Relations In Argentina Research Articles

The Impact of Decree 70/2023 on Labor Regulation and Industrial Relations in Argentina: A Legal and Economic Analysis

Decree 70/2023, issued by the Argentine government, addresses critical issues in labor and industrial relations amidst ongoing economic and social challenges. This study evaluates the decree’s impact on labor regulations, focusing on minimum wage standards, protection against unfair dismissal, and dispute resolution mechanisms. Utilizing a mixed-methods approach, both qualitative and quantitative analyses were conducted. Qualitative methods included legal document reviews and expert interviews, while quantitative methods involved assessing changes in wage levels, unemployment, and productivity. Key findings indicate that the decree’s increase in minimum wage aims to enhance worker welfare and stimulate economic growth, but poses challenges for employers, particularly small and medium-sized enterprises. Stricter procedures and improved compensation for layoffs are expected to reduce job insecurity and foster fairer employment practices, though these measures may raise operational costs and administrative burdens for businesses. Additionally, the new dispute resolution mechanisms, which emphasize mediation and arbitration, are designed to resolve conflicts more efficiently and transparently. However, consistent implementation and oversight remain critical challenges. The study concludes that while Decree 70/2023 represents a significant step towards better labor conditions and industrial relations in Argentina, its success will depend on rigorous enforcement and stakeholder cooperation. Further research should focus on the long-term effects of these regulations on Argentina’s labor market and economic stability, as well as continuous evaluation to refine these policies for optimal outcomes.

“Improve Their Condition While Making Them Useful”: Colonia General Conesa and the Dynamics of Settler Colonialism in Nineteenth-Century Argentina

Abstract In 1879, as the Argentine army prepared a military campaign against Indigenous groups in the Pampas and Patagonia, the national government created an Indigenous colony called Colonia General Conesa. Conesa's inhabitants were expected to build homes and cultivate crops under military watch and become “useful” Argentine citizens in the process. This short-lived assimilationist project, which the government abandoned three years later, illuminates the rapidly shifting dynamics of Argentine settler colonial ideology. Although Argentine officials initially saw Conesa as an expedient resolution to the nation's so-called “Indian question,” the dissolution of the southern frontier line in the early 1880s necessitated a shift toward new strategies that emphasized the complete physical and discursive erasure of the region's Indigenous peoples. Conesa's history, situated within the broader context of interethnic relations in Argentina's southern borderlands, sheds light on the development of Argentine settler colonialism and exemplifies how Indigenous people were written out of the nation's history.

Features of Argentina's diplomatic activity in the XIX – XXI centuries (based on the materials of the Digital Library of Treaties of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Argentina)

The object of the study is the foreign policy of Argentina. The subject of the study is the diplomatic activity of Buenos Aires, expressed in the conclusion of bilateral agreements. The purpose of the article is to build a picture of the development of Argentina's foreign policy based on a quantitative analysis of more than eight thousand documents contained in the Digital Library of Treaties (Biblioteca Digital de Tratados) on the web portal of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Argentina. The author examines in detail such aspects of the topic as the general dynamics of Argentine diplomatic activity and the change of priorities in contacts with individual states and regions. Special attention is paid to the comparative dynamics of Argentina's relations with the United States, Russia, China and leading European countries in the period from 1983 to the present. The scientific novelty lies in the fact that the study of this array of documents in their entirety has not yet been conducted by domestic scientists. The article uses general scientific methods of cognition, as well as statistical analysis. The aforementioned library of treaties was used as sources, as well as the works of Argentine and domestic researchers devoted to various aspects of the subject under consideration. As a result of statistical analysis of the collection of treaties, the peculiarities of Argentina's diplomatic activity at different stages of the evolution of its foreign policy were revealed, presented in the form of diagrams and graphs. The main conclusions can be noted, firstly, a sharp increase in diplomatic activity in general and especially outside the region in the period after 1946; a tendency to increase the importance of Russia, China and Asian countries in the period after 1983; while maintaining the priority of relations with European countries under all presidents except K. Fernandez.

Projections on the Future of Civil-Military Relations in Argentina and Turkey

In social sciences, there has always been a scholarly attention on civil-military relations in terms of democratic values. Several theoretical approaches try to understand/figure out the best civil-military establishment in a democracy. Concordance theory suggests that citizenry is an indispensable part of civil-military relations in a given society because military may legitimize its actions in the political arena based on the public perception. The main purpose of this study is to figure out that who supports military in Argentina and Turkey, and what can be the reason to do so. Argentina and Turkey have been through similar experiences in their histories but in this study I focus on the differences. There is no intention in this study to confirm, or refute, civil-military relations theories.

Bosquejo preliminar sobre la influencia de Aron en el campo de las relaciones internacionales en los mundos anglosajón y periférico

Los estudios de Relaciones Internacionales han sido un campo disciplinar predominantemente anglosajón. Sin embargo, Raymond Aron supo hacerse un lugar en él. Para develar esa situación, nos fijamos como objetivo de este trabajo determinar cuáles han sido sus aportes, a partir de la lectura y análisis de su libro Paz y guerra entre las naciones (1962). El primer punto que desarrollaremos es cómo se inserta la obra del autor francés en ese particular momento paradigmático en el que se encontraba la disciplina, el realismo de base morgenthauniana. En segundo lugar, apuntaremos mostrar tanto los aspectos epistemológicos de este trabajo, por la conjunción de la teorí­a, la sociologí­a, la historia y la praxeologí­a, como los conceptuales utilizados para develar las formas en las que las unidades polí­ticas operan sobre el sistema internacional. El hecho de que nuestro autor sea una rara avis en un campo que habla y piensa mayoritariamente en inglés es una de las cuestiones que pretendemos rastrear a partir de saber cómo han sido recibidas y criticadas por los académicos del mainstream. Pero no queremos detenernos allí­, también nos preguntamos sobre cuál ha sido su incidencia en los estudios de relaciones internacionales en Argentina, especialmente en la obra de Juan Carlos Puig. Finalmente esbozaremos, sobre la base de los elementos aportados por su teorí­a y metodologí­a de análisis, cómo podrí­a leerse en el mundo actual y establecer si sus instrumentos teóricos y conceptuales siguen aportado explicaciones al funcionamiento del sistema internacional.

O impacto do projeto do Pacto ABC nas relações Brasil-Argentina durante o segundo Governo Vargas

This work is part of my doctoral thesis in which I analyze the Brazil - Argentina relations from a cultural perspective between 1930-1954, showing how cooperation was a feature present in these relationships and drawing a recurring criticism of the paradigm of rivalry. This article analyzes the impact of the Covenant ABC project in bilateral relations in the second government of Getulio Vargas. Through the analysis of diplomatic correspondence, newspaper articles and documents of the Brazilian senate demonstrates that the proposal of President Juan Peron formation of a customs union between Argentina, Brazil and Chile was supported by varguistas sectors, but strongly rejected by opposition sectors contributing to the crisis of the Brazilian government. It was also found to influence the U.S. government to develop an intense propaganda campaign against Peronism and support groups to oppose the approach of Argentina, Latin America seeking order within its orbit during the Cold War. In this context, the proposed regional integration failed, causing tremors deep in diplomatic relations between the two countries.

Church, State, and Human Rights in Latin America

Latin America's military dictatorships in the 1970s produced some of the worst human rights abuses in the Americas in the twentieth century. The Catholic Church was positioned to denounce the repression, yet the episcopacy's reaction varied by country. Why? In critiquing a prominent claim that competition from Protestant sects was the primary source of this variation, the article argues instead that the history of Church–state relations in a given country represents a path-dependent process presenting different incentives to Church episcopacies when they are faced with state violations of human rights. Where Church–state ties are close, episcopacies are not expected to publicly denounce the state. Where a strict separation between Church and state exists, denunciations of abuse are expected to be more forthcoming. This argument is illustrated with a comparison of Church–state relations in Argentina, Chile, Brazil, and Uruguay and re-assessed using a broader regional sample.

Latin America facing China: South-South relations beyond the Washington Consensus

List of Tables List of Figures Preface Alex E. Fernandez Jilberto and Barbara Hogenboom Chapter One. Latin America and China: South-South Relations in a New Era Alex E. Fernandez Jilberto and Barbara Hogenboom Chapter Two. Brazil and China: From South-South Cooperation to Competition? Henrique Altemani de Oliveira Chapter Three. Mexico vs. China: The Troublesome Politics of Competitiveness Barbara Hogenboom Chapter Four. Neoliberalized South-South Relations: Free Trade between Chile and China Alex E. Fernandez Jilberto Chapter Five. Argentina's Relations with China: Opportunities and Challenges Carla V. Oliva Chapter Six. China and Venezuela's Search for Oil Markets Javier Corrales Chapter Seven. Bridging the Pacific: Peru's Search for Closer Economic Ties with China Ruben Berrios Chapter Eight. Bolivia and China: Indirect Relations in a Global Market Pablo Poveda Chapter Nine. Central America between two Dragoons: Relations with the two Chinas Gabriel Aguilera Peralta Chapter Ten. Latin America from Washington Consensus to Beijing Consensus? Alex E. Fernandez Jilberto and Barbara Hogenboom Contributors

“The Reality of Today Has Required Us to Change”: Negotiating Gender Through Informal Work in Contemporary Argentina

Within Argentina and beyond, the characteristics of work are changing as work becomes increasingly informal and precarious. Drawing on interviews conducted with informal workers in Buenos Aires in 2002, this article analyzes the ways that the informalization of work during the economic crisis in Argentina shaped the interplay between normative and practiced manifestations of gender, including masculinity and femininity. I argue that although normative understandings of gender in Argentina remain largely uncomplicated by economic restructuring and crisis, the activity of informal work interacts very differently with the performances of these norms, depending on the class and sex of the worker. In particular, I demonstrate that among workers in the popular classes, the characteristics of informal work serve to mediate tensions resulting from women's engagement in paid work, while constituting an obstacle to men's performance of the hegemonic masculinity of the provider. Among middle-class workers, however, engaging in informal work does not result in the same types of tensions between gender norms and performances. I conclude by questioning the long-term nature of changes in gender relations resulting from this crisis and stressing the importance of intersectionality on understanding impacts of economic change. In addressing the question of how an increased dependence on informal work has affected gender relations in Argentina, this article seeks to contribute to wider discussions regarding the malleability of gender systems and the need to understand the effects of global restructuring on local gender relations, including performances of masculinity.

What Makes Strong Federalism Seem Weak? Fiscal Resources and Presidential-Provincial Relations in Argentina

This article revives an unresolved political debate now masquerading as an empirical puzzle: how can we characterize the nature of Argentine federalism when recent presidential administrations support conflicting conclusions about it? Carlos Saul Menem (1989-1999) easily pushed through policy changes with the support of governors and provincial delegates in congress, implying that federalism is weak. Fernando De la Rua (1999-2001) faced considerable provincial and congressional opposition, implying that federalism is strong. To resolve this puzzle, I recast federalism in terms of its economic context. I argue that economic growth renders presidential-provincial relations positive-sum, leading to intergovernmental cooperation and the appearance of weak federalism. Economic decline turns presidential-provincial relations zero-sum, raising intergovernmental conflict, and the appearance of strong federal institutions. Copyright 2009, Oxford University Press.

The Politics of Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations in Argentina

The search for political determinants of intergovernmental fiscal relations has shaped much of the recent literature on the economic viability of federalism. This study assesses the explanatory power of two competing views about intergovernmental transfers; one emphasizing the traditional neoclassical approach to federal-subnational fiscal relations and the other suggesting that transfers are contingent on the political fortunes and current political vulnerability of each level of government. The author tests these models using data from Argentina, a federation exhibiting one of the most decentralised fiscal systems in the world and severe imbalances in the territorial distribution of legislative and economic resources. It is shown that overrespresented provinces ruled by governors who belong to opposition parties can bring into play their political overrepresentation to attract shares of federal transfers beyond social welfare criteria and to shield themselves from unwanted reforms to increase fiscal co-responsibilty. This finding suggests that decision makers in federal countries must pay close heed to the need to synchronize institutional reforms and fiscal adjustment.

Courts under constraints: judges, generals, and presidents in Argentina

This study offers a theoretical framework for understanding how institutional instability affects judicial behavior under dictatorship and democracy. In stark contrast to conventional wisdom, the central findings of the book contradict some assumptions that only independent judges rule against the government of the day. Set in the context of Argentina, the study uses the tools of positive political theory to explore the conditions under which courts rule against the government. In addition to shedding light on the dynamics of court-executive relations in Argentina, the study provides general lessons about institutions, instability, and the rule of law. In the process, the study builds a set of connections among diverse bodies of scholarship, including US judicial politics, comparative institutional analysis, positive political theory, and Latin American politics.

Teachers’ strikes in Argentina: Partisan alignments and public-sector labor relations

In a context of increasing teachers’ militancy in Argentina, this article provides the first empirical analysis of teachers’ strikes in all twenty-four Argentine provinces during the 1990s. Using a cross-provincial statistical analysis, it explains the wide variation across provinces and across time of Argentine teachers’ strikes. It demonstrates that political alignments between provincial governors and teachers’ unions explain these patterns better than organizational and institutional variables, which strongly shape public-sector labor relations in other countries. We emphasize the discretion of provincial governors, for both the application of labor regulations and budgetary appropriations in the politicization of provincial public-sector labor relations in Argentina, especially after the decentralization of education resulted in the provincialization of teachers’ protests.

Reforming Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations in Argentina

Argentina has committed itself to a reform of its revenue-sharing system. This paper examines this system and the issues involved in its redesign, and discusses the pros and cons of various options with a view to specifying a preferred approach.

Reforming Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations in Argentina

Argentina has committed itself to a reform of its revenue-sharing system. This paper examines this system and the issues involved in its redesign, and discusses the pros and cons of various options with a view to specifying a preferred approach.

The Logic of Strategic Defection: Court–Executive Relations in Argentina Under Dictatorship and Democracy

Building on the separation-of-powers approach in American politics, this article develops a new micro-level account of judicial decision-making in contexts where judges face institutional insecurity. Against conventional wisdom, I argue that under certain conditions the lack of judicial independence motivates judges to “strategically defect” against the government once it begins losing power. The result is a reverse legal‐political cycle in which antigovernment decisions cluster at the end of weak governments. Original data on more than 7,500 individual decisions by Argentine Supreme Court justices (1976‐1995) are used to test hypotheses about why, when, and in which types of cases judges are likely to engage in strategic defection. Consistent with the theory’s predictions, the results of the analysis show a significant increase in antigovernment decisions occurring at the end of weak dictatorships and weak democratic governments. Examining subsets of decisions and controlling for several additional variables further corroborate the strategic account.

Through Corridors of Power: Institutions and Civil-Military Relations in Argentina

Through Corridors of Power: Institutions and Civil-Military Relations in Argentina

Through Corridors of Power: Institutions and Civil-Military Relations in Argentina. By David Pion-Berlin. University Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 1997. 241p. $45.00 cloth, $17.95 paper. - Incomplete Transition: Military Power and Democracy in Argentina. By J. Patrice McSherry. New York: St. Martin's, 1997. 408p. $45.00.

Through Corridors of Power: Institutions and Civil-Military Relations in Argentina. By David Pion-Berlin. University Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 1997. 241p. 17.95 paper. - Incomplete Transition: Military Power and Democracy in Argentina. By J. Patrice McSherry. New York: St. Martin's, 1997. 408p. $45.00. - Volume 92 Issue 4

Transitions to Electoral Regimes and the Future of Civil-Military Relations in Argentina and Brazil

Although there is a considerable literature on transitions to democracy in Latin America, little effort has been made to analyze transformations of states and that have accompanied democratization. James Petras and Morris Morley have proposed a class-analysis-in-world-historicalperspective method for examining the electoral [in Latin America in 1990s] in relation to institutional and economic continuities with previous military and in relation to civic society and sociopolitical movements derived from electoral regimes (1992: 1). My approach is similar to theirs. The resilience of electoral in 1980s and 1990s and certain institutional continuities, such as undemocratic economic policymaking, have been noted (see, e.g., Smith, 1991), but survival of these in face of severely adverse economic conditions and absence of successful military coups against incumbent elected presidents in 1980s and early 1990s have yet to be explained.' In this article I attempt to fill this gap. I argue that democratization processes in Argentina and Brazil are characterized by continuity in form of state2 and a transformation in form of regime and that a new internationalized state is emerging in both countries. I discuss inadequacies of liberal literature on democratization, consider progressive disempowerment of state as part of U.S. strategy with regard to Latin America, and discuss five scenarios for civil-military relations in Argentina and Brazil at turn of century.

Argentina Between the Great Powers, 1939-1946

Anglo-American relations, 1939-46 - a British view, A.E.Campbell, juggler - Franklin Rossevelt and Anglo-American competition in Latin America, W.F.Kimball the origins of misunderstanding - United States-Argentine relations, 1900-40, J.S.Tulchin US politican destabilization and economic boycott of Argentina during the 1940s, E.Escude foreign and domestic policy in Argentina during the second world war, M.Rapoport disorderly succession - Great Britain, the United States and the Nazi menace in Argentina, 1938-47, R.C.Newton the Braden campaign and Anglo-American relations in Argentina, 1945-6, C.A.MacDonald the United States and Argentina in Brazil's wartime foreigh policy, 1939-45, S.E.Hilton Argentina between the great powers, 1939-46 - a revisionist summing-up, G.di Tella a Northern summing-up, J.Major.