American Time Use Research Articles

Racial Differences in Time at Work Not Working

Racial differences in effort at work, if they exist, can potentially explain race-based wage/earnings disparities in the labor market. The authors estimate specifications of time spent on non-work activities at work by Black and White males and females with data from the American Time Use Survey. Estimates reveal that trivially small differences occur between non-Hispanic Black and non-Hispanic White males in time spent not working while on the job that disappear entirely when correcting for non-response errors. The findings imply that Black–White male differences in the fraction of the workday spent not working are either not large enough to partially explain the Black–White wage gap, or simply do not exist at all.

The efficacy of the dependent care deduction at maintaining diet quality

One feature of the SNAP benefits calculation, the Dependent Care Deduction, increases SNAP benefits if a household pays for formal care, allowing for an indirect substitution between household time spent in dependent care and SNAP benefits. Approximately only 3 percent of eligible households utilize the Dependent Care Deduction, despite many eligible households facing significant time constraints. Therefore, I investigate the reduction in childcare time needed for a household to maintain their level of diet quality if they were to select into paid childcare. Using the American Time Use Survey I predict time spent in numerous activities for households in the National Household Food Acquisition and Purchase Survey. In particular, I focus on secondary childcare time, time where the caregiver is completing a separate task while responsible for the well-being of a child because it is the dependent care activity reduced most by formal childcare. Estimating a conditional hybrid diet quality production function, I find that the marginal rate of substitution between household income and secondary childcare is higher for lower income levels and more time-constrained households. In addition, I find the necessary reduction in secondary childcare time to hold diet quality constant is approximately 5.3 h per day for all households and 3 h per day for SNAP households, assuming the average cost of one four-year old child in formal care.

Gender gap in housework time: how much do individual resources actually matter?

ABSTRACT Using data from the 2003–2019 American Time Use Survey Extract (ATUS-X), we analyze the gender gap among heterosexual married Americans of working age in four categories of housework: cleaning, cooking, grocery shopping, and home maintenance. The results show that in the division of housework, the explanatory power of resource factors increased over time. Still, less than a half of the gender gap in housework time could be explained by the gender differences in resources. Thus, despite the recent developments in housework research, a considerable part of the gender gap in housework remains unexplained. The explanatory power of resource-based models increased unevenly over the analyzed years. It strengthened in more traditionally ‘feminine’ tasks, such as cooking and cleaning, but not in grocery shopping or home maintenance. The results highlight the limits of the resource-based (and generally individual-level) theories and the pervasiveness of gender inequality in housework.

A Research Note Describing a More Inclusive Approach to Identifying Same-Sex Cohabiters in the American Time Use Survey

Identification of individuals in same-sex relationships in the American Time Use Survey (ATUS) is of increasing interest to the research community. While the ATUS interviews one person per household, by using information about who else lives in the household, researchers can easily identify respondents in coresident same-sex couple arrangements. Previous research has outlined two approaches to identifying individuals in same-sex relationships in the ATUS that use information on the sex of household members. We extend that work in this research note by using additional information collected from a direct question to identify unmarried cohabiting partners in the Current Population Survey (CPS). We identify 23% more individuals in cohabiting same-sex relationships when we use the CPS direct question information than when we use information from the ATUS alone. We argue that this identification strategy is more inclusive of individuals in same-sex cohabiting relationships.

Telecommuting and gender inequalities in parents' paid and unpaid work before and during the COVID-19 pandemic.

ObjectiveThis study examines the relationship between telecommuting and gender inequalities in parents' time use at home and on the job before and during the COVID‐19 pandemic.BackgroundTelecommuting is a potential strategy for addressing the competing demands of work and home and the gendered ways in which they play out. Limited evidence is mixed, however, on the implications of telecommuting for mothers' and fathers' time in paid and unpaid work. The massive increase in telecommuting due to COVID‐19 underscores the critical need to address this gap in the literature.MethodData from the 2003–2018 American Time Use Survey (N = 12,519) and the 2020 Current Population Survey (N = 83,676) were used to estimate the relationship between telecommuting and gender gaps in parents' time in paid and unpaid work before and during the pandemic. Matching and quasi‐experimental methods better approximate causal relationships than prior studies.ResultsBefore the pandemic, telecommuting was associated with larger gender gaps in housework and work disruptions but smaller gender gaps in childcare, particularly among couples with two full‐time earners. During the pandemic, telecommuting mothers maintained paid work to a greater extent than mothers working on‐site, whereas fathers' work hours did not differ by work location.ConclusionIn the context of weak institutional support for parenting, telecommuting may offer mothers a mechanism for maintaining work hours and reducing gender gaps in childcare, while exacerbating inequalities in housework and disruptions to paid work.

Time use and eating patterns of SNAP participants over the benefit month

Understanding how SNAP participants spend their time in various activities over the benefit cycle can provide insights into ways to improve the effectiveness of the program and reduce the potential unintended negative effects of program participation. Using data from the 2006–2008 and 2014–2016 American Time Use Survey and Eating and Health Module, we revisit the SNAP benefit cycle issue by investigating if SNAP participants spend less time on home-based eating related activities (i.e., primary eating, food preparation, and grocery shopping) towards the end of the benefit cycle than comparable non-participants. We find that SNAP participants spend less time on food production activities in both periods—less time on food preparation in 2006–2008 and less time on shopping for groceries in 2014–2016—relative to comparable non-participants towards the end of the benefit month. Given the importance of time allocation, we then examine how SNAP participants allocate their time across various activities compared to comparable non-participants. We discuss the implications of our results in relation to these time use patterns over the benefit month.

Familism among Latino/a adolescents: Evidence from time‐use data

AbstractObjectiveThis study examined differences in time with family among Latino/a, White, and Black youth and variation among Latino/a youth by gender and immigrant household status.BackgroundFamilismo and differences in socio‐structural characteristics suggest that Latino/a youth will spend more time with family than White and Black peers. Gender socialization norms, especially marianismo, could also promote family time for Latina girls. Finally, theories of immigrant incorporation suggest that Latino/a family time will be highest in immigrant households.MethodThis study used the nationally representative American Time Use Survey (2003–2019) to analyze household family contact patterns among Latino/a, White, and Black youth (ages 15–18; n = 9501). The study further examined differences by gender and, among Latinos/as, by immigrant household status.ResultsLatino/a youth spent more time with siblings than White and Black peers due to a higher number of siblings in the household. Latina girls spent substantially more unadjusted and adjusted time with parents and siblings than White and Black girls and Latino boys. There was little variation in family time patterns among Latinos/as by gender‐by‐immigrant household status.ConclusionFamily contact patterns suggest that both familismo and marianismo are salient in the lives of Latino/a youth, which has key implications for these youths' lives and transitions to adulthood.

Variation in residential occupancy profiles in the United States by household income level and characteristics

An accurate representation of occupancy schedules is needed to assess potential energy savings from occupancy-based controls in residential buildings. In this study the variation in US residential occupancy profiles is developed by household income level, age group, household size, and day of the week using 14 years of American Time Use Survey and Current Population Survey data. Based on cluster analysis results, the most common occupancy profiles were Day absence and Stay home where, the time of absence varies from less than 5 to 15 h per day. Low-income individuals and households spent significantly more time at home compared to higher income groups. Finally, a preliminary survey conducted to analyse the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic suggests that it has substantially impacted occupancy patterns and is likely to do so post-pandemic as well. The results of this research help improve the representation of occupancy schedules in building energy simulation methods.

Lifestyle dynamics index: Worldwide results and the case of the United States of America

The term ‘lifestyle dynamics’ has been used in relation to family and environmental studies and it refers to ‘how lifestyle evolves over time’ –where lifestyle is how we loosely refer to ‘the way individuals live’. Lifestyle and its dynamics have also shown potential socioeconomic and household implications, noting the importance of lifestyle effects on public health or household energy consumption. We build up a novel index based on the data structure of time use surveys from the Multinational Time Use Study (MTUS) and the American Time Use Survey (ATUS). Our worldwide results confirm a clear worldwide pattern towards a less dynamic lifestyle since the 1960s. Results for the case of the United States from the ATUS in the 21st century show also an overall decline of the index in the 2003–2012 decade, with a yearly decline after 2008; we also obtained state-level results for 2013–2016 which allows us to see with-in country differences. As more time use survey data are released worldwide, the potential use of the Lifestyle Dynamics Index for socio-economic policy purposes could be better exploited, with the United States as the country with better availability and quality of data.

Circadian timing of eating and BMI among adults in the American Time Use Survey.

Background/ObjectivesExperimental studies of time-restricted eating suggest that limiting the daily eating window, shifting intake to the biological morning, and avoiding eating close to the biological night may promote metabolic health and prevent weight gain.Subjects/MethodsWe used the Eating & Health Module of the 2006–2008 and 2014–2016 American Time Use Survey to examine cross-sectional associations of timing of eating in relation to sleep/wake times as a proxy for circadian timing with body mass index (BMI). The analytical sample included 38 302 respondents (18–64 years; BMI 18.5 – 50.0 kg/m2). A single 24-hour time use diary was used to calculate circadian timing of eating variables: eating window (time between first and last eating activity); morning fast (time between end of sleep and start of eating window); and evening fast (time between end of eating window and start of sleep). Multinomial logistic regression and predictive margins were used to estimate adjusted population prevalences (AP) by BMI categories and changes in prevalences associated with a one-hour change in circadian timing of eating, controlling for sociodemographic and temporal characteristics.ResultsA one-hour increase in eating window was associated with lower adjusted prevalence of obesity (AP= 27.1%, SE=0.1%). Conversely, a one-hour increase in morning fast (AP= 28.7%, SE=0.1%) and evening fast (AP= 28.5%, SE=0.1%) were each associated with higher prevalence of obesity; interactions revealed differing patterns of association by combination of eating window with morning/evening fast (p<0.0001).ConclusionsContrary to hypotheses, longer eating windows were associated with a lower adjusted prevalence of obesity and longer evening fasts were associated with a higher prevalence of obesity. However, as expected, longer morning fast was associated with a higher adjusted prevalence of obesity. Studies are needed to disentangle the contributions of diet quality/quantity and social desirability bias in the relationship between circadian timing of eating and BMI.

Analyzing the demographic, spatial, and temporal factors influencing social contact patterns in U.S. and implications for infectious disease spread

BackgroundDiseases such as COVID-19 are spread through social contact. Reducing social contacts is required to stop disease spread in pandemics for which vaccines have not yet been developed. However, existing data on social contact patterns in the United States (U.S.) is limited.MethodWe use American Time Use Survey data from 2003–2018 to describe and quantify the age-pattern of disease-relevant social contacts. For within-household contacts, we construct age-structured contact duration matrices (who spends time with whom, by age). For both within-household and non-household contacts, we also estimate the mean number and duration of contact by location. We estimate and test for differences in the age-pattern of social contacts based on demographic, temporal, and spatial characteristics.ResultsThe mean number and duration of social contacts vary by age. The biggest gender differences in the age-pattern of social contacts are at home and at work; the former appears to be driven by caretaking responsibilities.Non-Hispanic Blacks have a shorter duration of contact and fewer social contacts than non-Hispanic Whites. This difference is largely driven by fewer and shorter contacts at home. Pre-pandemic, non-Hispanic Blacks have shorter durations of work contacts. Their jobs are more likely to require close physical proximity, so their contacts are riskier than those of non-Hispanic Whites. Hispanics have the highest number of household contacts and are also more likely to work in jobs requiring close physical proximity than non-Hispanic Whites.With the exceptions of work and school contacts, the duration of social contact is higher on weekends than on weekdays. Seasonal differences in the total duration of social contacts are driven by school-aged respondents who have significantly shorter contacts during the summer months. Contact patterns did not differ by metro status. Age patterns of social contacts were similar across regions.ConclusionSocial contact patterns differ by age, race and ethnicity, and gender. Other factors besides contact patterns may be driving seasonal variation in disease incidence if school-aged individuals are not an important source of transmission. Pre-pandemic, there were no spatial differences in social contacts, but this finding has likely changed during the pandemic.

What time use surveys can (and cannot) tell us about labor supply

SummaryThe American Time Use Survey (ATUS) accurately measures hours worked on a single day. We propose several estimators of elasticities of weekly labor supply in a linear regression model, despite certain impossibility results due to the time specific feature of the ATUS. We recommend the impute estimator, a simple modification of the standard two stage least squares estimator, that imputes the dependent variable using daily subsamples, based on our careful investigation of asymptotic and finite sample properties of the estimators under the potential outcome framework. We apply the impute estimator to the ATUS and find substantially different elasticity estimates from the Current Population Survey, especially for married women.

The Economic Burden of Vision Loss and Blindness in the United States

To estimate the economic burden of vision loss (VL) in the United States and by state. Analysis of secondary data sources (American Community Survey [ACS], American Time Use Survey, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Medical Expenditure Panel Survey [MEPS], National and State Health Expenditure Accounts, and National Health Interview Survey [NHIS]) using attributable fraction, regression, and other methods to estimate the incremental direct and indirect 2017 costs of VL. People with a yes response to a question asking if they are blind or have serious difficulty seeing even when wearing glasses in the ACS, MEPS, or NHIS. We estimated the direct costs of medical, nursing home (NH), and supportive services and the indirect costs of absenteeism, lost household production, reduced labor force participation, and informal care by age group, sex, and state in aggregate and per person with VL. We estimated an economic burden of VL of $134.2 billion: $98.7 billion in direct costs and $35.5 billion in indirect costs. The largest burden components were NH ($41.8 billion), other medical care services ($30.9 billion), and reduced labor force participation ($16.2 billion), all of which accounted for 66% of the total. Those with VL incurred $16 838 per year in incremental burden. Informal care was the largest burden component for people 0 to 18 years of age, reduced labor force participation was the largest burden component for people 19 to 64 years of age, and NH costs were the largest burden component for people 65 years of age or older. New York, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Vermont experienced the highest costs per person with VL. Sensitivity analyses indicate total burden may range between $76 and $218 billion depending on the assumptions used in the model. Self-reported VL imposes a substantial economic burden on the United States. Burden accrues in different ways at different ages, leading to state differences in the composition of per-person costs based on the age composition of the population with VL. Information on state variation can help local decision makers target resources better to address the burden of VL.

Associations between bedtime eating or drinking, sleep duration and wake after sleep onset: findings from the American time use survey.

Sleep hygiene recommendations discourage eating before bedtime; however, the impact of mealtime on sleep has been inconsistent. We examined gender-stratified associations between eating or drinking <1, <2 and <3 h before bedtime, sleep duration and wake after sleep onset (WASO >30 min). This study utilised 2003-2018 data from the American Time Use Survey, a nationally representative sample of USA residents aged ≥15 years. Participants recorded weekday/weekend activities during a 24-h period. Age-specific sleep duration and WASO were estimated categorically and continuously. Eating or drinking were identified from all activities recorded <1, <2 and <3 h before bedtime. Mean ± se sleep duration was 8·0 ± 0·006 h, and 6% of participants ate or drank <1 h prior to weekdays bedtime. Overall, eating or drinking <1 h prior to bedtime was associated with longer weekdays sleep duration. Women and men who ate or drank <1 h before bedtime, v. those who did not, had 35 min (95% CI (30,39)) and 25 min (95 % CI (21,29)) longer sleep duration, respectively, as well as increased odds of WASO; women (OR=2·03, 95% CI (1·66,2·49)) and men (OR=2·64, 95% CI (2·08,3·36)). As the interval of eating or drinking prior to bedtime expanded, odds of short and long sleep durations and WASO decreased. This population-based data linked eating or drinking <1 h before bedtime to longer sleep duration, but increased WASO. Eating or drinking further from bedtime lowers the odds of short and long sleep duration and WASO. Causal pathways are difficult to discern, though inefficient sleep after late-night eating could increase WASO and trigger compensatory increases in sleep duration.

Culture and the cross-country differences in the gender commuting gap

This paper explores the role of the gender equality culture in cross-country gender commuting gap differences. To avoid inter-relationships between culture, institutions, and economic conditions in a simple cross-country analysis, we adopt the epidemiological approach. We merge data from the American Time Use Survey for the years 2006–2019 on early-arrival first-generation immigrants and second-generation Americans (U.S.-born children of immigrants) living in the United States with their corresponding annual country of ancestry's Gender Gap Index (GGI). Because all these individuals (with different cultural backgrounds) have grown up under the same laws, institutions, and economic conditions in the US, the gender differences among them in the time devoted to commuting to/from work can be interpreted as evidence of the existence of a cultural impact. Our results show that a culture with more gender equality in the country of ancestry may reduce the gender commuting gap of parents. Specifically, an increase of one standard deviation in the GGI (cultural proxy) increases women's daily commuting time relative to that of men by almost 6 min, a sizeable effect representing 26% of the standard deviation in the gender commuting gap across countries of ancestry. A supplementary analysis provides possible mechanisms through which culture operates and is transmitted. Our results are robust to the use of different subsamples, geographical controls, and selection into employment and telework.

Measuring the impact of calorie labeling: The mechanisms behind changes in obesity.

Learning the true calorie content of fast food may induce consumers to change behavior, yet recent evidence is mixed on whether calorie labels cause consumers to order healthier meals. Especially for individuals for whom consumption of highly caloric fast-food is habitual, a rational response to calorie labeling may instead be to maintain consumption levels but increase physical activity. Using American Time Use Survey data from 2004 to 2012, we show that the 2008 New York City Calorie Labeling Mandate significantly improved several measures of physical activity, including overall metabolic equivalents of task units and minutes of sedentary activity. Our results translate to an average extra 28 calories burned per day or a 0.6kg weight decrease for the average person over one year. These results provide a plausible mechanism for calorie labeling mandates to lower obesity rates, which we demonstrate in the New York City context.

Temperature and work:Time allocated to work under varying climate and labor market conditions.

Workers in climate exposed industries such as agriculture, construction, and manufacturing face increased health risks of working on high temperature days and may make decisions to reduce work on high-heat days to mitigate this risk. Utilizing the American Time Use Survey (ATUS) for the period 2003 through 2018 and historical weather data, we model the relationship between daily temperature and time allocation, focusing on hours worked by high-risk laborers. The results indicate that labor allocation decisions are context specific and likely driven by supply-side factors. We do not find a significant relationship between temperature and hours worked during the Great Recession (2008–2014), perhaps due to high competition for employment, however during periods of economic growth (2003–2007, 2015–2018) we find a significant reduction in hours worked on high-heat days. During periods of economic growth, for every degree above 90 on a particular day, the average high-risk worker reduces their time devoted to work by about 2.6 minutes relative to a 90-degree day. This effect is expected to intensify in the future as temperatures rise. Applying the modeled relationships to climate projections through the end of century, we find that annual lost wages resulting from decreased time spent working on days over 90 degrees across the United States range from $36.7 to $80.0 billion in 2090 under intermediate and high emission futures, respectively.

Gender Inequality in Housework: Persistence and Change by Partnership and Parenthood Status in the Early 2000s

Heterosexual unions and parenthood are key contributors to gender inequality in housework. Over the last two decades, the social meaning of partnership and parenthood has changed. This study investigated whether this change in the narrative of partnership and parenthood status influenced changes in the housework gender gap. Using the American Time Use Survey 2003–2005 and 2013–2015, the findings show that housework gender gap was larger for people in a couple relationship than for singles. For nonparents, the gender gap in housework was no difference between those married and those cohabiting. Gender inequality in housework persisted among married parents but decreased among cohabiting parents, mainly because of the increase in cohabiting fathers’ housework time. These findings suggest a heterosexual union, particularly marriage, reproduces conventional gender roles. Men’s gendered behaviors were not uniform but diverse across partnership and parenthood status.

What do time-use patterns tell us about the validity of self-reported health?

ObjectiveThis short communication investigates the usefulness of time-use measures to validate subjective health measures such as self-reported health (SRH). It does this by examining time-use patterns and SRH among middle-age adults in the United States distinguished by race/ethnicity and with additional attention to differences in responses based on language of interview for Hispanics. MethodsData for this study come from the 2013–2016 American Time Use Survey. We calculated average time-use for personal care; housework; paid work; leisure; volunteering/travel; caregiving; and education for every racial/ethnic group differentiating by SRH for 27,063 adults aged 25–64 years. A series of ANOVAs were computed to assess differences in time-use by SRH. ResultsNon-Hispanic whites and non-Hispanic Blacks who reported poor/fair SRH spent more time in personal care and leisure, and less time in paid work, volunteering/travel, caregiving and education, in comparison to those who reported Excellent/Very Good/Good SRH. Among Hispanics, differences by SRH were found for personal care, paid work, leisure and volunteering/travel. Hispanics who answered in English displayed partially similar patterns in SRH found for non-Hispanic whites and Blacks. Hispanics who answered in Spanish demonstrated differences in SRH in the areas of paid work, leisure and education, diverging from the other groups. ConclusionsTime-use differences by health status are consistent between non-Hispanic whites, non-Hispanic blacks, but not so for Hispanics. To some extent, Hispanics who answered in English have more comparable patterns to non-Hispanic whites and non-Hispanic Blacks than Spanish respondents. Caution should be exercised when self-reported health measures are used to compare diverse samples collected with surveys that are administered in different languages.

Travel mode and participation in structured activities among U.S. teens

In the United States, low-income and minority teens are less likely than their affluent and white peers to engage in structured activities like team sports, clubs, and paid work. This gap is problematic because teens who participate earn higher grades, are less likely to drop out of high school, and are more likely to enroll in college. While scholars in other fields focus on program availability and affordability, this paper asks: Could transportation barriers keep some teens from participating? To answer that question, we analyze data on the travel and time use of teens ages 15 to 18 from the American Time Use Survey (2004 to 2018). We find that teens who use a car are far more likely than otherwise similar teens who walk, bike, or ride public transit to participate in extramurals, athletics, and paid work. Because minority and low-income teens are less likely to have a car or a driver’s license, they are less likely to use a car on the survey day. This restricts their ability to participate. What is worse, gaps in automobility have widened over time, particularly by income. While this cross-sectional data cannot definitively indicate causality, we draw on the modal mismatch and transportation disadvantage literatures to interpret these findings. Many teens, particularly low-income and minority teens—cannot reliably access structured activities.