This collective volume consists of a heterogeneous and uneven collection of essays dealing with different aspects of the construction of the nation and nationalism in five Latin American countries and Puerto Rico. The organization of the volume lacks structure; the chapters are not grouped in sections. Moreover, the editor’s introduction looks like a general review of the literature on nationalism and does not address the contents of the chapters.Focusing on Mexico, Fernando Vizcaíno’s “Estado multinacional y globalización” shows how globalization has forced a reconceptualization of sovereignty in two different directions. On the one hand, globalization, understood as “the link between the state and society with the world through the economy, law, politics, culture, and technology” (p. 29), has brought to the surface the problem of multinational states. On the other hand, the new international environment has promoted the involvement of global organizations, or even foreign countries, into domestic issues ranging from human rights to local politics. According to the author, in today’s globalized world, sovereignty cannot elude the interconnections between the global and the domestic dimensions.In “El problema nacional: Hispanoamérica, Colombia y Panamá,” Olmedo Beluche discusses the formation of the modern national state from a “Marxist perspective.” Only the last 4 pages of this 22-page essay deal with the cases of Colombia and Panama. The rest of the chapter consists of a general (and rather uncritical and, I would add, incomplete) discussion of the Marxist literature on state formation.Ramón Grosfoguel’s chapter on Puerto Rican nationalism is probably one of the most successful of the collection. It convincingly shows why the options that promote the “status quo” and the incorporation of the island into the United States as a state (estadidad ) has gained the favor of Puerto Ricans in recent decades, at the expense of nationalism. The author argues that the United States has established a unique kind of relationship with the island that has resulted in the introduction of a variety of social benefits unavailable to the rest of the Caribbean, as well as in a multibillion-dollar transfer of income from the metropolis to the colony (a kind of reverse colonialism). According to Grosfoguel, independence would bring the loss of these profits and the establishment of a neocolonial relationship with the United States similar to that of the formally independent islands of the region. In the author’s view, Puerto Rico has a lot to lose and very little to gain if it cuts its ties to the United States.The following two chapters deal with political ideas in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Colombia. Hésper Eduardo Pérez Rivera discusses in detail the ideas of two Catholic Colombian politicians, Miguel Antonio Caro and Laureano Gómez, and their relationships with the Conservative Party and with liberalism. José Enrique González traces the origins and development of the tension between the “tradicionista” and the liberal political traditions in Colombia.Georges Couffignal and Rosaly Ramírez Roa focus on the emergence of neopopulist/neoliberal governments in Latin America during the 1990s. This chapter could be loosely grouped together with the next one by Danilo Martuccelli and Maristella Svampa, which proposes the suggestive hypothesis that many of the problems that contemporary Peruvian society is undergoing could be better interpreted in the light of the incomplete nature of the country’s three “national-popular” political experiences: Victor Raúl Haya de la Torre’s APRA, the Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces established in 1968, and the first Alan García government during the 1980s. The authors seem to imply that if these three populist (or “national-popular” as they call them) experiments had been taken to completion, Perú would be today in a much better shape. I wonder if an analysis of the legacies left by other “national populist” experiences in Latin America would sustain this hypothesis.Jurandir Malerba’s chapter is a historiographical essay on Brazilian independence. It provides a complete bibliography and a useful agenda for future research. Finally, Arturo Claudio Laguado approaches a well-worn topic: the place of liberalism in the construction of the Argentine national state. In particular, the author focuses on the ideas of Sarmiento and Alberdi on such issues as education, religion, and immigration. Laguado traces Argentina’s political instability and “constant military intervention” to the system of exclusion promoted by Argentine liberals in the nineteenth century. This conclusion is a bit far-fetched, since before the coup of 1930, whose causes could probably be found in more immediate factors, Argentina had enjoyed almost 80 years of reasonable political stability under a constitutional-democratic system (admittedly imperfect but more than acceptable for the standards of the time). This was a longer period of democratic stability than most European countries can boast of even today.In sum, Nación y nacionalismo should be appreciated more for the quality of some individual essays than for its coherence and structure as a volume.
Read full abstract