Annual United Nations Research Articles

The European Union in the annual United Nations General Assembly Debates

ABSTRACT We examine foreign policy preference convergence and cohesion among EU states, as revealed in the annual United Nations General Debate (UNGD). Of interest is whether the institutional adaptations following the Lisbon Treaty led to convergence towards the official EU position and more cohesion in speeches delivered by EU states. We argue that the UNGD is a distinct context where EU states feel compelled to differentiate themselves compared to other areas where EU coordination efforts are extensive. We explore EU convergence and cohesion based on all EUGD UNGD speeches between 1990 and 2019. We primarily apply text-as-data techniques to extract states’ positions on well-established foreign policy dimensions. We use wordscores and text similarity measures, comparing our analysis to ideal point estimates based on UNGA voting and co-sponsorship data. We find that EU states use the UNGD as a venue to articulate their own, differentiated positions as individual UN member states.

Prioritisation of indicators in SDG 4: Voluntary national reviews as a tool of soft governance

Voluntary national reviews (VNRs) are an important component of the follow-up and review process for the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Presented by countries at the annual United Nations High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development (HLPF), VNRs detail a country’s self-reported progress to peers. This voluntary process has been criticised for its weak accountability. Global governance literature, however, points to an increase in these “soft” governance mechanisms as well as the potential strategic benefits of this approach. Using a mix of logistic regression and document analysis, this study examined VNRs as a soft governance tool and a reflection of the governance mechanism of the SDGs. The authors examined the scope and content of VNR submissions from 2016 to 2022, with a deeper review of 2022, which focused on the global goal for education (SDG 4). Three types of soft governance – governing by goal-setting, by numbers and by morality – were used as lenses to make sense of the results. The authors’ findings demonstrate the ability of soft governance tools to bring together diverse actors around a broad set of goals, and how the power of numbers can influence which indicators countries report on in their VNR.

Epistemic modality in American presidential discourse

This research examines the exploitation of epistemic modality markers in political discourse. This research inspects modal auxiliaries and semi-modals use in four speeches addressed by Obama at the annual United Nations General Assembly during his second period as a President of America. Applying both qualitative and quantitative methods, this research is in an attempt to accomplish the whole investigation dealing with explorative and quantification of epistemic modality in Obama’s political discourse. The data were taken from Obama’s speeches from 2013 to 2016 at the United Nations General Assembly. The findings demonstrate that 471 modality markers were found in Obama’s speeches and he frequently delivered epistemic probability with 189 cases or 40.2% modal auxiliaries and semi-modals. Epistemic certainty and possibility were found in 125 cases or 26.6% and in 157 cases or 33.2%. The highest degree of epistemic modality, epistemic certainty, is expressed by employing must, have to, need to, cannot, could not, and may not. Modal should, will, would, be going to, and ought to express epistemic probability and modal can, could, may, might, and be able to are exploited to express the lowest degree of epistemic modality, epistemic possibility. The higher epistemic modality markers involved in a proposition indicate the higher confidence of evaluation and judgment asserted based on the speaker’s knowledge, belief, and evidence. In contrast, the lower epistemic modality markers found indicate lower confidence in the evaluation and judgment of the proposition.

Small Modular Reactors in Romania’s Energy Future. Two Essential Perspectives: Capital Costs and Public Perception

Abstract In 2023, during the annual United Nations Conference on Climate Change (COP28), Romania joined the Net Zero Nuclear Initiative and the Ministerial Declaration for the tripling of nuclear capacity by 2050, which recognizes the key role of nuclear energy in achieving net zero goals worldwide. In this context, wanted to implement national projects and strategies to achieve the global goal of tripling nuclear power generation capacity by 2050 (taking 2030 as a reference) and to act to ensure that nuclear power plants are operated in security conditions. This paper examines the potential of Small Modular Reactors (SMRs) in Romania's energy landscape, considering the country's recent commitment to the Net Zero Nuclear Initiative and the goal of tripling nuclear capacity by 2050. The focus is on integrating new nuclear technologies, particularly SMRs, and modernizing existing facilities like the Cernavodă Power Plant. The study also explores the economic benefits, public perception challenges, and the role of European and American expertise in advancing SMR technology. For the first time, using specialized literature and data from public sources, the study aims to analyze the prospects for SMR projects developed in Romania to overcome two essential perspectives: capital costs and public perception in many communities where concerns related to nuclear safety, radioactive waste management, and potential risks associated with nuclear technologies exist.

Green Soft Power? Checking in on China as a Responsible Stakeholder

By assuming a proactive role in international environmental regimes and extending the ‘green’ dimensions of its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China has been seeking to promote itself as a leader and responsible stakeholder in global environmental governance. This article examines this development concerning the notion of China’s ‘soft power’ and, more specifically, the notion of ‘green soft power’ – which aims to bridge the traditional concept of soft power with a state’s behavior on environmental and climate issues. China presents an interesting case since it has accrued a considerable amount of green soft power through its multilateral environmental diplomacy practiced at the Conferences of the Parties (COPs), the high-profile annual United Nations Climate Change Conferences, but its patchy deployment of environmental standards in the bilateral engagements under the BRI highlights the contradictions in referring to China as a green soft power. With these ideas in mind, this article holds that in the search to understand the evolving nature of China’s responsible stakeholder role, attention should be given to exploring the notion of green soft power.

A decade of revitalizing UN work concerning freedom of religion or belief (2010–2020)

The first decade of the 21st century had annual United Nations (UN) resolutions on the defamation of religion, followed by a shorter period with resolutions on promoting human rights and fundamental freedom through a better understanding of traditional values of humankind. However, in 2011, the strongest promoter of the defamation of religion resolutions, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), chose to shift the focus in the UN on individual victims, not the religions as such, resulting in the Istanbul Process. Moreover, the exploration of links between Articles 18, 19 and 20 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights resulted in the Rabat Plan of Action. Other progress within freedom of religion or belief include the Faith4Rights resources, acknowledging the right to change one’s religion and stopping violations in the name of "honour," as well as other approaches, that so far have inadequate impact on the domestic level.

Implications Of The Glasgow Agreement (Cop26) Phasing-Down Of Unabated Coal Power On Indonesia's Trade Balance

ABSTRACT At the 26th annual United Nations climate change conference (COP26) in Glasgow, Scotland, 197 countries succeeded in reaching an agreement to address the “Phase-down of Unabated Coal Power”, i.e. the gradual reduction of coal-fired power generation and to ends fossil fuel subsidies that are not in efficient. Its going with the policy of Indonesia Government, in the General Draft of National Energy (RUEN), they will limit coal production up to 400 million tons per year and the exports will be reduced gradually from year to year and will be stopped on 2046. In another hand, China and India's dependence on coal energy for power generation and industry is still very high. Both countries demanding will affect Indonesia's trade balance considering the proportion of Indonesia's coal exports is 71% compared to domestic consumption. To determine this effect, this study uses the Autoregression Vector (VAR) model with annual data from 2000 to 2021. The test results show that Indonesia's coal exports have an effect on the trade balance by 13.17% in terms of the total export value. International coal price will have a positive impact on the Indonesia’s trade balance by 17.91%. However, the price of coal is very influential on the volume of Indonesia’s coal export. Momentum of Phase-down Coal is a golden opportunity to maximize economic benefits while preparing renewable energy as a substitute for coal.

Is the annual UNFCCC COP the only game in town?: Unilateral action for technology diffusion and climate partnerships

Is the annual United Nations framework convention on climate change meetings (UNFCCC COP) the only game in town? Are there also other possible solutions to consider? We argue that there is indeed another game, namely unilateral action facilitated by public authorities. Our theoretical model shows the conditions under which unilateral and costly technology development can be spread to other countries; that is, to an extent that makes such action of the involved parties a rational choice, paving the road for future use of such best practice model. One example could be the EEAS (European External Action Service) demonstrating that such unilateral action is feasible in practice, i.e. when facilitating technology transfers and climate partnerships between the EU and large CO2 emitters in the developing world. Well-designed unilateral actions by the EEAS and other public authorities may in this way help achieving target levels such as the Paris Agreement.

Nutritional Concerns among Female International Volunteers Based on the Income and Development Status of Their Country of Service.

This study aimed to determine the prevalence of female athlete triad risk factors among female international volunteers based on the development and income status of their country of service. A total of 2164 past volunteers completed a retrospective survey. Countries’ income and development statuses were coded using the respective annual United Nations World Economic Situations and Prospects reports. Independent t-tests, ANOVAs, and Pearson’s Chi-Squared tests were used to assess group differences; corresponding odds ratios were calculated. Volunteers in nondeveloped (OR = 2.25, CI = 1.85–2.75) and non-high-income (OR = 2.17, CI = 1.75–2.70) countries had over twice the odds of experiencing secondary amenorrhea. More volunteers who served in nondeveloped countries reported an increase in exercise while serving (p = 0.005). Those who served in a nondeveloped (OR = 1.52, CI = 1.16–1.98) or non-high-income (OR = 1.45, CI = 1.08–1.94) country had higher odds of weight loss. However, volunteers serving in nondeveloped (OR = 0.52, CI = 0.44–0.63) and non-high-income (OR = 0.50, CI = 0.4–0.61) countries were less likely to report food insecurity compared to those in developed and high-income countries. Bone mineral density was within the expected range regardless of income and development status. Female volunteers who served in nondeveloped and non-high-income countries experienced higher odds of secondary amenorrhea, which was likely influenced by an increase in exercise and higher odds of weight loss.

Net-zero sum game?

The 26th annual United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change Conference of Parties (COP26) meeting, to be hosted in Glasgow in November, will set out current progress and mobilize future efforts in limiting the potentially devastating effects of climate change. This year’s meeting will be an opportunity to update plans from the historic COP21 meeting in 2015, which delivered the Paris Agreement, and a commitment by every country to ensure global warming is limited to below 2°C, compared with pre-industrial levels, to adapt to the impacts of a changing climate and to ensure there is sufficient financing to deliver these targets.

Do Intergovernmental Organizations Have a Socialization Effect on Member State Preferences? Evidence from the UN General Debate

AbstractThe question of whether intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) have a socialization effect on member state preferences is central to international relations. However, empirical studies have struggled to separate the socializing effects of IGOs on preferences from the coercion and incentives associated with IGOs that may lead to foreign policy alignment without altering preferences. This article addresses this issue. We adopt a novel approach to measuring state preferences by applying text analytic methods to country statements in the annual United Nations General Debate (UNGD). The absence of interstate coordination with UNGD statements makes them particularly well suited for testing socialization effects on state preferences. We focus on the European Union (EU), enabling us to incorporate the pre-accession period—when states have the strongest incentives for foreign policy alignment—into our analysis. The results of our analysis show that EU membership has a socialization effect that produces preference convergence, controlling for coercion and incentive effects.

3. Global Climate

The annual United Nations (UN) summit on climate change took place on 2–15 December in Madrid, Spain. The meeting venue changed from Santiago to Madrid a month earlier due to unfolding social unrest in Chile. The summit, also referred to as Chile/Madrid Climate Change Conference, included the twenty-fifth Conference of the Parties (COP-25) to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC); the fifteenth Conference of the Parties serving as the Meeting of the Parties to the Kyoto Protocol (CMP-15); the second Conference of the Parties serving as the Meeting of the Parties to the Paris Agreement (CMA-2); and meetings of their subsidiary bodies.

Generic frames (Climate and Environment Coverage)

Generic frames represent typical layers of contextualization in stories and are broadly applicable to a range of different news topics (i.e., across topics). Examples of generic frames are the human interest or responsibility frames (e.g., Dirikx & Gelders, 2010; Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000). Field of application/theoretical foundation: Generic frames are used in different traditions of framing: (a) sociological tradition, such as frames in external news or images (e.g., Entman, 1993; Gamson & Modigliani, 1989), (b) psychological tradition, such as frames in people's minds (e.g., Tversky & Kahneman, 1981), and (3) communication science tradition, such as frame production (communicators or journalists develop frames), frame setting or frame building (journalists adopt frames from communicators) (e.g., Matthes, 2014; see Borah, 2011 for a systematic examination of framing research). References/combination with other methods of data collection: Research has conducted experimental studies to investigate how generic frames (e.g., conflict, morality or economics) affect selective exposure to climate change news (e.g., Feldman & Hart, 2018) or what impact gain and loss frames have on the perception of the threat posed by the consequences of climate change (Bilandzic et al., 2017). Example studies: Bilandzic et al. (2017); Dirikx & Gelders (2010); Feldman & Hart (2018) Information on Dirikx & Gelders (2010) Authors: Astrid Dirikx & Dave Gelders Research question: This study examines the way Dutch and French newspapers frame climate change during the annual United Nations Conferences of the Parties (COPs) Object of analysis: The study analyzed a total of 257 news articles in Dutch and French quality newspapers: De Volkskrant (N = 52) and NRC Handelsblad (N = 61) for the Netherlands and Le Monde (N = 77) and Le Figaro (N = 67) for France. Time frame of analysis: The analysis covers the annual meetings of the United Nations Conferences of the Parties (COPs) from 2001 until 2007 Info about variable Variables: Frames Attribution of responsibility: This frame presents an issue or problem in such a way that the responsibility or blame for the cause or the solution is placed on political authorities, individuals or groups Conflict frame: This frame emphasizes conflicts between parties/individuals and stresses the points of divergence between the opponents (Economic) consequences frame: This frame emphasizes the manner in which an issue will (economically) affect people Human interest frame: This frame presents an issue from a more emotional point of view; it personalizes a problem Morality frame: This frame presents situations from a religious/moral angle Level of analysis: Each of the four newspapers was first screened entirely for articles mentioning “climate change,” “global warming” or “greenhouse effect” in their title or lead. In an additional screening articles not matching these criteria but whose core content was related to climate change were selected. Different article types were taken into account: columns, interviews, commentaries and “classic” news articles. The unit of analysis was the whole article. Variables and values: The authors used a standard set of content analytic indicators to measure the prevalence of the five generic frames developed by Semetko and Valkenburg (2000). They developed a series of 20 questions that can be answered with “don’t agree”, “largely agree” and “completely agree”. Each question was meant to measure one of five news media frames. Attribution of responsibility Does the story suggest that some level of government has the ability to alleviate the problem? Does the story suggest that some level of the government is responsible for the issue/problem? Does the story suggest solution(s) to the problem/issue? Does the story suggest that an individual (or group of people in society) is responsible for the issue-problem? Does the story suggest the problem requires urgent action? Human interest frame Does the story provide a human example or “human face” on the issue? Does the story employ adjectives or personal vignettes that generate feelings of outrage, empathy-caring, sympathy, or compassion? Does the story emphasize how individuals and groups are affected by the issue/problem? Does the story go into the private or personal lives of the actors? Does the story contain visual information that might generate feelings of outrage, empathy-caring, sympathy, or compassion? Conflict frame Does the story reflect disagreement between parties/individuals/groups/countries? Does one party/individual/group/country reproach another? Does the story refer to two sides or to more than two sides of the problem or issue? Does the story refer to winners and losers? Morality frame Does the story contain any moral message? Does the story make reference to morality, God, and other religious tenets? Does the story offer specific social prescriptions about how to behave? (Economic) consequences frame Is there a mention of financial losses or gains now or in the future? Is there a mention of the costs/degree of expense involved? Is there a reference to economic consequences of pursuing or not pursuing a course of action? Reliability: - Codebook: Table 1 in Dirikx & Gelders (2010)

Mitigating Armed Conflict Casualties in Children.

* Abbreviations: ISSOP — : International Society for Social Pediatrics and Child Health UN — : United Nations Similar to previous reports,1–12 the latest annual United Nations (UN) Report on Children and Armed Conflict identified 10 173 child casualties and 4019 children killed in armed conflicts the preceding year.6 Most of these children were victims of “internationalized” conflicts, defined as internal conflicts in which ≥1 third party governments are involved with combat personnel.13 Five such protracted conflicts involve the United States and allied armies (Afghanistan, Syria, Yemen, Somalia, and Mali). These account for 69% of total reported child casualties and 64% of children killed. We present examples of how children continue to be harmed in armed conflicts as well as practical suggestions for how pediatricians can help reduce the impact of armed conflicts on children. Children are inadvertently harmed in conflicts. However, many civilians, including children, are injured or killed because of policies and compromises made by military operation planners. For example, the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria used civilians as human shields in urban areas. To expedite the operation to eliminate the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria in Iraq and Syria while limiting US ground troops, US government policy makers increased the “non-combatant casualty value,” the number of civilians allowed to be killed per air strike.14 By 2018 at least 1139 civilians, including children, were killed in that operation over a 4-year period; many died as … Address correspondence to Tom Adamkiewicz, MD, FRCP(C), MSCR, Perimeter Pediatrics, 3020 Mercer University Dr, Atlanta, GA 30341. E-mail: tadamkiewicz{at}msm.edu

A colonized COP: Indigenous exclusion and youth climate justice activism at the United Nations climate change negotiations

Youth activists around the world are demanding urgent climate action from elected leaders. The annual United Nations climate change negotiations, known as COPs, are key sites of global organizing and hope for a comprehensive approach to climate policy. Drawing on participant observation and in-depth interviews at COP25 in 2019, this research examines youth climate activists’ priorities, frustrations and hopes for creating just climate policy. Youth are disillusioned with the COP process and highlight a variety of ways through which the COP perpetuates colonial power structures that marginalize Indigenous peoples and others fighting for justice. This is intersectional exclusion – the character of exclusion experienced by people with multiple intersecting marginalized identities. We demonstrate that the space, policies and even the social movement organizing at COP25 are exclusive, necessitating new ways of negotiating, building relationships, and imagining climate solutions that centre Indigenous communities, and protect and return to them the lands on which they depend. As the youth climate justice movement grows, attending to Indigenous priorities will help it transform, rather than reinforce, the systems at the root of climate crisis and to challenge existing policymaking structures.

Normative arguments for non-state actor participation in international policymaking processes: Functionalism, neocorporatism or democratic pluralism?

The participation of non-state actors in multilateral institutions is often portrayed as one way of decreasing the perceived legitimacy deficit in global governance. The literature on non-state actors has identified several ways in which these actors can enhance the legitimacy of intergovernmental organisations and global governance arrangements. Three partially competing normative arguments, or rationales, for the inclusion of non-state actors in international policymaking — functionalism, neocorporatism and democratic pluralism — have been identified. Whereas functionalism highlights the contribution of non-state actors to output legitimacy in terms of expertise, neocorporatism emphasises the inclusion of affected interests, and democratic pluralism claims that non-state actors increase input legitimacy through procedural values. These three normative arguments thus offer different understandings of the motives for the inclusion and representation of non-state actors in international negotiations and diplomacy. Through a single case study of United Nations climate diplomacy, we analyse the extent to which the three rationales for non-state actor inclusion are found in views held by state and non-state actors participating in the annual United Nations climate change conferences. Our results show that different actor groups place varying degrees of emphasis on the different rationales for non-state actor inclusion, even though the neocorporatist rationale remains most favoured overall. We discuss the implications of our findings for the democratic legitimacy of increasing participation of non-state actors in intergovernmental affairs and recent trends in the participation of non-state actors in the international climate change policymaking process.

Networks of Coproduction

This study examines the interrelations between journalists and communication practitioners from environmental nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Taking the annual United Nations climate change conferences as a case in point, we show that the exceptional circumstances of these events foster a temporary blurring of the professional boundaries between both actor groups that partly results in a joint production of interpretations. Based on seventy-eight semi-standardized interviews with journalists and NGO representatives, we identify four distinct coproduction networks that pair particular types of journalists and NGO communicators. Our analysis shows that (1) the journalistic beat, (2) the type of media journalists work for, (3) journalists’ and NGOs’ perceived target audiences, and also (4) the NGOs’ strategic orientation toward either lobbying or popular mobilization are decisive for the formation of these networks. Our study helps to systematically explain message production in a transnational context and provides a deeper understanding of the relationship between journalism and public relations.

Cooperating on Climate

Policy We've come to expect lack of progress at the annual United Nations climate talks. A key obstacle to agreement is the wealth inequality among the countries around the negotiating table. Such public-goods negotiations, and the exploitation of common resources, are tricky enough on their own,

Cities OPT in while nations COP out: Reflections on COP18

As a follower of and participant in the annual United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change's (UNFCCC)negotiating process, I am mildly amused by the increasingly fanciful names we seem to assign to the rather inglorious outcomes of the December negotiating sessions, colloquially known as COPs (actually COP-CMPs). COP in no way refers to the blue light brigade (the negotiating process has none of that speed!), but is rather a reference to a Conference of the Parties to the Convention - in other words, a meeting of all the nation states (or parties) who have signed and ratified the UNFCCC - which also serves as a meeting of the parties to the associated Kyoto Protocol (the CMP part). Dilettantish names for the outcomes of recent COPs include: the Bali Road Map (a road to nowhere perhaps?), the Copenhagen Accord (more aptly termed the Copenhagen Discord), the Cancun Agreements (agreeing to disagree?), the Durban Platform for Enhanced Action (the train had unfortunately left the station) and, after 2 weeks spent at COP18 in Qatar in 2012, the desultory Doha Climate Gateway (more of a mirage in the desert than a gateway).

Activism and the Online Mediation Opportunity Structure: Attempts to Impact Global Climate Change Policies?

AbstractThe annual United Nations (UN) Framework Convention on Climate Change conferences provides a transnational mediation opportunity structure for activist networks to contest policies that favor market‐based models for solving the climate crisis. Online technologies, including commercial social media, have arguably increased possibilities for being involved in protests on a transnational level. However, this article shows how online modes of action privilege lobbying tactics over civil disobedience tactics, arguing that the former is often incommensurate with an anticapitalist climate approach to climate change activism. This impedes possibilities for using online media to protest at the radical end of the climate justice movement spectrum. This article explores this interrelationship between activist demands and (online) modes of action through a focus on the mobilization efforts of London‐based activists for the 17th UN climate conference in 2011.