anti-Russian Research Articles

Վրաստանի աշխարհաքաղաքական տեղաշարժը. ներքին և արտաքին գործոններ / Georgia's Geopolitical Shift: Internal and External Factors

In the post-Soviet space, the South Caucasus has always stood out as the most conflict-ridden region. Three powerful neighbors of the region - Russia, Turkey and Iran - constantly monitor developments here, seeking to increase the dose of influence. As a result of the change of power, in 2012, the Georgian Dream party came to power in Georgia, and anti-Russian sentiments in the country began to decline. Despite all the pressure, the Georgian authorities did not join the sanctions imposed by the United States and the European Union against Russia. The «Georgian Dream» party put forward a legislative initiative on foreign agents in 2023, after which it faced mass protests. As a result, the bill was withdrawn, but already in the next year, 2024, the majority of members of parliament again introduced the bill and on May 28th it was adopted. In Georgia, in 2023-2024, domestic political processes are taking place around this law, including the issue of changing the foreign policy vector.

Lithuanian Diaspora in Uruguay During the Beginning of the Cold War

This article studies the problems behind the involvement of the Lithuanian diaspora of Uruguay in the political processes at the beginning of the Cold War (second half of the 1940s – early 1950s). The author considers the history of the formation of the Lithuanian diaspora in the South American country starting from the later period of the Russian Empire and its status in the interwar period in the context of the development of the Lithuanian statehood. Additionally, the article describes the emergence and solution of the problem of refugees and displaced persons after World War II in the international context. It is noted that the refugees and displaced persons were mostly representatives of the Soviet Union (including the Baltic states that became part of the USSR in 1940), Poland, Yugoslavia, and other countries of Eastern Europe. The study proves that in the new historical conditions, there was a change in the social composition of the Lithuanian emigration of Uruguay, which was replenished with political opponents of the Soviet regime, collaborators fleeing retribution, and “Westerners” (defectors). Formed as a result of a global conflict and a new system of international relations, this type of diasporas was called “communities of exiles”, “exiled communities”, or “political diasporas”. The politicised nature of such diasporas, which included post-war Lithuanian emigration to Uruguay, led to its participation in the information confrontation with the USSR in the framework of the Cold War that had begun. In this regard, the author examines the attitude of the Uruguayan authorities to the “emigration governments of the Baltic countries”, and, more particularly, the so-called “Lithuanian government” headed by Mykolas Krupavičius in the USA and his “mission” headed by Kazimiro Grauzhinis in Uruguay. The specifics of the situation with the problems of repatriation in the USSR, which is revealed using materials from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation and emigration periodicals, showed the reaction of the Soviet leadership to the position of Uruguay in relation to Soviet displaced persons (including within the new borders). The author concludes that in the context of intra-diaspora splits, immediately after the war, the nationalist-minded part of the Lithuanian emigration was an active participant of all anti-Soviet campaigns, using finances and all possible information resources for this (primarily, the United States). Hence, the unconditional orientation towards Washington of this part of the diasporas, including the Lithuanian one, which was called upon to sow anti-Russian sentiments and support the negative image of the USSR in the public opinion of the West, becomes obvious and logical.

Georgian National Idea in the Tiflis Seminary of the Post-Reform Time: The Optics of the Russian Language and Literature

This article examines the case of seminarian David Kezeli who compiled the anti-Russian proclamation To the New Generation of Georgia, confiscated in December 1873. Although the St Petersburg and Caucasian authorities interpreted the case differently, they were united in their inattention to the situation of the Tiflis Theological Seminary. The internal problems of the theological educational institution, including the problem of the disloyalty of the “native” teachers, were to be solved by the officials of the Synod’s Educational Committee and the Exarch of Georgia. The author aims to show the ambivalence of the anti-Russian views of the Georgian seminarians and analyse the Kezeli case as part of the processes in religious education initiated by the 1867 reform. Special attention is paid to the discussion about the establishment of the Georgian language class, the idea of which either led to a consensus among the teachers or to a confrontation described in the Synod documents as a struggle between the Russian and Georgian “parties”. The origins and limitations of anti-Russian sentiments among seminarians are considered in relation to conflicts among teachers, the rules of access to educational and extracurricular literature, and the status of the Russian and Georgian languages. The author concludes that in the first years after the reform, young graduates of the theological academies were inspired by the opportunity to change the content of theological education by introducing the achievements of modern science into it. This goal united teachers of Russian and Georgian origin. They worked together both on projects for Georgian language classes and on compiling lists of advanced literature to be purchased for the student library. Georgian teachers, such as Jacob Gogebashvili, were prepared to become conduits of “human Russification”, arguing that only the Russian language allowed their students to access modern science. The transformation of interaction into conflict, which took on the form of a confrontation between the Russian and Georgian “parties” in the seminary, was explained on both sides by its participants’ personal ambitions. They were fighting for power and money, not for the promotion of the Georgian national idea or the defence of Russian interests in the region. David Kezeli was wholly a product of this situation. After completing his studies at the theological school and moving to the seminary, he felt hostility towards his teachers, seeing in them “Famusovs” who were trying to educate him as a “Molchalin”, while he was constructing himself as a “Bazarov”, the only “nihilist” in Georgia. The anachronism of Kezeli’s “nihilistic” identity emphasises his attachment to the generation of “fathers” who determined the literature available to him and provided him with a tool to master it, i. e. the Russian language.

РОССИЯНЕ В УСЛОВИЯХ ИНФОРМАЦИОННОЙ ВОЙНЫ

The article considers information warfare (IW) as one of the social and informational confrontations against a consolidated anti-Russian front that is global in nature. The demand for the Internet and information technologies determines the uniqueness of their influence on public consciousness and people’s behavior in the social history of Russia. Following the qualitative and quantitative empirical data at the all-Russian level, the author reveals specifics in the forms and methods of anti-Russian propaganda and counteraction to them and mentions the multidimensionality of information attacks against different spheres of society. Behavioral characteristics of various subjects showing social responsibility are presented with the aim of large-scale information reflection of Western anti-Russian aggression

«Indestructible cornerstone» of New Athos: the role of N. P. Ignatiev in the formation of spiritual and missionary center on the Caucasus

The article examines the role of the Russian ambassador to Constantinople (1864-1876) N.P. Ignatiev in the settlement of a major conflict on Mount Athos in the first half of the 1870s (the «Greek-Russian Panteleimon process»), as well as in the creation and development in the Caucasus (Abkhazia) of the New Athos Monastery of Saint Simon the Cananaean which is a branch of the Athos Russian St. Panteleimon Monastery. It is shown that the foundation of the Caucasian monastery was one of the natural results of the conflict caused by the aggravation of contradictions between different ethnic communities in St. Panteleimon Monastery in connection with the general rise of anti-Slavic and anti-Russian sentiments in the Greek environment due to Russia's position in the Greek-Bulgarian church issue, as well as to a certain extent in connection with the actions of the British diplomacy that sought to weaken Russian influence in the Balkans and the Middle East. It is shown that largely due to the actions of N.P. Ignatiev Russia managed to preserve the integrity of the Russian St. Panteleimon Monastery, avoid a break with the Patriarchate of Constantinople and even strengthen its position on Mount Athos. The origin and development of the Caucasian monastery, its situation during the Russian-Turkish War of 1877-1878, the spiritual life and missionary activity of the New Athonite monks are studied. It is emphasized that the New Athos Monastery, having emerged as a supposed «refuge» for Russian Athonians in the event of new troubles in the East, soon turned into a pearl of the Black Sea coast, a major spiritual and missionary center in the south of the Russian Empire.

Economic Security, Sanctions and Reorientation of Russian Foreign Trade Flows

Relevance. Under the conditions of sanctions pressure, Russia needs to protect its economic interests and strengthen economic security. Therefore, the reorientation of foreign trade flows requires additional analysis. The purpose is to consider the direction of reorientation of Russian foreign trade flows in the context of anti‒ Russian sanctions.Objectives: to determine the main agenda of world trade policy; to identify common priorities of world trade; to provide quantitative data on the volume of trade of countries, to analyze the specifics of trade agreements over a decade, to identify the main economic method of pressure on states; to provide data on Russia's trade with other countries; to consider the Russian export commodity structure; to identify the relationship between the share in the commodity structure goods and growth rates in stable and crisis periods; identify priority export Russian goods in modern conditions.Methodology. The research methodology included the use of methods of analysis of quantitative and qualitative characteristics, correlation analysis, description, retrospective analysis, abstraction, generalization of the analyzed information.Results. The reasons for the forced change in the direction of foreign trade flows are not only direct pressure on the Russian economy, but also global trends of deglobalization and regionalization. The current trading partners, despite the restrictions imposed, continue to trade with Russia. When finding potential allies, the focus is primarily on the reliability, security and strength of partners on the world stage. The Russian economy should not deviate from the current export structure, as the demand for energy resources continues to be high. And Russia retains the role of one of the guarantors of global energy security.Conclusions. The issue of reorientation of Russian trade flows to alternative directions will remain one of the prevailing ones today. This is able to stabilize the economy and protect the economic interests of the country, to ensure the economic security of Russia. By diversifying and transforming trade flows by changing channels, the Russian economy will be able to discover new opportunities for the development of the world market.

Putting Russia's Ban in Historical Perspective: A Curated Interview

Putting Russia's Ban in Historical Perspective: A Curated Interview

The Unmasking of the “Second Kotzebue”: Background to a Spy Scandal 1831

In 1818–1819, a high-profile spy scandal broke out in Germany. The renowned German playwright August von Kotzebue was declared a “Russian spy” and murdered as a “traitor to the Fatherland” amidst a tide of rising anti-Russian sentiment. Twelve years later, in 1831, the publicist Harro Paul Harring initiated a similar press campaign against the poet Carl Friedrich von Schweitzer de Schweigrois, also denounced as a “Russian spy”, an “enemy of the German nation”, and a “second Kotzebue”, against the backdrop of the suppression of the Polish Uprising by the Russian Empire. In the present study, the author considers the spy scandal of 1831 not only as an attempt by Harro Harringa to recreate the 1819 scenario in similar political circumstances, but also as an example of purposeful inflaming of anti-Russian sentiments in the wake of the initiation of public hysteria associated with the search for external and internal enemies of the “German nation” in the context of political processes within Germany. To study the subject, which has never been addressed in the historiography before, the author analyses the sources that have not been consulted before, namely the publications for 1830–1831 in the central and regional German press, primarily of the Kingdom of Saxony and the Duchy of Saxe-Weimar, which covered the scandal with the exposure of the “Russian spy” von Schweitzer de Schweigrois, eyewitness accounts, correspondence and memoirs of Harro Harring, as well as a number of indirect sources to reconstruct the biography of his opponent, appointed by German society to the role of “the second Kotzebue”.

ФЕНОМЕН ИСТОРИЧЕСКОЙ ПОЛИТИКИ КАК ФАКТОР РОССИЙСКО-ПОЛЬСКИХ ОТНОШЕНИЙ

The purpose of this work is to study the influence of public opinion on the formation of modern Russian-Polish relations. The work concretizes the concept of the phenomenon of “historical politics” in the context of Poland’s foreign policy strategy in the eastern direction in the conditions of post-bipolar world. The article analyzes the mechanisms of formation of public opinion in the focus of relations between the Russian and Polish Republics. It is substantiated that the revanchist position of the Polish political elite in its focus on deforming national consciousness and historical memory led not only to the strengthening of anti-Russian sentiments in Polish society, but also to an increase in conflict potential in the East European region. As a result, the author comes to the conclusion that the leading factor in the formation of public opinion in post-socialist Poland in relation to the Russian Federation is the activity of state-public organizations, which act as a channel for the implementation of the concept of “historical policy” of Warsaw in strengthening its geopolitical influence in the space of the former USSR.

Россия и русские сквозь призму общественного мнения Японии (2022–2023)

For seven and a half decades, under the influence of American standards, the Japanese media sphere and, above all, the new media worked to consolidate in the minds of the Japanese the image of Russia as a country that is obsessed with the task of “expansion syndrome”. This study proves the hypothesis that after the start of the special military operation in Ukraine, these efforts of the mass media and part of the intellectual elite of Japan drastically and rapidly raised Russophobic sentiments in society to a critical maximum. A comparative analysis of the Japanese discourse related to the Ukrainian crisis, on the one hand, and the official public opinion surveys, on the other, have shown that the Japanese mass media have been extremely efficient in forming a biased and distorted vision of Russia and the Russians among the Japanese audience. At the same time, the unprecedented upsurge in anti-Russian sentiments directly correlates not only with the intensity of the propaganda campaign in the mass media but with the scale of sanctions/counter-sanctions politics as well. Based on in-depth interviews and personal observation during two semesters at a Japanese university (in 2020 and 2022–2023), the author concludes that the Japanese-Russian relations have entered a “deep freeze” zone and there is nowhere for the relationship to deteriorate further. Though the corridor of opportunities for rapprochement in the present has narrowed dramatically, the abnormal situation cannot last indefinitely, and it is necessary to work patiently on the future design of relations between Moscow and Tokyo. As a starting point, it is necessary to maintain humanitarian exchanges of researchers, teachers, students and graduate students in order not to lose the potential for restauration and consolidation of contacts at a new level in future.

Interaction Between Institutions of Power and Civil Society in the Context of Countering Extremist Behavior of Modern Youth

The article identifies and interprets the main directions and models of interaction between government institutions at various levels (federal, regional, municipal) and representatives of civil society regarding counteractions against manifestations of extremist behavior of contemporary youth. General and specific factors that determine persistence of extremism among the young both in the Russian Federation and in foreign countries are characterized. The author bases his argumentation on the main provisions of the classical and modern theories of political and communicative interaction between institutions of society and government, conceptual constructions of the institutional, activist and conflictological approaches. It is emphasized that the youth extremism is spreading both offline and online, with employment of digital technologies to mobilize and attract supporters, and institutionalize new digital cultures of fellow citizens. It is proven that global threats (environmental, pandemic — e.g. spread of COVID-19, etc.) are connected with extremist activity of various groups of youth. The real and potential means of interaction between the authorities and society in the Russian Federation have been identified in order to minimize Russophobia (anti-Russian sentiment) used by certain political figures to exacerbate civilization and generation gap. The study revealed a growing trend of purposefully distorting historical facts, using neo-Nazi ideology by unfriendly countries as a technology of "hybrid war" for minds and behavioral models of young people in the context of geopolitical confrontation and overcoming the US hegemony in the system of modern international relations.

Религиозные пропагандисты у «святых мест» мусульман Средней Азии (1865–1917)

The article examines the activities of propagandists of the local pilgrimage of Moslems of Central Asia. Meddahs and risalas have always been popular among local Moslems and their ser-mons in the “holy places” helped attract pilgrims and greatly enlivened the pilgrimage process. The author notes that the Moslem rulers of Central Asia treated their activities differently. As a rule, the authorities did not put up any obstacles if the propagandists did not call for rebellion in their ser-mons and glorified the ruling dynasty. After the annexation of Central Asia to Russia, the authori-ties for a long time did not pay attention to the activities of meddahs and risalas, because they feared that restrictive measures could lead to outrage of the local population. Only after the Andijan uprising of 1898, the tsarist authorities were forced to take measures in order to limit anti-Russian propaganda at the “holy places”. A few years later, meddahs and risalas were allowed to preach in cities, and later in rural areas.

Политологический анализ реализации информационной политики Российского государства в современных внешнеполитических условиях

The article examines, through a political analysis, the reasons that determine the need for corrective actions in the implementation of the state information policy of Russia in the current foreign policy situation, as well as the countermeasures taken by the Russian Federation in relation to the broadcast of intrusive anti-Russian propaganda by American and Western European media corporations. The author emphasizes the fact that in order to ensure the access of the European audience to a high-quality objective information product, it is necessary to strengthen the work on activation in the field of cooperation with the institutions of the information environment of the eastern partner states for the purpose of mutual exploitation of information platforms, and to rid the Russian mass consumer of information from external insults and threats to block channels with such content, offering as alternatives are domestic Internet resources that exclude information of this kind.

Diplomacy of force and special military operation of the Russian Armed Forces in Ukraine: general and special

Russia's conduct of a special military operation in Ukraine has brought back to the agenda a long-known discussion among experts in the fi eld of foreign policy and diplomacy about the role of force in international relations. Claims about the possibility of using force in our time arose as a result of the appearance of nuclear weapons. Today, US politicians continue to assert that war will remain an acceptable instrument of national policy of states at the level of international subsystems, that is, in various regions. In their opinion, the power of a major power is capable of exerting an effective psychological influence on how often such conflicts will arise and what their outcome will be. At one time, Russia clearly outlined the "red line" in connection with attempts to integrate Ukraine into NATO and repeatedly and unequivocally warned that it would take active actions in response to this, i. e. use "hard force". In response to this, the United States and NATO have been fueling anti-Russian sentiments in Ukraine for a long time, considering it as a tool to deter Moscow and turning it into antiRussia. One of the components of this policy was the reckless expansion of NATO to the east, despite the obligations of non-expansion of the alliance. All this forced Russia to announce the conduct of a special military operation in Ukraine, the purpose of which is the de–Nazification and demilitarization of the neighboring state.

The History of Turkey’s “Soft Power” in Central Asia

The article is devoted to the consideration of the issues of the geopolitical confrontation between Russia and the Ottoman Empire in Central Asia, since the mid-19th and early 20th century. The strengthening of Russia’s colonial pressure in Central Asia provoked the growth of anti-colonial protests in the region. Considering the issues of the struggle of world powers for dominance in the region, most researchers pay little attention to the issues of the Russian-Turkish confrontation, leaving this issue in the shadow of the «Big Game» of Great Britain and Russia. In particular, the researchers consider the issues of the Russian-Turkish confrontation geographically limited to the region of the Caucasus and the Balkan Peninsula. The threat of Russian colonization forced the peoples of Central Asia to seek allies, among whom the Ottoman Empire was preferred. For Turkey, the support of the national liberation movements of Muslim peoples was a kind of bargaining chip in the confrontation with Russia. Turkey sought to compensate for the failures in the Balkans and the Caucasus by supporting anti-Russian sentiments in Central Asia. Turkey was not able to openly speak out against Russia and provide direct military assistance to the East, so Turkey’s role was limited to conducting anti-Russian propaganda. Experiencing difficulties in the confrontation with the great powers of that era, Turkey was not able to provide sufficient assistance, but the very fact of the presence of Turkish influence on the national liberation movements is an important area for further research. It can also be argued that the threat of Turkish influence largely determined the policy of Tsarism and the Bolsheviks in Central Asia. Key words: national liberation movements, colonialism, Ottoman Empire, pan-Turkism, Young Turks, Ottomanism, national identity, “Big Game”, pan-Turanism, Jadidism.

Подход Святителя Николая Японского к проблемам отношений Церкви и государства и определению статуса Японской Православной Церкви

This article examines Nikolai’s views on Church-state relations and the status of the Japanese Orthodox Church. These two questions are inextricably linked because having founded and developed the Japanese Orthodox Church, Nikolai sought to build up its relations with the Japanese state, the Russian Orthodox Church and the Russian state, according to his understanding of the Orthodox ideal, and his views therefore had a direct bearing on his activities and the status of the Japanese Orthodox Church.The topic of Nikolai’s ideas about the status of the Japanese Church is poorly covered by the available literature, which predominantly adopts the simplistic view that Nikolai immediately tried to create a church that was as independent from the Russian Church as possible. This view, however, relies on individual comments taken out of context. The issue is important both in itself and for those who wish to investigate how far the potential indigenisation of the Orthodox Church can be stretched, as well as Nikolai’s views on the matter. The authors conclude that it would be a gross over-simplification to say that Nikolai supported an independent Japanese Church from the outset of his work in the country. In fact, he advocated close ties with the Russian Church for the foreseeable as a guarantee of the Japanese Church’s commitment to true Orthodoxy and fought actively against those who supported premature independence. While it is true that for pragmatic purposes, he would publicly express opinions in support of actual independence for the Japanese Church, this only took place during a period of growth in anti-Russian sentiment in Japan and he would only do so to protect the Church from attacks.

The establishment of the Ukrainian diaspora in Turkey through migrant associations: ‘We feel as part of the diaspora from now on.’

ABSTRACT Policies of the migrant sending and migrant receiving counties are effective in the emergence of diasporas. However, this article argues that a third country could also impact diaspora formations. This study’s primary data source is the interviews held with the representatives from 15 Ukrainian associations formed recently in Turkey. The findings reveal that anti-Russian sentiment and emerging national awareness led the Ukrainian migrants in Turkey towards a diasporic organization. The development of these organizations has been influenced by the initiatives of the Ukrainian government to grow its own diaspora and to activate Ukrainians abroad through ethnonationalism, the positive response to these diasporic activities in return among the migrants, the formation of a sample organization model by the World Ukrainian Congress, and the closeness between Ukraine and Turkey. Finally, the Ukrainian associations have discovered certain areas to focus on the diaspora development and accordingly that they have developed their institutional capacities.

ХУДОЖНИК И ПОЛИТИКА: РЕВОЛЮЦИЯ И ГРАЖДАНСКАЯ ВОЙНА В ТВОРЧЕСТВЕ И. А. ВЛАДИМИРОВА

The article is devoted to the work of the famous Russian artist I. A. Vladimirov. Being one of the classics of socialist realism, in 1917–1921 he created a series of drawings little-known in Soviet times, which showed extremely negative changes in the life of the country during the Revolutions and the Civil War. By analyzing various works of the artist and correlating his creativity with the milestones of his biography, the author shows the historical and artistic authenticity of his paintings. I. A. Vladimirov’s cooperation with the police and the Cheka at the beginning of Soviet regime a priory proves the artist’s good awareness of what was happening in the country and gives documentary value to his works. At the same time, being closely associated with Western illustrated publications (“The Graphic”, “L’Illustration”), as well as English and American charitable organizations (“Young Men’s Christian Association”, American Relief Administration), Vladimirov created many watercolors “to order”. Vladimirov’s paintings are certainly valuable as a historical source, but V. P. Bogdanov suggests dividing his works into those intended for the “domestic audience” and those designed for the English-speaking public. The works addressed to the Western viewer are exaggeratly grotesque. In order to achieve the desired effect, the artist uses the negative clichés developed by himself. It is these works, which most unattractively portray the Russian reality of the beginning of the Soviet power. As a result, they are still used as a tool in anti-Russian propaganda and information warfare. In turn, the images found in drawing for a Western audience, appeared periodically in Vladimirov’s works in the 1930s and 1940s. The work of I. A. Vladimirov is a vivid example of the influence of biographical facts and external conditions on the artist’s works.

New Athos Monastery of Saint Simon the Cananaean is the Spiritual Center in the South of the Russian Empire: the Circumstances of the Emergence and the Process of the Formation of the Monastery

The article examines the circumstances of the foundation and the process of formation in the Caucasus of the New Athos Monastery of St. Simon the Cananaean — a branch of the Athos Russian St. Panteleimon Monastery. It is shown that the appearance of the Caucasian monastery was one of the results of the “Greek-Russian Panteleimon process” — a major conflict that arose in the first half of the 1870s. on Mount Athos due to the aggravation of contradictions between different ethnic communities in St. Panteleimon Monastery, the general rise in the Greek environment of anti-Slavic and anti-Russian sentiments caused by Russia's position in the Greek-Bulgarian church issue, as well as due to the actions of British diplomacy, which sought to weaken Russian influence in the Balkans and the Middle East. The role of the Russian ambassador to Constantinople N. P. Ignatiev in the settlement of the conflict and in the appearance of the New Athos Monastery in the Caucasus is considered. The origin and development of the Caucasian monastery, its situation during the Russian-Turkish War of 1877—1878, the spiritual life and missionary activity of the New Athonite monks are studied. It is emphasized that the New Athos Monastery, having emerged as a supposed “refuge” for Russian Athonians in the event of new troubles in the East, soon turned into a pearl of the Black Sea coast, a major spiritual and missionary center in the south of the Russian Empire.

Участие Германии в «Инициативе трех морей»: перспективы для России

The Three Seas Initiative was launched in 2016 by the Polish and Croatian leaders to bridge the gap between Southeast, Central and Eastern Europe, on the one hand, and Western Europe, on the other. This article aims to show how German policy on the Three Seas Initiative has changed and what risks and opportunities it represents for Russia. The official data on the Three Seas Initiative was used to explore the specifics of the concept and the impact of its most promising projects on the Southeast, Central and Eastern European markets. The ana­lysis of materials from German think tanks and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was used to demonstrate the changes in Germany's attitude towards the Initiative. Although the participating countries have not received sufficient funding to fulfil all the ambitious goals of the Three Seas Initiative, some of its most promising projects could diminish Russia’s role in the EU energy market. Since 2018, the Federal Republic of Germany has increased its participation in the Initiative, yet Berlin’s growing focus on the concept should not be perceived critically since German participation could mitigate the anti-Russian sentiment underlying the Three Seas Initiative. Moreover, the ideas voiced by Germany’s Free Democratic Party, namely those concerning a joint hydrogen project with Russia to be run as part of the Three Seas Initiative, deserve special attention.