Archaeological Phases Research Articles

Foucault's Debt to Hegel

. . . truly to escape Hegel involves an exact appreciation of the price we have to pay to detach ourselves from him. It assumes that we are aware of the extent to which Hegel, insidiously perhaps, is close to us; it implies a knowledge, in that which permits us to think against Hegel, of that which remains Hegelian. We have to determine the extent to which our anti-Hegelianism is possibly one of his tricks directed against us, at the end of which he stands, motionless, waiting for us.1 With these remarks, Foucault begins the homage to Jean Hyppolite which marks the end of The Discourse on Language. It is clear from this passage that Foucault credits Hyppolite with establishing the possibility of a definitive break with Hegel, of a truly anti-Hegelian philosophy. Also clear is Foucault's claim that his own work during this first, archaeological phase likewise constitutes thinking which is disloyal to Hegel.2 Of course, that Foucault considers himself to be anti-Hegelian will not surprise anyone who is familiar with his work. Indeed, Foucault seems preoccupied with putting as much distance between himself and Hegel as possible. Many of Foucault's followers likewise accept his claim to have escaped Hegel. On one extremely plausible interpretation of the history of Continental philosophy, Foucault's work represents the culmination ofa century-long attempt to kill off the Hegelian subject, an attempt that had been begun with the work of Sartre, Hyppolite, Lacan, and Derrida.' On this reading, Foucault drives home the final nail in the Hegelian subject's coffin. Although I find this reading of the historical trajectory of Continental philosophy in general and of Foucault's project in particular tempting, I find it equally as troubling. The troubling aspect of this account emerges when we consider the following questions: What happens to the plausibility of this reading if it turns out that Hegel's subject was already, in some sense, and even in a very Foucaultian sense, dead? Furthermore, what becomes of this reading if we find that there is life in Foucault's subject yet? If either of these possibilities holds true, and I will suggest here that both of them do, then the claim that Foucaultian constructivism kills the Hegelian subject fails to convince. I should note at the outset that my aim in discussing these questions will not be to establish that Foucault is nothing more than warmedover Hegel; nor will it be to completely rescue Foucault from his unwanted proximity to Hegel. To jump to such conclusions would, in my estimation, make matters too easy. Rather, my aim will be to show that a discussion of the subject provides a point of reference from which we can begin to rethink the extent to which Foucault remains indebted to Hegel. Language and the Death of the Subject in Hegel and Foucault Let me begin by noting a curious convergence: both Hegel and Foucault claim that, in some sense, to speak is to die, that language entails the death of the speaking subject. In this claim they are certainly not alone. Indeed, Heidegger notes in his 1957-58 lectures on the Nature of Language that mortals are they who can experience death as death. Animals cannot do so. But animals cannot speak either. The essential relation between death and language flashes up before us, but remains still unthought.4 Although they are not alone in this claim, given Foucault's persistent desire to escape the clutches of the Hegelian system, their agreement on this point is intriguing. What are we to make of this agreement? Should we make anything of it, or is it merely a coincidence? There is a strong temptation to regard the agreement between Foucault and Hegel on this particular point as insignificant, as a mere surface convergence masking the deeper incompatibility of their philosophical approaches. However, this response is unsatisfactory. After all, language plays a pivotal role in the reconciliation which consciousness seeks in the Phenomenology of Spirit. …

Radiocarbon Chronology for the Late Archaic and Formative Periods on the Pacific Coast of Southeastern Mesoamerica

AbstractArchaeological excavations carried out during the past five years along the Pacific coast of Mexico, Guatemala, and El Salvador have recovered 79 new14C dates for the Late Archaic and Early to Middle Formative periods. We analyze these new dates along with 25 previously published dates to refine a sequence of 10 archaeological phases spanning almost three and a half millennia, from ca. 4000 to 650 B.C. The phases are summarized with a brief description of their most salient characteristics. We include illustrations of the Early Formative period ceramics and figurines from the Mazatan region. The sequence of phases reveals a trajectory of cultural evolution beginning in the Archaic period with the mobile hunting, fishing, and gathering Chantuto people. By 1550 B.C., the first ceramic-using sedentary communities appeared on the coast of Chiapas. They were hunter-fisher-gatherers who supplemented their food supply with cultivated plants, including maize and beans. We suggest that by the Locona phase (1400–1250 B.C.) in Chiapas, they began the transition from egalitarian sociopolitical organization to simple chiefdoms, leaving behind evidence of large-scale architectural constructions, long-distance imports such as obsidian and jade, and elaborately crafted prestige goods. Also in Chiapas, during the Cherla phase (1100–1000 B.C.), ceramic and figurine styles, nearly identical to those found at San Lorenzo Tenochtitlan on the Gulf Coast, made their first appearance. Many of the local artifact styles were gradually replaced by styles that became increasingly widespread in Mesoamerica. The chronology presented here shows that these changes were roughly contemporaneous with similar ones in neighboring regions of Mesoamerica.

The Middle Stone Age in East Africa and modern human origins

East Africa, the region where Merrick Posnansky started his professional career, has long been accepted as the major centre for the study of the origins of hominids and their technological systems. Recently, human geneticists and some palaeoanthropologists have also proposed an African origin for anatomically modern humans (Homo sapiens sapiens), although much of the proof cited is from non-African sources — mainly Europe and the Middle East. Fortunately these models have stimulated reassessment of the sub-Saharan Middle Stone Age (MSA), the archaeological phase between 200,000 and 30,000 years ago which represents the beginnings of regional variation in technology and cultural adaptation as well as the period in which modern humans appeared. Long ignored by East African archaeologists in favour of the earliest cultural record, or, at the other extreme, Neolithic and Iron Age research, the MSA is critical to the evaluation of models of the emergence of our own species. This paper reviews the current arguments concerning the origin and dispersal of modern humans, and the importance of the MSA for the resolution of the problem. It also describes the results from a 1990 survey for MSA sites conducted in southwestern Tanzania within the framework of these current models.

Population structure and skeletal variation in the Late Woodland of west‐central Illinois

This paper analyzes nonmetric trait variation in 11 late Late Woodland (ca. AD 700-1000) and one Mississippian (AD 1000-1300) skeletal samples from west-central Illinois from a population-structure perspective. Most of the sites are of the Bluff phase of Late Woodland in the lower Illinois River valley; others are from a nearby, contemporary archaeological phase. Late Woodland as a whole era (ca. AD 250-1000) was a period of marked population growth and expansion into new regional environments, trends that accompanied horticultural intensification in the area. Overall variation between sites was low, but males, females, and the total sample exhibited a significant geographic component to variation due to interregional morphological differences. The Bluff sites tended to group together relative to the non-Bluff sites. However, there was no significant geographic component to variation among the Bluff sites. The results are only partially consistent with archaeological data suggesting population growth and expansion through fissioning. Previous studies have demonstrated significant heterogeneity for nonmetric trait frequencies among Middle Woodland (ca. 100 BC to AD 250) sites, suggesting a Middle to Late Woodland change in population structure that lowered levels of morphological variation. This supports a model of increased intra- and interregional interaction from Middle to Late Woodland times developed from ceramic data by Braun and by Braun and Plog.

Prehistoric ethnicity on the Northwest Coast of North America: An evaluation of style in basketry and lithics

Resulting from the recent excavation of waterlogged (“wet”) sites on the Northwest Coast of North America, prehistoric basketry and cordage artifacts have become much more common. Since these artifacts have several unique diagnostic attributes, they become particularly useful as a new dimension for considering the meaning of Northwest Coast archaeological phase definitions. At the Hoko River wet/dry site, Olympic Peninsula, Washington State, we find a lithic component in the living areas (dry portion) which best “fits” the Locarno Beach Phase. This 2200–3000 B.P. fishing camp represents a westerly extension of this lithic artifact assemblage, typically found at this time period in the Gulf of Georgia. The abundant Hoko River perishable artifact assemblage found in the wet offshore areas demonstrates a distinctive style when compared to those from the classic and contemporary Locarno component from the Musqueam Northeast wet site (DhRt4) on the Fraser Delta. Therefore, what do the Locarno characteristics observed from lithic artifacts at Hoko River actually represent? From computer-assisted economic models of cultural evolution for the Hoko region, we propose that many groups of the southern Northwest Coast evolved through similar economic stages or plateaus (best characterized by stone and bone artifact styles), yet retained distinct ethnic styles (best characterized by their basketry and cordage). Developing southern Northwest Coast groups may have passed through similar economic plateaus that have become considered cultural phases or types, while the basketry and cordage artifacts may best represent continuity of cultural ethnicity through these economic plateaus.

An Archaeological Inference Problem

Abstract An archaeological dating problem is presented and analyzed. The analysis is based on a data-generating model, which takes careful account of the various kinds of uncertainty involved in relating observed radiocarbon dates of artifacts to successive chronological beginning and ending dates of significant archaeological phases. In addition to its intrinsic interest as a possible model for many kinds of archaeological data of this type, the model poses some challenging inference problems. Maximum likelihood techniques do not seem adequate to the task, and a Bayesian approach has been adopted.

Archaeologically Defining the Earlier Garden Landscapes at Morven: Preliminary Results

The first phase of archaeology at Morven was designed to test the potential for further study of the early garden landscape at a ca. 1758 house in Princeton, New Jersey. The research included intensive botanical analysis using a variety of archaeobotanical framework. A study was also made of the garden's topography using map analysis combined with subsurface testing. Information on garden features related to the design of earlier garden surfaces suggests the ways in which the Stockton family manipulated their estate to convey a social image of the family to the local Princeton community. This, in turn, provides information that, when combined with collateral ethnographic information obtained from documents, suggests the symbolic content of the garden.

Pollenanalysen zur Geschichte einer germanischen Siedlung bei Klein Köris, Kreis Königs Wusterhausen, südöstlich von Berlin )

Summary During the existence of a Germanic settlement sand material was deposited on the site of ashore. Pollen rain from neighbouring forests and from the settlement area was preserved there permitting the reconstruction of the settlement’s evolution. Finds of fibulas date the beginning of the settlement back to the early third century A.D. and the final period to the first half of the fifth century A.D. The pollen spectra both of synanthrope and of other NAP prove the existence of three periods of settlement, which is not incompatible with only two periods found by archaeological methods, since the palynological middle period can be regarded as the early stage of the younger archaeological phase. The first main period of the Germanic settlement was at its height in the middle of the third century. It can be assumed that at that time the settlement occupied an unwooded area of approximately a 100 hectars, predominantly on former pine for·ests. Considering the size of clearing cereal pollen rain was minimal, suggesting dominant stock farming. That period of settlement was in its declining stage in the second half of the third century with alder and beech (on natural sites), birch and heather (on settlement sites) spreading and the water level rising. During a drier phase at the turn of the fourth century the second period of the settlement began. Though unwooded areas were smaller than in the preceding period the cultivation of grain predominated with rye growing obviously becoming more and more important. Wide spreading of pine during this period suggests the location of the settlement nearer to the lowland. The settlement was rapidly expanding at the end of the fourth century. The proportion of arable land remained high, which also indicates its absolute extension. In the first half of the fifth century the settlement ceased to exist. Low parts became swampy covered with alder, upper parts were covered with pine forests. Oak - hornbeam forests appeared after anthropogenic influence on natural vegetation with lime trees occurring in the drier parts and beech where the water level was higher. Apart from field crops the following anthropogenic vegetation could palynologically be proved: nitrogen-loving herbaceous plants, grassy cover growingon sandy soil, pasture, dry and marshy heathland.

ON THE EDGE OF THE SIMPSON: Recent additions to understanding of prehistoric artefact distributions in arid Australia

We must move from the traditional model of archaeological knowledge as a GruyA¨re cheese with holes in it to that of a sparse suspension of information particles of varying size, not even randomly distributed in archaeological space and time. The first thing we may deduce from this revision is that many of our taxonomic entity divisions are defined by lines drawn through gaps in the evidence and zones of greatest ignorance ... [Clarke 1973:10]. David Clarke was referring, generally, to the archaeology of regions where the 'cowboy' phase of archaeology is long over, and substantial research and synthesis have already been undertaken. The history of Australian archaeological research suggests that this stage has not yet been reached here, and that many of the general syntheses are premature and serve only to establish our areas of ignorance. Two recent discussions illustrate this. In one case (Hiscock and Hughes 1980) the distribution of backed blades and geometric microliths can be seen to have been defined prematurely, and in the other (Morwood 1979:63-64), Juan knives seem to have been more widely distributed than was previously suspected (see also Horsfall 1982). In this paper I will discuss new finds of geometrics and backed blades and of a Juan knife, and make further comments on distribution studies in Australia.

A Reassessment of the Beginning of the Middle Bronze Age in Syria-Palestine

Our understanding of character of beginning of Middle Bronze Age proper in region of Syria-Palestine has long been determined by our concept of its relationship to what preceded and what followed this phase. Several systems of terminology have been devised to classify transition from Early Bronze Age to Middle Bronze Age in this region, and this period in particular, which was called by Albright and by Kenyon, has long been a subject of archaeological debate. The controversy concerning terminology, however, actually masks a more important disagreement concerning placement and significance of this period within general cultural development of this region during early 2nd millennium B.c. While absolute dating of this phase has been and still is in question, there is now a consensus that period should be viewed as formative phase of Canaanite culture which remained dominant throughout Middle and Late Bronze Ages of Palestine. It is definition of this culture (hereafter I; see below) and question of its placement within cultural spheres of Syria and especially that form subject of this paper.' Recent excavations and closer examination of previously known material2 have shown need for a reappraisal of this archaeological period, especially of cultural changes which mark beginning of phase. The method to be used in initiating this reevaluation will be, first, to establish a stratigraphically based sequence of cultural characteristics;3 second, to extend this sequence on basis of typological comparison to unstratified groups; third, to fit as many groups of archaeological remains into this sequence as possible; and, fourth, to consider conclusions and some of broader implications that may be drawn from establishment of this sequence for MB I period. The first question, however, that needs to be considered is relationship between this phase and archaeological period that precedes it. Albright established a sequence of EB III-MB IMB IIA-MB IIB4 for archaeological phases which mark end of Early Bronze Age and beginning of Middle Bronze Age. This terminology indicated a major cultural break between EB III (or EB IV) and MB I periods, but continuity between MB I and MB IIA periods was implied.' Dever, however, proposed in 1973 that this interpretation needed to be revised at least in terms of understanding of cultural continuity between Albright's EB IV and MB I, and he later emphasized instead cultural break between MB I and MB IIA, as follows: the point is now almost beyond dispute: MB I period has few if any links with MB IIA and Middle Bronze proper .... break between two in terms of their material culture is one of most abrupt and complete in entire cultural sequence of Palestine (Dever 1976: 5; 1970: 144).

Issaquena: An Archaeological Phase in the Yazoo Basin of the Lower Mississippi Valley.

Issaquena: An Archaeological Phase in the Yazoo Basin of the Lower Mississippi Valley.

Issaquena: An Archaeological Phase in the Yazoo Basin of the Lower Mississippi Valley. Robert E. Greengo. Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology, No. 18. 1964. 130 pp., 84 tables, 44 figs. $3.00.

Issaquena: An Archaeological Phase in the Yazoo Basin of the Lower Mississippi Valley. Robert E. Greengo. Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology, No. 18. 1964. 130 pp., 84 tables, 44 figs. $3.00. - Volume 31 Issue 3Part1

ARCHEOLOGY: Issaquena: An Archaeological Phase in the Yazoo Basin of the Lower Mississippi Valley. Robert E. Greengo. (Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology, Number 18.)

American AnthropologistVolume 67, Issue 6 p. 1589-1590 Free Access ARCHEOLOGY: Issaquena: An Archaeological Phase in the Yazoo Basin of the Lower Mississippi Valley. Robert E. Greengo. (Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology, Number 18.) James A. Ford, James A. Ford Florida State MuseumSearch for more papers by this author James A. Ford, James A. Ford Florida State MuseumSearch for more papers by this author First published: December 1965 https://doi.org/10.1525/aa.1965.67.6.02a00530AboutPDF ToolsExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume67, Issue6December 1965Pages 1589-1590 RelatedInformation

New World Lithic Typology Project: Part I

AbstractA desire to increase efficiency in the description and typological study of stone artifacts led to a conference of ten archaeologists in Santa Fe, New Mexico. This conference concentrated on the delineation of attributes of specimens rather than on the creation of a typological system. It attempted to meet the requirements of this phase of archaeology on a continental rather than a regional scale. Considerable attention was given to the various sorts of punched cards and to data-processing equipment. A glossary of definitions and an attribute form sheet for recording specimens were compiled and issued to the attending members for use in pilot studies of regional collections. The form sheets were laid out with a view to transferring the data to standard IBM cards and determining significant clusters of attributes. The testing of the definitions of attributes and the form sheet through actual use is intended to reveal possible improvements and to evaluate the practicality of rapid-processing methods in typological studies of this nature.

Notes on Soil Analysis and Archaeology

With the addition of Carbon 14 dating to the archaeologist's repertory as a technique for determining the actual age of archaeological specimens, this phase of archaeology in America has been put on a more exact basis. However, preoccupied as we seem to be with “dates,” a method of chemical analysis useful in archaeology and evolved twenty years ago by Arrhenius (1930) and applied by Schnell (1932) in northern Europe has remained unnoticed in this country, although Clark (1936, pp. 19-22) mentions it.

The Evolution and Persistence of Ceramic Motifs in Northern Georgia

Stamped or impressed designs on pottery from a group of relatively early sites in northern Georgia provide new data on the origin of several well known motifs of later times, and add to the evidence for a considerable cultural continuity between the archaeological phases of this area.In a previous article for american antiquity (Vol. XIV, pp. 201-9), I summarized the general ceramic sequence in the Etowah Drainage. Fabric impressed pottery seems to be the first majority ware in this area. It gradually decreased in popularity as Mossy Oak Simple Stamped increased and Deptford Bold and Linear Check Stamped appeared. The last named, together with Deptford Simple Stamped, became majority types during Late Archaic or Early Woodland times. In the meantime Woodstock Stamped and Woodstock Incised pottery appeared, but did not reach their frequency peak until Early Swift Creek had presumably degenerated into its later form near the end of the Middle Woodland period. Napier Stamped appeared at this time. Napier and Woodstock pottery strongly influenced the Early Mississippi "Etowah" wares, both stamped and incised. In the latter part of this period, Savannah Stamped intruded briefly, but the Etowah types persisted and finally deteriorated in carefulness of execution, thus evolving into the Lamar pottery of Late Mississippi time.

The Present Phase of Prehistoric Archaeology, being the Opening Address of the Antiquarian Section at the Dorchester Meeting

The Present Phase of Prehistoric Archaeology, being the Opening Address of the Antiquarian Section at the Dorchester Meeting