Anti-Corruption Commission Research Articles

A Comparative Study of Corruption in the Extractive Industries of Nigeria and Botswana: Lessons that can Be Learnt by the Young African Country of Eritrea

This article examines the nature of corruption in the extractive industries of two Sub-Saharan countries, namely Nigeria and Botswana. It explained the root causes of the high levels of corruption present in the case of oil and gas-rich Nigeria and the reasons that account for the minimal levels of corruption prevailing in diamond-rich Botswana. This article identified corrupt political leadership; the legacy of the divide and rule policies introduced by the former British colonial masters; lack of transparent and accountable public institutions, political patronage networks; poverty-driven desire to meet the basic necessities of life; massive inflows of petrodollars producing the “resource curse”; chronic political disruptions characterized by several military coups; the supremacy of familial, ethnic and religious loyalties over national interest and poor public sector pay as the main drivers of pervasive corruption in Nigeria. On the other hand the primary factors that contributed to the remarkable achievement of Botswana in the fight against corruption include ethical political leadership; sound pre-independence traditional institutions; relatively homogenous population; respect for rule of law and property rights; high degree of transparency; cultural intolerance to graft, establishment of democratic institutions at independence; good economic management; ability to manage ethnic diversity; and a competent, a meritorious bureaucracy. This article also identified the key elements of anticorruption strategy that would help prevent and combat corruption as well enhance integrity in the Eritrean public sector based on the experiences of Nigeria and Botswana. They include sound ethical political leadership; transparency and accountability in government; merit-based and adequately paid civil service; independent, empowered and well-resourced anticorruption commission; and prudent natural resource management.

FRAMING DEVICE IN GAMSON AND MODIGLIANI MODEL ABOUT THE NEWS OF KOMISI PEMBERANTASAN KORUPSI

Firli Bahuri’s election as chairman of Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, and efforts to revise the laws of anti-corruption Commission triggered the noise, the media have a responsibility to tell it. Each media has constructed the news of KPK with differently. The problem in this study is "How does the framing device in Gamson and Modigliani model about the news of Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi on the headline of Tempo Magazine 4524/16-22 September, 2019 edition?". This study aims to know the framing device in Gamson and Modigliani model about the news of Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi on the headline of Tempo Magazine 4524/16-22 September, 2019 edition. The study uses a qualitative approach with constructionist paradigm, the method this study uses framing analysis of Gamson and Modigliani, the primary data obtained by documentation techniques and secondary data obtained from the library research. The results showed, Tempo used the framing device for contructed the bad news model. “Hidup-Mati Komisi Antikorupsi” and “Jendral Polisi Sarat Kontroversi” articles have fulfilled all the elements in the framing device, but “Batal Istana Koreksi Hasil Seleksi” article does not fulfilled one of of the elements, that is metaphors.

The Practical Significances and Challenges of Assets Disclosure and Registration Law in Combating Illicit Enrichment Crime in Ethiopia

A well-designed and structured Asset Disclosure and Registration (ADR) system can be used as a strong tool to combat corruption effectively and eventually lead to successful conviction of illicit enrichment crime. The main objective of this paper is to identify the practical significances and challenges of implementing ADR law in combating illicit enrichment in Ethiopia and forwards the recommendations for the identified issues. In order to achieve the intended aims, the author employed the combination of doctrinal and empirical legal research approach. Accordingly, this paper analyzed both primary and secondary data sources. Then, the data were analyzed and interpreted using qualitative method to draw conclusions. Thus, this paper found that the Ethiopian ADR law has not comprehensively designed to combat illicit enrichment crime. Besides, it was poorly implemented in fighting illicit enrichment crime in Ethiopia. Finally, this paper recommends different measures to be taken into account by the government, law enforcement and Federal Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (FEACC) so as to enhance the effective implementation of ADR law in combating illicit enrichment in Ethiopia.

The Challenges Hindering the Promotion of a Culture of Integrity at Jordanian Universities

The present study aimed to explore the challenges hindering the promotion of a culture of integrity at Jordanian universities from the perspective of faculty members. The sample consists from faculty members because faculty members play a significant role in promoting values among students and developing society. The sample consists from 30 faculty members who work in Jordanian universities. It was found that there are several challenges hindering the promotion of a culture of integrity at Jordanian universities. Such challenging include: nepotism. It was found that there are social challenges hindering such promotion. The severity of the latter challenges at Jordanian universities in remote areas is greater than the counterpart severity at Jordanian universities in other areas. The challenges hindering such promotion include: having materialistic employees and the lack of resources at Jordanian universities. They include: failure to recruit highly qualified employees who are capable of promoting integrity in various areas. Faculty members at Jordanian universities play the most significant role in addressing these challenges. They play the most significant role in reducing the severity of the impacts of those challenges. They play the most significant role in improving the educational process. Jordanian universities have wise leaders who run universities in accordance with integrity standards. They meet various educational standards that are related to transparency, justice, accountability and equality in terms of opportunities. The researchers recommend meeting educational standards to promote a culture of integrity in public Jordanian universities. They recommend providing more courses that promote integrity among people in society. These courses should be provided at the centers that aim at establishing family-community partnerships. The researchers recommend conducting more studies that aim at promoting integrity. Conducting such studies shall contribute to meeting the vision of the Integrity and Anti-Corruption Commission. It shall contribute to meeting the vision of the initiatives launched by the latter commission in 2019 in Jordanian universities. Keywords : Jordanian universities, Culture of Integrity DOI : 10.7176/JEP/11-16-17 Publication date : June 30th 2020

Fighting Corruption While Having Hands Tied: A Case Study of Thailand’s Public Sector Anti-Corruption Commission

Grounded in 41 semi-structured interviews, this article examines the extent to which the complaints system under regulatory oversight of the Public Sector Anti-Corruption Commission (PACC) in Thailand has been effective for addressing corruption complaints. The present article revisits the theoretical arguments of the structural school and the reputational school over agency independence, deploying such arguments to analyze the way in which de facto independence of the anti-corruption agencies (ACAs) operating in a highly politicized environment can be protected. The analysis finds that a high level of legal independence is the best possible way to safeguard de facto independence, enhancing the overall effectiveness of the ACAs working in highly politicized countries. In addition, the empirical findings suggest that a low level of legal independence, a lack of prosecution power, inadequate qualified staffing, and the absence of meaningful public participation are the core factors contributing to the ineffectiveness of the PACC system.

South Sudan's Public Sector and the Corruption: The Urgent Need for Reform

Despite so many polices that have been adopted by multiple international and regional organizations to address and limit the negative consequences of corruption across the world, corruption is still maintaining its position as a global threat to development and prosperity. As fighting corruption is one of the key elements for achieving rule of law, many countries, especially in Africa have engaged in adoption of possible polices, enactment of laws and regulations in order to address corruption. Yet, what have been achieved in this context is very insignificant comparing with the expectations. This is not applicable to the all countries, especially in East Africa. There are some countries that have taken committed efforts — either solely or by the help of international and regional actors — to fight corruption, through designated rule of law reform and the associated reform. South Sudan, the youngest nation in the world has plunged into unrepresented corruption in East Africa, perhaps in the world, since its secession from Sudan in July 2011. An estimated amount of $ 4 billion dollars of public fund have been systematically stolen over the last 15 years by the government officials, and deposited in foreign accounts outside the country (BBC, 2012). Empirical result of this chronic disease has shown that the intended development projects have not been attained as well as life expectancy of many South Sudanese people after the independence. This research paper intends to shed light on the systemic corruption in South Sudan’s public sector, people involved, causes, consequences, and role played by the Anti-Corruption Commission in South Sudan. The research highlights a comparative analysis between South Sudan and Rwanda and the possible reform that should be adopted in fighting and combating corruption, especially with the internal agencies, and how government of the Republic of South Sudan should express its willingness to contribute in this endemic corruption that has crippled development of the country for so many years. The paper concludes with the available opportunities on the ground as well as the constraints.

LAW ENFORCEMENT ON CORRUPTION CASES IN VIETNAM

This research examines corruption offences in public investment in Vietnam. An important part of the research is to examine and evaluate effectiveness and accountabilities of anti-corruption in public investment in Vietnam, including the Government Inspectorate of Vietnam, the People’s Procuracy of Vietnam and the People’s Public Security Forces of Vietnam based on their functions, powers and responsibilities. The aim of this research was to examine corruption and criminal behaviour in public investment in Vietnam, to identify practical policies, models and strategies for the purpose of improving the capacities and effectiveness of anti-corruption in public investment in Vietnam. The overall objective of this research was to research the corruption offences in public investment in Vietnam; to evaluate the effectiveness and accountabilities of anticorruption in public investment in Vietnam, including the Government Inspectorate of Vietnam, the People’s Procuracy of Vietnam and the People’s Public Security Forces of Vietnam based on their functions, powers and responsibilities; and to analyse corruption offences in public investment in terms of organisational structures and criminal behaviour to identify practical recommendations to enhance the success in combating corruption in public investment in Vietnam. A combination of qualitative and quantitative methods was employed in this study. The research has implications for anti-corruption commission policy makers and researchers in Vietnam.

The Role of the Public Policy Network in Making and Implementing Anti-Corruption Policies in Palestine

As a result for the official and unofficial interactions between many effective sides on both local and central levels, and as a result for the well of the policies network within its different parts such as the legislative council, civil society organizations, financial and administrative audit office, authors, parities and citizens as well as foreign parts such as the international bank and some donating countries, the polices networks started to develop itself and started to work in cooperation with other parties. The networks accomplished all stages in the absence of the legislative council from 2008 till 2019. However, the result of its accomplishments started with short term plans from 1998-2010, in the last year the corruption law as announced, the anti-corruption commission was established. Therefore, the three pillars of anti-corruption were completed including prosecution and anti - corruption court as a type of judicial independence. The Anti-Corruption Law and Strategy has become a systematic policy in all Palestinian public sector institutions. In mid-2019, the PAA obtained a license from the Palestinian Ministry of Higher Education to open the Anti-Corruption Academy for Higher Education, which follows the vision and objective of the Anti-Corruption Commission, which is administratively independent, which will grant a Master's degree and a higher diploma to its members. Thus, we can note the integrated role of the Anti-Corruption Policy Network from implementation to evaluation.

Unravelling the encumbrances in the low-cost housing computerised open registration system in Malaysia's major cities

PurposeMalaysia's open registration system (ORS) scheme, which began in 1997, was established as part of prevention mechanism by the Ministry of Housing and Local Government to plug the leakage in the low-cost housing (LCH) allocation process. After two decades, ineligible persons still secure LCH to the detriment of the Malaysian low-income earners (LIEs) house-buyers/rentals. This paper explored the LCH computerised ORS for LIEs and proffered policy solutions to improve the scheme.Design/methodology/approachThe data were collected via unexplored exploratory sequential mixed methods approach that engaged 25 well-informed participants and the ‘quantilised findings’, validated by the Malaysian LCH policymakers.FindingsThis paper found that there is weak compliance to computerised ORS, which is pronounced in states with relaxed eligibility clearance. Also, it was found that under-declaration of income evident in states where there is relaxed verification and lack of data sharing between states and with federal governments, among others, are the root cause of weak compliance to computerised ORS.Research limitations/implicationsThis paper is limited to unravelling the encumbrances in the low-cost housing computerised open registration system in Malaysia's major cities. Future research is needed to use relevant information to access the level of enforcement of the computerised open registration system across the states of Malaysia.Practical implicationsThis paper recommended that LCH computerised ORS should be devoid of party favouritism, state government should establish functional LCH computerised ORS, and the state and federal governments, should embrace cooperative federalism. Also, applicants should be subjected to the Central Credit Reference Information System check, and culprits should be referred to the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission. This paper provides salutary lessons on how to improve the scheme with a view to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals regarding housing in 2030.Originality/valueThis paper demonstrates that the low-cost housing computerised open registration system in Malaysia is yet to be implemented across the states.

Institutional Isomorphism of Anti-corruption Agency: The Case of Anti-corruption Commission in Bangladesh

Institutional isomorphism emerged in the 1960s and 1970s to show how institutions in different countries develop similarities through imitation. Countries such as Japan, Singapore, and Hong Kong gained massive success by copying successful initiatives from all over the world. Similarly, anti-corruption agencies such as the Singapore Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau and the Hong Kong Independent Commission Against Corruption become global models for combating corruption. Donors such as World Bank, Asian Development Bank, suggest many developing countries create agencies like those to combat corruption. Bangladesh is one of the countries that chose those models and formed an anti-corruption commission (ACC) based on isomorphic pressure from international donors. The aim of this paper is to identify the problems of this isomorphic approach to combating corruption in Bangladesh through the ACC. Based on elite interviews with key informants and document analysis, this paper argues that despite the ACC is an excellent initiative, following the global isomorphism of the ACA model has proved somewhat frustrating. Findings suggest that the ineffectiveness of the ACC is mainly related to failures involving both structure and agency as well as problems within the ACC. Results indicate that these failures have created a ‘toothless tiger’ ACA in Bangladesh.

A Typology of Institutional Logics for Public Accountability Organizations in Zambia

ABSTRACT This article presents a new typology of institutional logics that is useful for studying public accountability organizations in Zambia. The typology was developed by following the adaptive theory approach introduced by Derek Layder and is based on extant literature as well as on new empirical data from three public accountability organizations in Zambia, the Office of Auditor General, the Anti-Corruption Commission, and the national ombudsman office. The model consists of four types of logics: a kinship logic, which is informal and based on gift-giving and mutual obligation; a bureaucratic logic, which is based on hierarchical division of labour in a stable environment; a development management logic, based on private sector approaches to development; and a professionalism logic based on membership in a professional field. The new typology broadens the scope of the institutional logics perspective to include the Global South as well as to include informal aspects of public accountability organizations and the political power struggles that tend to surround them.

The Impact of Integrated Financial Management Information Systems on Procurement Process in Public Sector in Developing Countries—A Case of Zambia

Progressive governments around the world aim at having efficient Public Finance Management in order to efficiently manage resources and maximize opportunity costs associated with Public Procurement. The Government of Zambia has introduced Integrated Financial Management Information Systems (IFMIS) to monitor how ministries, departments and other state agencies spend funds on a real-time basis in order to improve budget implementation. The objectives of IFMIS are to attain transparency, reduce financial leakages and accountability in the way Government resources are being spent. Data were collected from seventy-five (75) respondents from the Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Works and Supply and the Anti-Corruption Commission. Data were analysed using Social Package and Social Sciences (SPSS) version 20 and Microsoft Excel. The study revealed that there is a significant negative relationship between IFMIS and transparency, reduced financial leakages and efficiency and speed. The study thus concluded that IFMIS has not enhanced transparency, reduced financial leakages, enhanced efficiency and speed. The study recommended that vendors and citizens should have access to the system to enhance transparency. Furthermore, the study recommended for code restructuring of the system to make it more proactive rather than reactive in order to improve budget adherence, reduce misappropriation and misapplication of funds. In conclusion, the study further recommended procurement processes be carried on the system only and eliminate the duplication of work on paper.

Corporate governance in Saudi Arabia: An overview of its evolution and recent trends

In spite of growing interest in Saudi corporate governance systems, there is little literature on the evolution of Saudi corporate governance. This study helps close this gap by investigating and compiling corporate governance development in Saudi Arabia. After providing background information for Saudi Arabia and its corporate governance model, we touch on the Saudi legal system and key external institutions that helped shape its corporate governance. We examine the specific contributions of the accounting and auditing professions, and the roles of the National Anti-Corruption Commission and the Saudi Stock Exchange. We describe key reforms implemented to develop the Saudi economy and evaluate their importance in facilitating change in corporate governance practices. This study contributes as an initial point of reference for future studies on Saudi Arabia, and serves as a one stop resource for both academics and practitioners, while specifically benefitting foreign and domestic investors considering investments in Saudi Arabia.

Performance and Effectiveness of the Anti-Corruption Commission in Bangladesh

Performance and Effectiveness of the Anti-Corruption Commission in Bangladesh

The Impact of Indonesia’s 2019 Presidential Campaign on the Human Rights Movement: Narrow Solidarity versus Affinity

In the April 2019 elections in Indonesia, the incumbent president, Mr. Joko Widodo, was pitched against former general Mr. Prabowo Subianto. Mr. Widodo won his first term with a strong human rights agenda that was supported by thousands of human rights activists. In his 2019 campaign, the focus was on the country’s economic development. During this campaign, authoritarian tools were widely used to stifle criticism of the incumbent. The human rights movement became strongly polarized between adherents of the two presidential candidates. Both camps waged a fierce social media war in which hoaxes and slander were spread. The political blocs quickly reconciled after the elections, striving for a politics based on consensus. Army factions and Muslim parties that had supported the different sides also soon closed ranks. However, the fracturing of the human rights movement into two opposing camps remained also after the elections. This led to its enervation in relation to several illiberal immediate post-election reforms. In this article, I focus on four cases to analyse the divisive dynamics within the human rights movement. These are the post-October 1965 genocide, the weakening of the Anti-Corruption Commission, the revision of the Criminal Code, and the Anti-Sexual Violence Bill. Problems of solidarity politics will be pointed out. I will examine some hoaxes in social media as they are informative of the discourse in this heated period. The human rights debate between the two candidates on 17 January 2019 will also be discussed. Although external factors such as the growing influence of conservative majoritarian Islam played a major role in the inability of the human rights movement to stop the weakening of the Anti-Corruption Commission, and the deliberations on the revision of the Criminal Code, I focus here on the fragmentation and polarization of the movement and the failure of the participants to engage in affinity politics based on shared interests.

The Problematicity of Legal Regulations of Local Self-Governance in the Republic of Lithuania in the Context of Ensuring Minority Rights and Democracy

The state governance model is established by Constitution. In the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania, there is a separate section dedicated to local self-governance and its management, that shows not only the state’s recognition of local self-governance, but also the principles of local self-governance mentioned in the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania. There are sixty separate territorial administrative units in Lithuania, which are guaranteed the right of self-governance, which is implemented by municipal councils elected during secret elections.After the first direct elections of mayors held on March 1, 2015, even in sixteen municipalities (Birštonas municipality, Druskininkai municipality, Ignalina district municipality, Jonava district municipality, Kaunas district municipality, Lazdijai district municipality, Marijampolė municipality, Neringa municipality, Pagėgiai municipality, Palanga municipality, Pasvalys district municipality, Rietavas municipality, Šakiai municipality, Šalčininkai municipality, Vilkaviškis district municipality, Vilnius district municipality) one of the political parties or political organizations (movements) in the municipalities and districts of Lithuania won an absolute majority, which further emphasizes the importance of securing the rights of the minority (opposition).The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania has also noted that taking into account the fact that the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania implies the defense of the parliamentary minority, the minimum requirements for the protection of the opposition of the Lithuanian parliament, as well as the fact that the recognition of parliamentary opposition is an essential element of pluralistic democracy. The Statute of the Lithuanian parliament (Seimas) may establish guarantees of opposition activities: certain places and positions in the committee, opposition leader status, initiation of work places and commissions, etc. The systematic appraisal of the provisions of the Law on Local Self-Government of the Republic of Lithuania shows that the obligation to form in each municipality the Control Committee, the Anti-Corruption and Ethics commissions, whose candidacy is delegated by the municipal council’s opposition, is one of the ways provided by the legislator to ensure the minority rights recognized in pluralistic democracy in self-governance.As there are 60 separate territorial administrative units (municipalities) in the Republic of Lithuania, in which there is a different demographic and political situation, different regulation of municipal councils, composition of municipal councils, therefore different management traditions are formed in them. In the absence of a sufficient definition of minority rights of municipal councils, which ensure the possibilities of opposition activities, the medium develops into oligarchic tendencies. The poor control of decisions taken by municipal councils and administrative actions as well as a flawed legislative framework make it possible to form situations in which the democratic values and the protection of individual rights and freedoms are threatened.The abundance of the problems of the legal regulation of municipalities is indicated by the fact that since 1994, the Law on Local Self-Government of the Republic of Lithuania has been amended even 124 times. In the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania (25th October 1992), a separate section is devoted to local selfgovernance and its management. This is understood as the importance given by the state to self-governance, as an independent state of governance, which unconditionally depends on legal regulation. Therefore, this article overviews the gaps in the legal regulation and the political problems that affect the principles of democracy and the system of leverage and balance between the majority of municipal councils and minorities in the local selfgovernance of the Republic of Lithuania.In each municipal council, the presence of an opposition (minority) is not only a normative phenomenon, but also a necessary expression of democracy. In essence, the opposition has two main functions: firstly, this does not allow one party to entrench and curtails government selfishness as well as helps to maintain the constitutional model of governance. Secondly, because the political decisions are not perfect, the opposition points out the mistakes and shortcomings of the governance. Opposition works as an instrument to restrict governance and cultivate social peace.Depending on the subject matter, the aim and objectives of the research paper, the document analysis method was used for data collection and analysis. Data sources are as follows: National legislation, European Union and international legal acts, rulings of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, current Case law, related scientific works, and official statistical indicators. The method of systematic analysis is applied in complex examination of legal norms and relevant jurisprudence in the aspect of ensuring the rights of minority municipal councils. The monitoring method was used in making proposals for the improvement of the Law on Local Self-Government of the Republic of Lithuania. The author of the article has accumulated practical experience in the area of legal regulation of local selfgovernance of the Republic of Lithuania, starting from 2011 until now as a member of the municipal council. The method of summarizing was used to summarize the collected and analyzed research data and to formulate conclusions and suggestions.

Борьба со взяточничеством в налоговых органах в начальный период НЭПа (1921–1923) (по материалам Нижегородской губернии)

The paper discusses the main aspects of the economic situation in the country in the early 1920s. The organizational and tactical formats of the departmental anti-corruption commission of the People’s Financial Commissariat of the RSFSR are studied in the financial authorities of the country and the Nizhny Novgorod province in 1922–1923. Based on the documentary materials of the State Archive of the Nizhny Novgorod region and the State Socio-Political Archive of the Nizhny Novgorod region, the work of the provincial and county commissions is analyzed in accordance with the tasks set by the leadership of the Soviet Republic. The contribution of the commissions of the Nizhny Novgorod province in the national fight against bribery is assessed. The organizational aspects and the staffing of the anti-bribery commissions at the provincial and county financial departments are detailed.

Thailand’s Public Secret: Military Wealth and the State

ABSTRACT After the military coup of 2014, 143 serving and retired generals of the Royal Armed Thai Forces submitted asset declarations to the National Anti-Corruption Commission on being appointed to the military junta’s National Legislative Assembly. By analysing these declarations, this article demonstrates that a cohort of wealthy generals has emerged, which leads to the article’s central concern: how is it that despite the political reform project of the 1990s, military leaders were able to evade scrutiny and become wealthy? It is argued that behind the lack of scrutiny of the military’s wealth accumulation was a structure of fear that severely undermined the capacity to enforce regulations and which enabled the military to evade the constitutional forms of scrutiny elaborated in the 1997 Constitution. That structure of fear emerged in a context of an elusive political settlement when the apparatuses of the state were occupied by competing regime framers, leading to a re-assertion of military power.

Teaching integrity in the public sector: Evaluating and reporting anti-corruption commissions’ education function

Australia’s state-based public sector standing anti-corruption commissions each have an education function. The function is underpinned by a largely unquestioned assumption that integrity education will reduce levels of misconduct and corruption in the public sector. This study explores how these commissions undertake evaluations and publicly report on the effectiveness of their education events to demonstrate a contribution to this purpose. It acknowledges that well-designed and executed education events may deliver public value outcomes, but finds that the evaluative and reporting approaches used by commissions are insufficient to reliably demonstrate whether or not the function actually achieves this purpose. The dominance of exposure-as-success attendance statistics revealed in this study is particularly concerning as they offer no insights that are directly relevant to this purpose. Consistent with the findings of previous studies, there is also a heavy reliance on reaction-based satisfaction surveys that primarily reflect participants’ enjoyment of an education event, but do not provide meaningful evidence of learning, application of learning, organizational impact, or the overall delivery of public value. As such, it is argued that commissions need to transition from largely superficial appraisals to more robust and strategic assessments that measure actual attitudinal and behavioral change in the public sector. This study also raises questions of broader relevance to the evaluation of other types of workplace education, particularly that requiring affective and behavioral learning.

One size does not fit all: an analysis of the corruption preventative approach of the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) in Bangladesh

ABSTRACTThis paper argues that the global citizens’ engagement movement against corruption does not always succeed in developing countries, such as Bangladesh. Drawing on the case of the preventative strategies of the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) in Bangladesh, this paper shows that government-driven citizens’ engagement processes through community-based organisations (CBOs) are a ceremonial adaptation in response to isomorphic pressure from the donors. The outcomes from isomorphic pressure suggest that such donor-funded actions produce ‘isomorphic mimicry’ of successful corruption prevention programmes from other countries that do not succeed in the recipient country. A micro-level analysis based on interviews with stakeholders in Bangladesh demonstrates why isomorphic mimicry has failed to produce a robust anti-corruption prevention approach in Bangladesh.