anti-Indian Research Articles

Indian intervention in ethnic movement of Nepal: Did Madheshi lose or gain?

This paper examines the impact of Indian intervention on the Madheshi parties’ claim to self-determination in Nepal. In 2007, the Madheshi parties launched mass protests, demanding the recognition of their self-determination through an autonomous Madheshi province. Mainstream political parties became hesitant to incorporate this demand. The Nepalese government signed agreements with the agitating Madheshis but did not intend to implement its commitments. The Indian government was monitoring these developments; it stood on the Madheshi side and urged the Nepalese government to recognize self-determination and autonomy in the new Constitution. It increased pressure through press releases, parliamentary statements, bilateral visits, and an undeclared economic sanction. Against this background, this paper examines the following question: What is the impact of the Indian intervention on the Madheshi claims for self-determination in Nepal? It identifies that the Indian intervention obstructed the recognition of Madheshi self-determination as a constitutional right and the agenda of the nationalist movement. The mainstream political parties perceived the Indian intervention as unwanted interference in a sovereign state’s internal affairs and responded to this pressure by adopting the Constitution without including self-determination. The Indian government continued to pressure through economic sanctions, but the latter just increased anti-Indian sentiments in Nepal. As a result, the Nepalese government re-strengthened its ties with the Chinese government and concluded trade and transit agreements. The Indian government perceived that Nepal-China ties would affect its national interests in Nepal and stayed silent about the Madheshi parties. This silence constructed a permissive environment for the Nepalese government to ignore the nationalist demands and forced the Madheshi parties to concede their self-determination as the ethnonational agenda.

The “Jews of Africa”: Comparative Analysis of Scapegoat Politics in Relation to Three Case Studies, Asian Ugandans, South African Indians, and the Jewish People of Europe

ABSTRACT In August 1972, the Ugandan dictator General Idi Amin Dada expelled the 70,000-strong Asian community from the country on charges of economic sabotage, corruption, and refusal to integrate with the majority. The accusations that Asian Ugandans faced at the time were reiterated almost half a century later in South Africa while the country experienced its worst civil conflict since the country’s transition to democracy in the early 1990s. The coastal port of Durban, home to the largest population of Indians outside of India, became the epicentre of the violence and saw ethnic tensions between the Afro-Indian community explode with ferocity as racism reared its ugly head. Amid the violence and in the aftermath of it, strong anti-Indian sentiments characterized the entire narrative of the riots with one distinct characterization that Indians are the “Jew of Africa”. Delving into this indictment, this paper analyzes this claim by exploring discrimination against the Jewish people and comparing this to the “Jews of Africa’s” own predilection. At its crux, the research highlights the dangers of scapegoating.

Anti-Indian factions in Bangladeshi Politics (1971 – 2014): A Brief Survey

India played an active role in the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971. The relation between the two countries remained cordial in the initial years but it soon soured with the coup d’etat of 1975. This also marked the rise of the anti-Indian elements in the Bangladeshi politics. This article makes a brief survey of anti- Indian elements that has remained a part and parcel of the political fabric of Bangladesh since 1971. It also looks into the ways in which the anti-India stance has been instrumental in garnering popular support to hold on to political power. The article begins with the background of the creation of Bangladesh and India’s active role in it which was followed by the friendship treaty signed between the two countries. Then it moves to the changing scenario following the coup d’état of 1975 which marked the visible changes within the polity of Bangladesh. The nature of nationalism underwent change moving from secularism to a religious character which found expression in the policies of the state. The military rule most often found it convenient to use the anti-Indian stance in order to please the fundamentalist elements of the country in its bid to garner popular support. The issues of water sharing, refugees and issues of fomenting possible insurgency with active support of India were highlighted. Even after the restoration of democracy, the anti-Indian factions remained active in opposing the government of Sheikh Hasina’s foreign policy with regard to India. Radical religious factions, who had throughout opposed the liberation war, still play a major role in fanning the anti-Indian sentiments in Bangladeshi politics.

BANGLADESH-INDIA RELATIONS: TRENDS AND CHALLENGES

The smooth relationship between Bangladesh and India is essential for these two neighboring countries as the relationship between the two countries is historical. The relations between the two countries are also highly significant for the international relations of South Asia. The good relations between these countries originated since the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971. Seemingly, the good relations between them have been prevailing and continuing since the independence of Bangladesh. However, the relations between Bangladesh and India has been complicated and intricate. The historical legacies have often strained the relations between these two nations instead of cementing the bond through ancestral ties. The relations have been further complicated by the prolongation in resolving the disputable issues like waters sharing treaties, immigrant infiltrations, killings in the border, and so many. Hence, most of the Bangladeshi citizens believe that relations between Bangladesh and India are imbalanced. Thus, this paper argues that a combination of all these factors has, therefore, contributed to developing anti-Indian feelings among Bangladeshi citizens. This study aims to identify and explain the presence of such an antipathy towards India among Bangladeshi people. Upon exploring the underlying causes behind the anti-Indian sentiment among Bangladeshi citizens, the paper, finally, outlines some policy implications.

The Jews' Indian: Colonialism, Pluralism, and Belonging in America by David S. Koffman

Reviewed by: The Jews' Indian: Colonialism, Pluralism, and Belonging in America by David S. Koffman Rachel Rubinstein The Jews' Indian: Colonialism, Pluralism, and Belonging in America. By David S. Koffman. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2019. 252 pp. Illustrations, notes, index. $34.95, paper. About a decade ago, a modest cluster of scholarly texts were published that all examined, in some fashion, Jewish-Native literary relations (full disclosure: my own book was one of them).1 Back then, we were writing in the context of literary multiculturalism, meaning to add to the already robust conversations emerging about Jews and other "others" in American culture. David Koffman's impressive study builds upon and extends these earlier efforts but is more urgently engaged with a critical framework of settler-colonialism, over and against multiculturalism. "Jewish immigration history," he demands, "must be recast in the context into which all American ethnic immigration properly fits but within which it is rarely cast—namely, settler colonial expansion" (7). At the same time, however, Koffman insists that religious and ethnic specificity conditioned encounters between Jews and indigenous people. The result is a rich and nuanced account of a broad history, beginning with Jews' selfconscious narrativizing of their participation in westward expansion as merchants and middlemen, and continuing through Jews' involvement with Native tribes as lawyers, policy makers, and ethnographers in the Indian New Deal era of the early twentieth century and the post–World War II period. Throughout, Koffman resists reducing his materials to either a celebratory narrative of Jewish material success in America or a virtuous narrative of Jewish progressivism and civil rights advocacy on behalf of others. On the frontier, Koffman demonstrates in his first two chapters, Jews uncritically embraced identities as white, western pioneers, participating in actual and rhetorical acts of violence against Indians. At the same time, Indians could be vehicles for assimilation and engaged with in "productive capitalism" (15). But after the turn of the twentieth century, when racial panic fed both anti-immigrant and anti-Indian sentiment, Jews devoted substantial energy to justice [End Page 171] for Native Americans, even as, Koffman observes, they did not necessarily see the ways in which their efforts often perpetuated colonial relations and structures. Chapters 5 and 6, devoted to liberal Jewish attorneys in the Department of the Interior, like Felix Cohen, and to anthropologist-activists, like Melville Jacobs, are notable triumphs. Throughout, Koffman's deep and original work in the archive is in abundant evidence, and the moral thrust of his argument is crystalline: "Jewish class mobility and civic belonging," Koffman concludes, "were wrapped up in the dynamics of power, commerce, historical narrative, and myth making that so severely impacted Native Americans" (220). Grappling with this legacy, he reminds us, is both imperative and ongoing. Rachel Rubinstein American Literature and Jewish Studies Holyoke Community College Note 1. Jonathan Boyarin, The Unconverted Self: Jews, Indians, and the Identity of Christian Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009); Stephen Katz, Red, Black, and Jew: New Frontiers in Hebrew Literature (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2009); Rachel Rubinstein, Members of the Tribe: Native America in the Jewish Imagination (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2010). Other important, earlier intertexts were Alan Trachtenberg, Shades of Hiawatha: Staging Indians, Making Americans, 1880–1930 (New York: Hill and Wang, 2004), and Walter Benn Michaels, Our America: Nativism, Modernism and Pluralism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1997). Copyright © 2020 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln

Looking north or looking anywhere? Indo-Fijian international relations after the coups of May 2000 and December 2006

Between 1987 and 2006 Fiji experienced four coups in which Governments were overthrown by their military forces or parts of it. After the fourth coup in December 2006 old metropolitan friends such as Australia, New Zealand, the USA and the EU responded with travel sanctions, cancellation of military cooperation and frozen development assistance. When Fiji was politically isolated it fostered secondary political friendships of olden days and established new ones. The paper searches for evidence of Fiji’s agency to change the structure of its International Relations (IR) after the coup of 2000. Such relations were first shaped in Prime Minister Qarase’s ‘Look North’ policy, but following the coup of December 2006 Fiji’s IR took a new quality once political isolation was overcome and internal power stabilized. The paper concentrates on Indo-Fijian relations, which, however, are embedded in Fiji’s general effort to achieve greater independence from old friends by forcing new international relationships. Of particular interest in this context is, if Fiji’s political orientation after 2006 has just been a temporary necessity born out of political isolation or if Fiji’s policy of fostering South–South relations will remain a decisive element of the country’s foreign policy in the long term. To understand IR in the context of Fiji and India it is essential to look at both countries, their interests and agency. Looking at Fiji alone would leave the question unanswered, why Indian Governments had an interest to cooperate with the country in the Pacific Islands despite hard-core nationalist anti-Indian sentiments and politics pursued in Fiji after the coup of 2000. It also won’t be conclusive why India should be interested at all to foster high profile relations with a tiny country like Fiji in a situation when Indian governments were aiming at much higher goals.

Indian law of sedetion vs constitutional gurantee of freedom of speech & expression

India is a multicultural democratic state where the dissenting voice has been given its due consideration. For some time it is being debated that we have become intolerant and dissenting voices are attempted to be suppressed. On the other side separatist tendencies are developing amongst a section of people and they are trying to divide the country. While using the liberty of speech and expression they are trying to develop the feeling of hatred and discontent against the Government of India. Freedom of speech and expression has been given a sacrosanct position under the constitution of India. However the right is not absolute and certain limitations have been put on these rights. There must be compelling reasons when these rights have to be curtailed. This is undisputable that the security of the state is one of the compelling reasons when the state is justified in putting reasonable restrictions on these rights. A very disturbing trend is developing in academic institutions of higher learning. Now academic institutions are also being used to propagate anti India feelings in the name of freedom of speech and expression. Universities are place where academic pursuits should be followed, intellectual exercises, free and fair criticism must be given proper space in general and in the institutions of higher learning in particular. Unfortunately the academic Institutions of higher learning are being used by the self acclaimed people to carry out their sinister design of dividing the country. Anti India slogans were raised by some students within the University campus and are being supported by a section of people. Self acclaimed champions of human right and democracy have developed sympathy for terrorists. It's high time for the state to take notice of such development and take remedial measures. We must not forget that a spark that remains neglected can even burn the house.

Buddhism, Islam and the religious economy of colonial Burma

Bringing to light the first known Urdu primary source on Islam in colonial Burma, this essay examines the polemical encounter with Buddhism in the years surrounding the Third Anglo–Burmese War. Using the model of religious economy, the UrduSayr-e Barhmais contextualised amid the religious pluralisation and competition that accompanied colonisation as a multitude of religious ‘entrepreneurs’ and ‘firms’ rapidly entered the colony. Among them was the Indian Muslim author ofSayr-e Barhma, which provided a detailed account of the history, language and theology of Burman Buddhists and included an account of a public debate which, it claimed, culminated in the conversion of the Thathanabaing (Primate). Against the long-standing historiographical emphasis on the economic roots of anti-Indian sentiments in colonial Burma, this essay points to the religious dimensions of these enduring antagonisms.

Working Class Action and Informal Trade on the Durban Docks, 1930s–1950s

In this article, I discuss the limited archival and other sources we have about three important African dock leaders in Durban between 1931 and 1949: Dick Mate, Amos Gumede, and Zulu Phungula. Scholars have described Phungula in particular as a proletarian hero. However, the actions and discourse of these leaders exhibit a distinctive combination of working class radicalism and a concern for the interests of African petty traders. Their thinking was also often characterised by economic nationalism and anti-Indian sentiments. Interviews with some of the leaders of the 1958 dock strikes demonstrate a similar mixture of working class and entrepreneurial concerns. I argue that these seemingly contradictory actions and discourses may not be inconsistent. The working class discourse was not simply an attempt by a petty bourgeoisie to appeal to African workers, as it was for some other African leaders, and Zulu nationalism was not a surrogate for repressed working class action. Instead, these different approaches to socio-economic advancement reflected the livelihood strategies of many dock workers, who combined formal wage labour with informal commercial enterprises. Moreover, their employment on the docks made these small-scale businesses possible and these activities were thus not just two separate sources of income; they were functionally linked and integral parts of households’ livelihood strategies.

Some New Perspectives on South African Indians and ‘Non-Racialism’: Findings from the AKF Non-Racialism Focus Group Data

A significant finding from the Ahmed Kathrada Foundation/Gauteng City-Region Observatory non-racialism focus group data is the prevalence of negative attitudes expressed toward Indian South Africans. Using the data as a valuable analytic window into the complex race, class, ethnicity and gender politics that characterise post-apartheid South Africa, this article reflects on the implications of strong anti-Indian sentiments in post-apartheid South Africa. The article critically reflects on the historically configured identity or identities of Indian South Africans in relation to the project of ‘non-racialism’.

The Mason-Dixon and Proclamation Lines: Land Surveying and Native Americans in Pennsylvania’s Borderlands

In January 1765, Charles Mason visited Lancaster, Pennsylvania, during winter holiday from his work on the Maryland-Pennsylvania boundary line. “What brought me here,” wrote Mason, “was my curiosity to see the place where was perpetuated last Winter the Horrid and inhuman murder of 26 Indians, Men, Women and Children, leaving none alive to tell.” The dead were Conestoga Indians who had “fled to the Gaol” in Lancaster in a vain effort to escape the Indian-hating vigilantes known as the Paxton Boys. The Paxton Boys broke into the jail and brutally executed and dismembered the Conestogas, peaceful dependents on the Pennsylvanian government and erstwhile neighbors of the Paxtons. “Strange it was that the Town though as large as most Market Towns in England, never offered to oppose them, . . . no honor to them!” The Paxtons, it seems, were not alone in their anti-Indian sentiments.

<i>Our Savage Neighbors: How Indian Warfare Transformed Early America</i> (review)

Reviewed by: Our Savage Neighbors: How Indian Warfare Transformed Early America Benjamin G. Scharff Peter Silver . Our Savage Neighbors: How Indian Warfare Transformed Early America. (W.W. Norton, 2008. Pp. xxvi, 406, illustrations, maps, notes, index. Cloth, $29.95; Paper, $18.95.) With few interruptions, the British and American borderlands experienced consistent warfare with Native Americans from the midpoint of the eighteenth-century onwards. While warfare certainly transformed indigenous cultures, the persistent presence of native groups near European settlements drastically altered the complexion of British North America as well. Peter Silver attempts to address these changes in Our Savage Neighbors: How Indian War Transformed Early America. By focusing primarily on the mid-Atlantic region, the author argues that continuous warfare between natives and Europeans ultimately led to disparate groups of colonists recognizing their similarities over their differences. By doing so, they managed to forge a unified identity previously absent in the British colonies. [End Page 239] Silver's North America teems with diversity. Culturally different groups from the British Isles and various German principalities inhabited the colonies. From Europe, these groups brought a variety of religious faiths that frequently provoked distrust. With attention to detail so often ignored by colonial historians, the author further indicates the presence of numerous Native American peoples living very much within the confines of European settlement. Avoiding a homogenized view of North America with Anglos on one side of the 'frontier' and Indians on the other, Silver instead describes a land where conflict might just as easily erupt between competing European groups than between natives and Europeans. The Seven Years' War and successive conflicts changed this dynamic. The unprecedented violence of the Seven Years' War led many settlers, be they German or Irish, Presbyterian or Lutheran, to seek support from their provincial governments. In places such as Pennsylvania, the perceived ambivalence of colonial authorities led initially to the development of a rhetoric of violence meant to pressure these authorities into assisting settlers. Politically ambitious colonists, more interested in power than helping their western brethren, soon adopted this rhetoric to attack Quaker power in Pennsylvania. This proliferation of anti-Indian imagery seems to have quickly ingrained itself in the colonial psyche, leading eventually to the prevalence of strong anti-Indian sentiment called by the author the "anti-Indian sublime." Silver demonstrates this attitude most shockingly with descriptions of the actions of the Paxton Boys in the 1760s and the massacre at Gnadenhutten in 1782. The author believes that this growth in anti-Indian sentiment drove ethnically and religiously diverse colonists into each other's arms. Significantly, Silver manages to project his thesis onto the American Revolution as well. By connecting British military efforts to its alliance with natives, the author argues that Americans managed to convince themselves of British barbarity. By doing so, they successfully transitioned American perception of Britain as the glorious empire they had fought to defend a generation before to a nation lacking in humanity. No longer rebelling against their lawful government, they now represented beleaguered citizens defending hearth and home. In a general sense, Silver's arguments seem convincing. The colonies did represent a diverse set of interests. Relative unity did increase as the eighteenth century came to a close. His voluminous evidence does, moreover, suggest that anti-Indian sentiment played a significant role in this transformation. What readers will not find, however, is a chronological [End Page 240] narrative, strong protagonists or discussion of many areas of British North America. While attempting to prove that Indian warfare and its subsequent anti Indian sentiment drove European populations in British North American into each other's arms, the author allows nearly a half century for the developments to fully mature. He attempts to maintain a chronological approach, roughly transporting his reader through the Seven Years' War, Pontiac's Uprising, and finally the American Revolution and the early national period. Yet, within any given topic, the reader is presented with evidence from greatly divergent eras. Most remarkable, Silver at one point provides data from the War of 1812 to support an argument pertaining to the 1760s. While this certainly represents an especially stark example of the author's use of evidence, the reader might...

The Penal Politics of Hatred

Gail Mason, Director, Sydney Institute of Criminology Faculty of Law, University of Sydney, Australia delivered the 2009 J.V. Barry Memorial Lecture on the penal politics of hatred. On the 31 May this year, between 2000 and 5000 students, led by the Federation of Indian Students in Australia, rallied in the CBD in Melbourne.The anger of these international students has been sparked by concerns that they are being specifically targeted for robberies, assaults and other forms of attack. The perception has been that these incidents are not random and cannot be attributed to the kind of bad luck that comes with living in a modern metropolis. Rather, the ire of these international students has been raised by the belief that there is something more insidious behind the violence experienced by members of their community. The claim that comes across loudly and clearly from these rallies is that it is prejudice and racism that lie behind the attacks or, even more specifically, some kind of anti-Indian sentiment. These protests have also managed to convey the message that many international students, not just from India, are deeply dissatisfied with the conditions under which they study, work and live while in Australia. The extent to which these claims are an accurate representation of the problem is not a question I address in this lecture. Instead, I am interested in the kinds of responses that these claims have generated. The issues themselves have attracted extensive media attention both in Australia and India and, in terms of the latter, this coverage has been fiercely critical of the problem of racism in Australia. This, in turn, has led to comment and action at the highest level of government. Julia Gillard and John Brumby are just two Federal and State politicians who have already visited India in an attempt to reduce the fallout to Australia's international education industry. We have also seen a concerted and targeted policing response, the establishment of a hot-line for victims, a Senate inquiry into the welfare of international students and a number of other governmental initiatives in the migration, education and employment sectors.

Comments for Vine Deloria Jr. upon his Early and Untimely Death, 2005

Comments for Vine Deloria Jr. upon his Early and Untimely Death, 2005 Elizabeth Cook-Lynn (bio) The Sioux people (Dakota, Lakota, Nakota) are veterans of countless campaigns against European invasions and land thefts, as well as the European ideological war of subjugation and genocide of the last five hundred years. Early in the twentieth century, a tribal warrior named Vine Victor Deloria emerged from the Sioux homelands to study and write in defense of his people and to teach the rest of us how to think analytically about the deeply disturbing experience of American Indians everywhere. He became the most fearsome warrior on the academic battlefields of this country. His life illustrated the newest and most essential campaign against racism and political malfeasance, which seems to consistently penetrate the perennial anti-Indian sentiment in the ongoing Indian-white conflict, and he influenced every writer and scholar he ever met. Until Vine Deloria came along, genocide or massacre were words that rarely appeared in the history books of this country. Historians talked of "Manifest Destiny," white anthropologists, with their obvious colonial structures, apologia, and misinformation, talked of "a clash of cultures," and sociologists talked of "cultural pluralism." In 1969, Deloria stunned them all with his Custer Died for Your Sins, and the intellectual world concerning Indians changed forever. Deloria's works tied together the depth of the white man's psychology and political theory and gave Indian writers and thinkers the language to defend ourselves against the merciless "Westward Ho!" [End Page 149] mentality we faced in the past and continue to face today. His influence has been incalculable. It is no accident that his work emerged in full force in the 1960s and '70s when termination and relocation were the words used to describe our destinies, and racist laws were put in place to assure our subjugation and disappearance from the modern scene. It is no accident, either, that his friend Floyd Red Crow Westerman emerged as the foremost songwriter and guitarist of our time who wrote songs that reminded us of when "we came close to the end." It is obvious that the persuasive American Indian Movement was also much influenced by Vine, who wrote of the relocation era as a function of genocide. He helped us understand that our squalid condition was not our fault; it was the fault of a vicious federal policy that brought about an endless tide of misery to our homelands. He was not one to blame the victim, and his words helped us toward an intellectual awakening that confirms our worthiness as First Nations to this land. It is our misfortune that good men often die too soon. As a writer who has been enormously influenced by Vine Deloria, I had looked forward to his retirement years when he would write more books and tell us, as he always did, to take heart! I am saddened by his early passing. Elizabeth Cook-Lynn Elizabeth Cook-Lynn, founding editor of Wicazo Sa Review, is a long-time professor of Native American studies and professor emerita at Eastern Washington State University. She is a member of the Crow Creek Sioux tribe. Her latest book is Anti-Indianism in Modern America: A Voice from Tatekeya’s Earth. Copyright © 2006 The Association for American Indian Research

‘CO-OPERATION…CONSULTATION AND CONSENT’: THE FAILURE OF VOLUNTARY RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION IN DURBAN (1920–1945)

ABSTRACT The geographical literature on South Africa's urban history has focused on forced segregation. In contrast, this paper focuses on attempts at voluntary segregation by Indians in Durban in the 1940s, an aspect, which has been neglected in the published literature. Restrictions on Indian acquisition and occupation of land dates back almost since their arrival in South Africa. Indians were perceived to be an economic threat to the whites in Durban and were subjected to racial prejudices, which were transformed into policies that limited their access to land and housing, as well as trading opportunities. The racist discourse and anti-Indian sentiment consolidated a political alliance between the local state councillors and bureaucrats, and the white electorate in Durban. The central state was reluctant to introduce statutory residential segregation because of international repercussions. As far as was possible it preferred voluntary residential separation. This paper will demonstrate that the central state attempted to facilitate this via the Lawrence Committee and the Pretoria Agreement, as well as support for the Kajee Assurance. Indian political organisations adopted accommodationist strategies of negotiating with the state and accepting the principle of voluntary seregation to protect their commercial, residential and investment interests.

Andrew Jackson's Indian Policy: A Reassessment

A GREAT persons-not excluding some notable historians-have adopted a devil theory of American Indian policy. And in their demonic hierarchy Andrew Jackson has first place. He is depicted primarily, if not exclusively, as a western frontiersman and famous Indian fighter, who was a zealous advocate of dispossessing the Indians and at heart an Indianhater. When he became President, the story goes, he made use of his new power, ruthlessly and at the point of a bayonet, to force the Indians from their ancestral homes in the East into desert lands west of the Mississippi, which were considered forever useless to the white man.1 This simplistic view of Jackson's Indian policy is unacceptable. It was not Jackson's aim to crush the Indians because, as an old Indian fighter, he hated Indians. Although his years in the West had brought him into frequent contact with the Indians, he by no means developed a doctrinaire anti-Indian attitude. Rather, as a military man, his dominant goal in the decades before he became President was to preserve the security and wellbeing of the United States and its Indian and white inhabitants. His military experience, indeed, gave him an overriding concern for the safety of the nation from foreign rather than internal enemies, and to some extent the anti-Indian sentiment that has been charged against Jackson in his early career was instead basically anti-British. Jackson, as his first biographer pointed out, had many private reasons for disliking Great Britain. In her, he could trace the efficient cause, why, in early life, hle had been left