Anti-government Activities Research Articles

Протест и революционная деятельность в семинарской среде в начале 60-х годов XIX века (на материале Пермской духовной семинарии)

The article examines the revolutionary activities of teachers and students of the Perm Theological Seminary under the leadership of A.I. Ikonnikov during the liberal reforms of Alexander II and measures to suppress them. The events analyzed are an example of the reception of revolutionary views in a theological school and the formation of rebellious traditions half a century before the revolution of 1905-1907, when the protest movement in the seminary environment unfolded on a full scale. Revolutionary ideas found understanding among teachers and students in connection with everyday and organizational problems in theological educational institutions, the growth of self-awareness of the clergy and the blurring of class boundaries in the process of reforms of Alexander II and the modernization of the 60-70s of the 19th century launched by them, increasing demands of representatives of the clergy on the conditions of their life, study and service. In the seminary environment, discontent was expressed through disobedience, riots, and even (though not often in the 1860s) revolutionary activity. The movement based on revolutionary ideology in the Perm Theological Seminary went from being a legal self-education circle to a secret society that carried out anti-government activities and became a kind of branch of a larger and more diverse underground organization - the Perm Circle of Revolutionary Educators.

Революционные настроения провинциального студенчества в конце XIX – начале XX века на примере Курской губернии

The study analyzes the experience of Kurian students who actively supported and disseminated revolutionary sentiments in the Russian Empire during the period of the highest tension of political forces in the run-up to the first Russian Revolution (late XIX - early XX century). The increased interest of researchers to the events highlighting the political position of individual, the most active groups of the population (such as students) on the threshold of the first Russian revolution of the early XX century is explained not only by cognitive purposes, but also by the search in historical retrospect for analogs of modern socio-political processes taking place in the state. The analysis of the past experience will help to identify modern effective tools to ensure stable domestic political development of the country, including to curb the growth of protest sentiments, and the regional aspect of the study of the problem will allow to objectively assess the course of the historical process on a nationwide scale. It was determined that Kursk Province in the period under consideration was a typical region of the European part of Russia, where the representatives of the main revolutionary social and political movements of the Russian Empire carried out their anti-government activities. In this regard, the political worldview of the provincial population was formed both under the influence of unresolved traditional issues for the Russian society and under the influence of political propaganda. We used both the method of analysis, synthesis, generalization, as well as historical-comparative and chronological methods. Many archival materials were introduced into scientific turnover in the work for the first time, which also actualizes the topic of the study. Based on the study of archival cases and specialized scientific literature, it was determined that Kurian students, studying in various higher educational institutions of the Russian Empire, in the period under consideration showed high political activity. Among the means of political struggle, open forms of resistance to the authorities prevailed (e.g., participation in political speeches, political propaganda, membership in banned associations, etc.). However, because there were no higher educational institutions in the region at that time, and Kurians received their higher education in other major Russian cities (e.g., Moscow, St. Petersburg, Kharkov), students most often defended their revolutionary views there, and therefore the influence of politically active students on provincial society was generally insignificant.

Hearts and minds in Hong Kong’s New Territories: Agriculture and vegetable marketing in a Cold War borderland,circa1946–1967

AbstractUsing declassified colonial and British records in Hong Kong and London, as well as memoirs of former leftists and newspapers, this article explores the strategies the Hong Kong colonial government employed in a propaganda campaign to garner political support of the rural population in the New Territories, a porous land frontier during the Cold War. It also analyses the varying political orientations of migrant farmers, who often had received economic benefits from both the colonial government and the leftist organizations. This article reveals that the colonial government established the Vegetable Marketing Organization (VMO), a state-owned enterprise, to first nationalize the vegetable wholesale market in the immediate post-war period, and subsequently used it to combat increasing political influence and anti-government activities of the communist-controlled Society of Plantations. Despite the improvement of the livelihood of immigrant farmers, the VMO Scheme failed to out-compete the Society economically, which was ultimately eliminated by draconian measures. Through studying the agrarian politics and economic contestations in Hong Kong’s rural area, this article provides a lens on how the Cold War was played out at a village level in East Asia.

Ground Base Value of Anarchism and Social Security in Indonesia

The research aimed to find anarchic aspects outside of the misconceptions circulating through the dialectic of anarchism theory and social theory. Anarchism had always been misconceived as an activity that correlated with chaos and brutality or anti-government activity. However, in reality, anarchism had various meanings in several paradigms, such as a system of criticism, a system of thought, moral values, aesthetic values, a way of life, political attitudes, and ideology for some people. The research was conducted through a literature approach and observations on the development of anarchism in Indonesia. In addition, the research aimed to see the potential of the anarchism movement that can influence the social paradigm and influence the development of alternative social movements in Indonesia. It applied a qualitative research methods and literature study as primary data. The results of the research indicate a perspective that the view of anarchism does not always contradict the concept of the state because, in the concept of anarchism, there is an idea of criticism and resistance to an oppressive social system. The social system becomes the real antithesis that can dialectic with the concept of anarchism to produce various criticisms and alternative movements that are effective for social struggles in society. In addition, the potential of anarchism on a small scale is to trigger a self-help movement to develop public awareness towards a better condition because the basic values contained in anarchism are respect for human nature as good, where freedom and morality are the basis of humanity.

Informing as National Indifference? The Case of Finnish Citizens’ Collaboration with the Russian Authorities, 1899–1917

Abstract Between 1899 and 1917, hundreds of Finnish citizens approached the Russian authorities with letters of denunciation, in which they reported about the anti-government activity of their fellow citizens. These informers caused a public stir in Finland because their activity was associated with the intensifying political surveillance of the imperial security police. Finnish nationalists eagerly labeled informers as Russian-minded traitors, but how did the informers themselves relate to the nation and the empire? This article tackles this question by analyzing the communication of these citizens with the Governor General's Office and the Gendarme Administration and by drawing inspiration from the concept of national indifference, which has gained prominence in nationalism studies in recent years. The article shows the great variation with which informers framed their ideological stance in their letters to the imperial power. Some avoided referring to their Finnishness to emphasize their imperial loyalty, whereas others presented themselves as pro-Finnish and viewed the interests of Finland and Russia as uniform. As a distinctive group of informers, the article examines Orthodox people, whose letters to the imperial authorities highlight experiences of religious discrimination and consequent national ambivalence.

Антиурядовий рух на Катеринославщині доби Гетьманату Павла Скоропадського (травень – грудень 1918 р.)

The problems of history of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921 and the first post-revolutionary years are actual today and occupy one of the leading places in modern domestic historiography. Despite this, there is a considerable number of insufficiently deeply studied episodes on this topic. The anti-government activities of members of the irregular combat formations of Katerynoslav region during the period of Hetmanate Pavel Skoropadskyi (spring–winter 1918) refers to such episodes. The article considers the course of the rebel-partisan movement in the Katerynoslav region in May–December 1918. The source base of the study consists of archival and published materials, in particular, memoirs, articles of periodicals, regulatory legal acts. The methodology of the research is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity and social approach. Also, have been used the analytical, comparative-historical, periodization, problem-chronological and typological methods. Tthe main driving forces of the rebel-partisan movement in the territory of Katerynoslav region in the mentioned period are defined in this article. These were supporters of anarchism, Bolshevism and the pro-Ukrainian government represented by the Central Rada and later the Directory, as well as representatives of apolitical peasant, workers' and gangster movements. The activities of the Bolshevik, pro-Ukrainian, and anarchist combat formations were aimed at overthrowing the existing government and seizing power in the region into their hands. The main form of their combat activity was partisan struggle. Local Bolsheviks were among the first to start an armed struggle against the existing regime. The main areas of their influence were the left bank of the region as well as industrially developed Kryvyi Rih region and Nikopol. Representatives of the pro-Ukrainian movement were members of the Free Cossacks and the Zaporozhian Sich. Their zone of influence was Katerynoslav and the central part of the region. The anarchist partisan anti-government movement covered the southern part of the left bank of the Katerynoslav region. As a result of active military activity in mid-December 1918, the Katerynoslav region came under the control of these three politico-ideological forces. At the same time, most of the region was covered by apolitical peasant, workers and bandit movements. But, their participants did not oppose the overthrow of the existing government. Thus, the peasant rebellions were directed against the restoration of landlordism.

Tver Zemstvo and Governor A. N. Somov: Features of Interaction

The article analyzes the interaction of the Tver governor A. N. Somov with zemstvo institutions at the end of the 19th century. The issue of interaction between authorities and local self-government, independent from each other in accordance with the current legislation, is relevant for the work of both representative and executive authorities in the Russian Federation. The aim of the study is to determine the features of the interaction of the Tver zemstvo and the highest official of the province at the end of the 19th century. The author’s methodological approaches are traditionally determined by the principles of scientific objectivity, historicism and historical determinism. The study used both universal scientific methods and special methods of historical research, determined by the specifics of the problem posed and source material, namely: problem-chronological method, comparative analysis method, systemic method. The source base of the research is quite representative and included several groups of historical sources: legislation, office documentation, official directories, periodicals. In the course of the study, it was revealed that an employee exiled from the capital for anti-government activities worked in the provincial zemstvo statistical committee. With his help, the Zemstvo people provided the governor, and he, in turn, with the Ministry of Internal Affairs, inaccurate information in order to reduce the police apparatus. Another example of the governor’s benevolent attitude towards the anti-government-minded zemstvo is the submission to the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the dissenting opinion of the provincial zemstvo assembly on the shortcomings of state power and the need to reform the state apparatus. The facts of the reaction of the Governor of Tver A. N. Somov on the actions of the Tver zemstvo confirm the opinion about the anti-government activities of the zemstvo, which for more than 20 years was not suppressed in a timely manner by this governor, despite the latter’s significant powers. Keywords: zemstvo, governor A. N. Somov, provincial institutions, anti-government work

Komunistyczna Partia Robotnicza Polski wobec państwa polskiego (grudzień 1918 – czerwiec 1919)

The Communist Workers’ Party of Poland (Komunistyczna Partia Robotnicza Polski) was formed on December 16, 1918 and operated legally during the first half a year of its activity. The resurgent Polish state guaranteed its citizens an extensive range of democratic freedoms, which were also enjoyed by the communists. The main area of their activity was the Councils of Workers Delegates (CWD, Rady Delegatów Robotniczych), which they wanted to transform
 into alternatives for administrative and governmental institutions. The communists wished to establish a soviet republic. For this reason, they carried out activities in the CWD and at rallies. They also organized strikes and became involved in anti-government activities. State authorities reacted vigorously by declaring a state of emergency in the area of the former Kingdom of Poland on April 1, 1919 and by making numerous arrests of communist activists for anti-state activities. However, the split of the CWD in June/July 1919 was a decisive factor that made the communists go into hiding. Nevertheless, an outright act of outlawing them was never passed. The Communist Workers’ Party of Poland and communists in general continued, although no longer on such a scale, to use existing democratic institutions for their own purposes.

Funding Effectiveness of TVET for Decent Employment and Inclusive Growth in Nigeria with Perspectives from China

In the midst of abundant human and natural resources, Nigeria continues to be beleaguered with persistent unemployment, low productivity and poverty. Key sectors of Nigeria’s economy which are expected to drive growth, such as infrastructure, retail and manufacturing services require services of personnel with post-basic and technical and vocational skills, but these skills are being produced in small numbers and with poor quality. The country has a vibrant and economically viable youth population that needs to be engaged in productive ventures to help make significant contributions to the national development of Africa’s largest economy and overcome their vulnerability to anti-social or anti-government activities against the security and peace of the country. This study explores the context of TVET in Nigeria against the background of the effectiveness of funding provision to TVET in the country. The study identified significant demand for TVET provision in Nigeria based on the analysis of key indicators of the context within which TVET operates. Also, the study showed that though the government has made funding available to education and TVET in Nigeria, the distribution of funds in expenditure contradicts effective utilization of available limited resources and puts forward suggestions on effective funding of TVET in Nigeria by drawing on the successful experience of China. Taking China's successful TVET funding mechanism as example, the study explores China's funding policies related to TVET and identify key factors for TVE's success in China in the face of global trends and provides a new perspective for TVET research from the Chinese model and the theory behind it that could be adopted in the utilization of limited public funding in Nigeria for effective TVET delivery in the country. Keywords: Funding; TVET; Employment; Nigeria; China DOI : 10.7176/JEP/10-36-06 Publication date: December 31 st 2019

GEOGRAPHY OF THE REVOLUTION: Location and Activities of SR’s Party on the Territory of Ardat District of Simbirsk Province in 1905–1909

Introduction. The centenary of the great Russian revolution actualized the study of unexplored issues in the activities of political parties of the Russian Empire of the early twentieth century. One of them is the study of the direct placement of party groups and organizations in the regions of the country. Materials and methods. As a methodological base of the research the historical-genetic method is used, which allows, using a variety of sources, to recreate a real and objective picture of the essence of this study. Results. The main task is to conduct a study of anti-government activities in relation to the geography of Ardatov district. The placement of groups and individual representatives of the party of S.R. in relation to the district organization is investigated, taking into account the role of the Ardatov organization of the party in their occurrence. It is noted that representatives of the regional party organization took part in the creation of all local groups of S.R. in the district, and members of the district organization were the main agitators and propagandists in this period of time. It should be noted that the activities of the district organization did not affect the District evenly, which makes it possible to identify the areas most susceptible to S.R. influence. Discussion and Conclusions. The study made it possible to clearly structure the placement of S.R. groups and organizations on the territory of Ardatov District. You can say about sort of two S.R. rings located around the Ardatov with a diameter of 5–15 and 30–50 kilometers which were located almost all of S.R. groups, and there were some members of the party in 1905–1908. The most active representatives of the district organizations «processed» the Central and Western part of the district, and the area located to the South-East of Ardatov was not practically felt the impact of S.R. party. Keywords: revolution, the party of socialist-revolutionaries, organization, propaganda, illegal literature, leaflets, meeting, police.

Russia's revolutionaries on vacation: anti-government activities in the Finnish countryside, 1900-17

This article challenges the notion of leisure space as apolitical by investigating why the Karelian Isthmus dacha settlements, located in the Grand Duchy of Finland, served as preparation grounds for clandestine political activity. Using memoirs, newspapers and Russian archival sources, this article reveals how Finland's legal position in the Russian empire, combined with the particularities of dacha life, enabled revolutionary activity in places primarily associated with leisure. Far from being innocuous vacation destinations removed from political problems, the dacha settlements in Finland exposed the diminished capacity of tsarist authorities’ actions on the fringes of the Russian empire.

Revolting Women? Early Kharijite Women in Islamic Sources

The Kharijites were an early movement of anti-government activists, self-proclaimed pious rebels who began their protests in the seventh century of the common era. Their initial complaint was against ʿUthmān ibn ʿAffān (d. 656 ce), the third Caliph, for what they perceived as abuses of power and improper execution of Divine Law. Throughout Islamic history, many groups have appeared to protest deeply corrupt systems and injustices. Many women participated vigorously in antigovernment protests, many going so far as to take up arms. Even today, any group engaged in governmental protest or anti-government activities might easily be dubbed Kharijites and thus dismissed as "extremist." This paper focuses on women in Kharijite movements of late antiquity. The sources for this inquiry are early writers including Jāḥiẓ (d. 869 ce), Mubarrad (d. 900 ce), and Ṭabarī (d. 923 ce), with reference to the modern-era biographical compendium of ʿUmar Riḍā al-Kaḥḥāla. The three women discussed span three generations of Kharijite activity. Each of the three has a story with the ruler of the time. For Qaṭām, it is a story of revenge against the Caliph ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib (d. 660 ce). For Baljāʾ, it is one of political protest against the Caliph Muʿāwiya (d. 680 ce), directed against his governors Ziyād ibn Abīhi (d. 673 ce) and his son ʿUbayd Allāh ibn Ziyād (d. 686 ce). And for Ghazāla, it is a story of a year of battle and bloodshed during the rule of the Umayyad Caliph ʿAbd al-Mālik ibn Marwān's (d. 705 ce) tyrannical governor, al-Ḥajjāj ibn Yūsuf (d. 714 ce). The ways these deeply opinionated and activist women are depicted provide telling insight into how Muslim historiography has grappled with women revolutionaries.

Post-violence regime survival and expansion in Kazakhstan and Tajikistan

ABSTRACTKazakhstan’s and Tajikistan’s governments were able to successfully strengthen their reach and their capacity to control the population in the wake of deadly violence against regime opponents. Yet the process of deepening authoritarianism was not a straightforward affair. Both countries expanded their coercive capabilities – they upgraded policing in rural areas to improve intelligence gathering on the local population and predict the rise of any anti-government activities. While doing so, however, leaders of both countries sought to frame their actions as an inclusive process that was sensitive to the grievances of the affected populations and the general public. This article adds to the growing body of literature on authoritarian state responses to insurgency by showing how authoritarian regimes create narratives, engage civil society and look for political advantage to expand the coercive apparatus.

Social Media in Syria’s Uprising and Post-Revolution Libya: An Analysis of Activists’ and Blogger’s Online Engagement

The past four years have been a time of political upheaval and reform for many Middle East and North African (MENA) countries. There have been varied explanations for these changes including the demographic profile of younger generations (Dubai School of Government, 2011a), anger at corruption in government (Miladi, 2011), adoption of techniques from successful political campaigns (Ishani, 2011), and the coordination of dissent through offline and online efforts. The use of social media by anti- and pro-government groups has been widely publicized, and some suggest that social media was afforded too much credit in the political changes and reforms that occurred in places such as Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and the ongoing conflict in Syria (Ghannam, 2011). Although this may be the case, the information that can be gathered from examining the social media of political activist groups is often a window into the movements and a source of alternative information for the people of those countries. Because the media are often censored under authoritative governments, these social media sites become an important voice in describing and documenting attacks, coordinating protests and other anti-government activities, creating community, and communicating information to local and global audiences (Eaton, 2013; Howard et al., 2011; Khamis & Vaughn, 2013; Storck, 2011).

PARALLEL DILEMMAS: POLIO TRANSMISSION AND POLITICAL VIOLENCE IN NORTHERN NIGERIA

ABSTRACTNigeria is one of three countries where polio continues to be endemic. In northern Nigeria, areas with low levels of polio immunization due to persistent parental opposition as well as implementation and infrastructural problems have contributed to wild poliovirus transmission. Furthermore, political violence associated with Islamic groups opposed to the federal government has also hampered the conclusion of the Global Polio Eradication Initiative (GPEI) efforts. This violence, which began in Borno State and has spread to other parts of northern Nigeria, occurs precisely where poliovirus transmission continues. These two related aspects – parallel dilemmas of low immunization and political violence – confound the conclusion of GPEI efforts in Nigeria. This situation also raises ethical questions both about the final stages of eradication efforts and about military actions to contain ongoing violence. The Nigerian government's attempts to suppress opposition to the polio eradication campaign by threatening non-compliant parents with arrest and by closing down media outlets may frighten some parents into compliance but can also breed resentment and resistance, just as military and police activities, such as house-to-house sweeps and widespread arrests, may encourage sympathy for Islamic insurgents. This situation suggests that the possible solution of one problem – the ending of wild poliovirus transmission – depends upon a solution of the other, i.e. the cessation of violent anti-government activities.

Coercion, capacity, and coordination: Predictors of political violence

Using a risk assessment method developed by Gurr and Moore ( American Journal of Political Science 41: 1079–1103, 1997) and applying O’Brien’s ( Journal of Conflict Resolution 46: 791–811, 2002) risk assessment metrics, we present a global, comparative, cross-national model predicting the states where political violence is likely to increase. Our model predicts more political violence when governments violate the physical integrity rights of their citizens—especially when they frequently imprison citizens for political reasons or make them “disappear”. These coercive techniques may create more citizen dissatisfaction than other types of violations of physical integrity rights, because citizens perceive political imprisonment and disappearances as the direct result of the deliberate policy choices of politicians. Our model also forecasts more political violence in weak states and states that allow dissatisfied citizens to coordinate their anti-government activities. Specifically, we demonstrate that political violence tends to be higher if governments respect their citizens’ right to freedom of assembly and association and offer widespread use of mobile phone and internet technology.

Integrating Eastern Programme Features in Western Community Policing: Balancing Individual Freedom and Collective Wellbeing

The community policing innovation was conceptualised on the basis of the Japanese koban system. It was introduced to the USA to democratise policing. However, the Empire of Japan initially learned modern policing from Western countries. In collaboration with the intelligence services, koban community policing effectively prevented crime as well as anti-government activities. The strategy was successfully replicated in Taiwan and Korea, the two colonies of Japan before World War II. The koban system has been transformed to become a strategy that delivers police services to citizens and simultaneously sustains national security while collaborating with the intelligence services. Western community policing programmes intensify police service delivery to citizens. In the post-9/11 era, the influence of federal law enforcement has expanded to include a collaborative and occasionally superseding role. If balancing individual freedom and collective wellbeing becomes possible in Western countries, Eastern communi...

Mozambique – not then but now

Mozambique – not then but now

The Domestic Political Costs of Economic Sanctions

While a great deal of attention has been to paid to whether or not economic sanctions work, less energy has been devoted to exploring the causal mechanisms that lead to the success or failure of sanctions policies. Often, it is assumed that the population is one important source of political costs for targeted leaders, but this assumption has not been tested. Are sanctions related to an increase in antigovernment activity? How does the domestic political system of the targeted state affect the likelihood of this antigovernment behavior? The findings presented here suggest that sanctions may increase antigovernment activity, but that increase is mitigated by the domestic political structures of the target state. In autocratic targets, political violence is less likely to occur when sanctions are in place. For sanctions against autocratic states to be costly, it appears that the political costs needed to alter behavior must be generated internationally rather than domestically.

Political Trust and Racial Policy Preferences

perceived policy costs are high, trust affects white parents' support for education quotas but not white nonparents' support. The prolonged and dramatic drop in Americans' political trust over the past thirty-five years has prompted intense academic and jour? nalistic inquiry. While scholars have offered various explanations for the decline (e.g., Citrin 1974; Miller 1974), they have offered little em? pirical investigation into its consequences. Of the few that do, one con? cludes: [there is] little indication that distrust is having dangerous con? sequences for the country. ... It has not diminished Americans' sense of patriotism, nor has it created a climate ... conducive to acceptance of ille? gal anti-government activities (Pew Research Center 1998,12). Somewhat ironically, even as evidence of Americans' distrust mounts, evidence of its relevance remains virtually nonexistent. While distrust may not portend a legitimacy crisis, it may have less dra? matic, yet still important, consequences for the American polity. One such consequence may be a truncated policy agenda. If people distrust the gov? ernment, other things being equal, they will likely distrust the policies it formulates. Suggestive of trust's causal importance, politicians often engage citizens' distrust when arguing against expansive government programs. For example, many opponents of health care reform in the mid-1990s predicated their attacks on public concern about a new federal bureaucracy, while advocates of welfare reform emphasized existing bureaucratic failures and excesses. Though public opposition to government programs certainly reflects distaste for government action, it may also indicate public condem? nation of the federal government itself. Just as parents who distrust their teenagers may wish to restrict their activities, those who distrust government may wish to restrict its activities.