minorities. The book also looks at films that depict a Muslim ethnic minority community, the Kurds, who were suppressed until the 1990s and found their cinematic representation in post-1990 cinema in Turkey. Koksal calls for the definition of a new ‘aesthetics of displacement’ through the selection of post-1990 transnational films on Turkish minorities that focus on remembering the moves from the home of the past to the home of the present.

Atatürk in the Nazi Imagination. By Stefan Ihrig. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014. Pp. 311. Cloth $29.95. ISBN 978-0674368378.

Central European History vol. 39, no. 1. BOOK REVIEWS book is often chaotic, lacks clear development, is repetitious, and makes irrelevant jumps through time—all of which, in the end, needlessly blur his narrative. L EO VAN B ERGEN R OYAL N ETHERLANDS I NSTITUTE OF S OUTHEAST A SIAN AND C ARIBBEAN S TUDIES doi:10.1017/S0008938916000224 Ataturk in the Nazi Imagination. By Stefan Ihrig. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014. Pp. 311. Cloth $29.95. ISBN 978-0674368378. It is rare to read a work of history that is both startling and true, but Ataturk in the Nazi Imagination is both. Reading through “hundreds, perhaps thousands” (194) of texts published in German newspapers between 1919 and 1945, Stefan Ihrig has discovered the German Right’s “obsession” (14, 27) with Turkey, which culminated in a Mustafa Kemal Ataturk cult comparable to that of the Turkish Republic. The atmosphere of the Nazi movement was “saturated with ‘Turkey’” (101), and articles on Turkey outnumbered those on all other countries combined. As Ihrig points out, one finds almost nothing about Turkey in studies of National Socialism. Yet, as early as 1920, Turkey was repeatedly depicted on the Right as a “role model” (Vorkampfer) for Germany. Ihrig’s readings of the “media frenzy” (151) over Turkey’s War of Independence are es- pecially incisive. Given the German elites’ traditional philhellenism, some papers had initially favored Greece, but eventually all of them turned against it, as seen in their lopsided com- mentary on the massacres committed on both sides, and in their admiration for Turkey’s defiant behavior at the 1923 Conference of Lausanne. By overturning the 1920 Diktat forced on Turkey in Paris, Team Ankara had won German hearts. What explained Turkey’s success? Turkey had a Fuhrer who had, ignoring the Ottoman leadership in Constantinople, established his own government on the periphery (Ankara), stamped an army out of the ground, and, through sheer force of will, reconquered Anatolia from its Greek and Armenian minorities and their French allies: “a revisionist-nationalist dream come true” (11). Turkey was a “‘parallel Germany,’ where things went the way they were supposed to” (64). Ataturk abolished opposition parties, introduced an autarchic economy, and ruled an ethnically cleansed, racially pure population of farmer-warriors. The New Turkey was everything the Weimar Republic was not. Ihrig revises our picture of National Socialism in a number of ways. He topples Benito Mussolini from his pedestal as a source of Adolf Hitler’s inspiration. Until the Italian alliance in the 1930s, il Duce was barely mentioned in the Nazi press. By contrast, Ataturk, as Hitler would later proclaim and his press endlessly repeat, was the German leader’s “star in the dark- ness” during the long years before 1933. In arguing that Turkey mirrored the Nazi utopia, Ihrig casts a skeptical eye on the recent thesis that Nazis thought themselves Christian: crush- ing the “churches” (i.e., Islamic institutions) was “an integral ingredient, if not one of the preconditions” (225) of Turkey’s success. Ihrig’s most exciting chapter is his second, “Ankara in Munich,” on the 1923 Beerhall Putsch. In the run-up to November 9, 1923, Heimatland, the organ of Bavaria’s paramilitary