American Partners Research Articles

Ousley—Repatriation and the Smithsonian

The repatriation of Native American human remains has been a significant issue at the Smithsonian’s National Museum of Natural History for the past 40 years. Following the requirements of the National Museum of the American Indian Act of 1989, which mandated the use of the best available scientific and historical documentation to trace tribal origins, the Museum created the Repatriation Osteology Laboratory, which Stephen Ousley directed for the majority of his career at the Smithsonian. For nearly a decade, Ousley led exemplary osteological research in the service of repatriation, applying techniques of forensic anthropology, innovating craniometric and statistical analyses, and working collaboratively with the museum’s Native American partners. His high standards for the research and objective treatment of osteological evidence requiring critical thinking have served as a model for the Repatriation Office, students, and Native and non-Native researchers he worked with during his time at the Smithsonian and beyond.

Traditional Knowledge as the Foundation of Inclusive Academic and Native American Partnerships

Traditional Knowledge as the Foundation of Inclusive Academic and Native American Partnerships

China-Mexico Economic Relationship in the Context of China’s Penetration in Latin America

China’s relationship with Latin America countries experienced a process of significant expansion over the past two decades. Even though Latin America was not considered as part of the BRI when it was first established, China designed its economic strategy toward the region by emphasizing investment, financial and industrial capacity cooperation, besides trade. Afterwards, China invited Latin American countries to participate in the BRI at the China–Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) Ministerial Forum in Santiago in January 2018. Twenty-one Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries have signed up to the BRI. However, there are few LAC countries that have not done so, among them the region’s largest economies such as Brazil, Mexico and Colombia, although Brazil is with full AIIB membership. This paper focuses on the specific economic relations between China and Mexico, as far as Mexico is the less involved LA country into the BRI, and Mexico’s position toward China is more aligned with that of its North American partners than to the Latin American countries. This article analyzes the specific situation of Mexico, characterized by its deep integration and dependency on the US market and examines the current economic relations of China and Mexico, considering the impact of the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement on the bilateral economic relations. The structure of bilateral trade between Mexico and China is also examined, using the Grubel-Lloyd Index (GLI).

Abstract A050: MicroRNA as biomarkers in early detection and personalized treatment in ovarian cancer: Development of a personalized prevention consortium

Abstract Epithelial ovarian cancer (EOC) has poor survival given no effective early detection strategies and non-specific early disease symptoms. We have formed a consortium with European and American partners to provide the necessary validation of a microRNA (miRNA) panel for earlier detection of EOC using serum samples and data from prospective cohorts, paired with clinical data and biospecimens. Our objectives are to validate a serologic miRNA panel that, together with CA125, would have sufficient diagnostic discrimination to be used as a tool that, complementary to imaging, would allow early identification and direction of patients with suspected malignancy to personalized gyn-oncological care. We will validate serum miRNA profiles as biomarkers for early detection in samples collected from cases ⇐3 years prior to EOC diagnosis and matched controls and characterize sources of variation in miRNA profiles and their impact on discrimination. Evaluate miRNA profiles in the clinical setting and the discrimination between EOC cases and women with (i) benign ovarian tumors in blood samples collected prior to diagnostic surgery and (ii) underlying comorbidities (including other cancer types). Further, we will evaluate serum miRNA profiles as predictors of recurrence and will compare tumor tissue and serum miRNA profiles. Develop and optimize protocols for data integration and methods for algorithm development. Direct in silico validation, including miRNA and CA125 levels, and clinical and epidemiologic data. Address Ethical, Legal and Social Aspects (ELSA), including activities in key stakeholder groups. Challenges in health data privacy and sharing, including for development of an artificial intelligence model, will be addressed, as will the definition of a “healthy” population with respect to miRNA profiles for EOC. The consortium was launched in 2023, with the first findings expected in 2024. Beyond the initial direct aims of the consortium, expanded aims on further promising markers are envisaged. Citation Format: Renée Turzanski Fortner, Hilde Langseth. MicroRNA as biomarkers in early detection and personalized treatment in ovarian cancer: Development of a personalized prevention consortium [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the AACR Special Conference on Ovarian Cancer; 2023 Oct 5-7; Boston, Massachusetts. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2024;84(5 Suppl_2):Abstract nr A050.

India-Latin America Relations, 2000-22: Their Encounter and Shared Gains

ABSTRACT India’s relations with Latin American countries are of long-standing but they had had low salience for both sides. During the early 21st century, the salience increased for both. What explains this change? The confluence of shifts in the structure of the international system, economic and political regime change, and the rise to office of new governments in India and key Latin American countries, in particular Brazil and Mexico, permitted and fostered an acceleration and intensification of relations between India and such countries. The heightened inter-country partnerships during 2004–14 resulted from statecraft, that is, the deliberate actions of the governments of India and its key Latin American partners in response to new international system opportunities and the subsequent actions of their respective business communities. Prime ministers and presidents acted on the structural opportunity to enact innovative foreign policies. These governments coordinated their policies in multilateral institutions, helped to reshape them, and innovated in creating new multilateral entities. They also opened new avenues for business investment and trade. In time, democratic politics – the transfer of power from incumbent parties and leaders to the opposition – converted one administration’s policy into the foreign policy of the State.

Anesthesia Risk Alert Program: A Proactive Safety Initiative.

Analyzing adverse events data collected over a three-year period on all anesthetic cases, North American Partners in Anesthesia (NAPA), a nationwide anesthesia practice, found a correlation between certain high-risk clinical factors and a number of critical events. Seeking to reduce the incidence of critical adverse events associated with these high-risk factors, the quality team of the NAPA Anesthesia Patient Safety Institute (NAPSI) developed the Anesthesia Risk Alert (ARA) program, which guides clinicians in proactively applying targeted risk mitigation interventions in five specific clinical scenarios. NAPSI is NAPA's Patient Safety Organization (PSO). ARA promotes a proactive (Safety II) approach to patient safety. The protocol incorporates innovative collaboration techniques to improve clinical decision-making, along with recommendations by professional medical societies. ARA risk mitigation strategies also adapt decision tools from other industries, such as red team/blue team methodology. Following implementation training to approximately 6,000 NAPA clinicians, ongoing compliance is tracked for the program's two components: screening patients for the five high-risk clinical scenarios and performing the associated mitigation strategy when one or more risk factor is identified. Since launching the ARA program in 2019, clinician compliance consistently exceeds 95%. Simultaneously, available data indicate that the incidence of selected adverse events has decreased. ARA, developed as a process improvement initiative to reduce patient harm in several vulnerable perioperative patient populations, demonstrates how proactive safety strategies can improve clinical outcomes and create better perioperative cultures. At various sites, NAPA anesthesia clinicians reported that ARA's collaboration strategies were transformative behaviors that extended beyond the operating room. Other health care providers may customize the lessons learned from ARA with a Safety II approach.

Making the case for Africa and the democratic republic of the Congo as the global rare earth element supply leaders

The initiative to electrify and decarbonize economies over the next two decades, particularly in the energy and transportation sectors, is going to cause a significant increase in demand for critical rare earth elements , Rare earth elements have already proved themselves highly useful, contributing to many everyday items including batteries, electric vehicles, computer components, photovoltaic panels, and turbines to name a few examples. The number of countries outside of the United States that currently source and provide these critical elements is limited, posing implications for the security and continuity of the global and national supply chain and specifically to the national security of the US. This article is a mini review of the existing literature with recommendations for partnerships. It discusses potential stress points in the current supply chain of REEs and explores the feasibility of expanded American partnerships with Africa and the Democratic Republic of the Congo specifically to address opportunities to strengthen the security and transparency of the global supply chain of REEs. In Africa, REEs are concentrated in countries like South Africa, Madagascar, Malawi, Kenya, Namibia, the DRC, Mozambique, Tanzania, Zambia, and Burundi. These countries have significant quantities of neodymium, praseodymium, and dysprosium among other REEs that are required in the numerous technological items (including green technologies) that are manufactured today. The framework for extracting the elements from those countries requires specific attention to ensure the preservation of natural assets that are key to global health.

“As an Asian”: Sticky Rice Politics as a Logic of Desirability in Queer Asian Women’s Sexual Field

This paper explores how queer Asian American women negotiate their racial and political identities through racial dating preferences. I investigate a pattern of desire that has been consistently found in previous studies: Why are queer Asian American women more likely to prefer Asian women over white women? The analysis draws from 192 US-based online surveys and 22 interviews with queer Asian women ages 18–30. The participants were asked about their various preferences for female and (if applicable) male partners. I contribute to the racial dating preferences literature empirically by (1) extending the scope of analysis to queer Asian American women and (2) analyzing bisexuals’ preferences for both male and female partners. I contribute theoretically by (1) testing sexual fields theory against the gender white advantage hypothesis and (2) finding evidence to suggest that homonormativity, as a logic of desirability, is less operative in queer Asian American women’s sexual field. Rather, their sexual fields are defined by an alternative logic of desirability, “sticky rice” politics, that prioritizes dating Asian partners and avoiding white partners to resist and distance oneself from white supremacy. This was clear in Asian American respondents’ overwhelming preference for Asian American partners, even Asian American men, over white partners.

Mundo China: The media partnership reframing China's image in Brazil

This paper explores China's increasing media engagement with Latin American partners. It examines the case of Mundo China (MC), a China-news segment broadcast by the Brazilian news channel BandNews TV and co-produced in partnership with CCTV. By conducting content analysis, we assess how China is presented, contrast the framing of China before and since the partnership agreement, and compare the televised image of China between BandNews TV and other news channels in Brazil. The findings show that MC has assisted in diversifying and balancing the ratio of positive frames in relation to the overall China-related reporting across the broadcasters sampled.

Russia’s foreign economic relations with major Latin American partners in the context of anti-Russian sanctions

The article examines key vectors of the development of Russia’s foreign economic relations with its largest trading partners in Latin America in the context of anti-Russian sanctions. The author analyzes peculiarities of Russia’s foreign trade and investment cooperation with Brazil, Ecuador, Argentina, Mexico and Chile. Factors hindering the development of this cooperation are economic instability in the world, anti-Russian sanctions, weak development of logistics networks, lack of free trade agreements, the presence of high custom duties on Russian products in the Latin American market, high competition on part of the United States and China, insufficient interest of Russian business in economic cooperation with the countries of the region over the past decades. It is shown that the largest increase in Russia’s trade turnover with the countries under consideration was recorded with Mexico, an increase in Russian exports was observed in Argentina, and imports - from Mexico. Chile demonstrated the worst indicators in the sphere of foreign trade relations among the countries under consideration. It is concluded that Russia’s largest Latin American partners have serious prospects for expanding their presence on the Russian market in the face of anti-Russian sanctions. Two key factors can be considered favorable for further development of Russia - Latin America trade cooperation. The first one is the orientation of the foreign policy of many countries in the region to other economic partners in order to minimize dependence on the United States. The second one is that Russia is shifting its vectors of economic cooperation from unfriendly countries to other countries, including Latin American states. It is concluded that investment cooperation between the countries has certain prospects for development, especially in the field of oil and gas exploration, energy and railway construction.

ИНДО-ТИХООКЕАНСКАЯ СТРАТЕГИЯ РЕСПУБЛИКИ КОРЕЯ: ПРИОРИТЕТЫ И ПОСЛЕДСТВИЯ ДЛЯ СТАБИЛЬНОСТИ В ВОСТОЧНОЙ АЗИИ

This study aims to analyze the priorities of the Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) of the Republic of Korea (ROK) and specifically attempts to assess the potential impact of the strategy on the balance of power in the region from the perspective of classical realism. It also evaluates the extent to which the current level of economic cooperation with Southeast Asia (SEA) and India corresponds to its central position in the strategy. The study concludes that in the medium and long term, the IPS may have a destabilizing impact on the regional situation and negatively affect the image of the ROK as a neutral player, as it has been perceived so far. According to classical realism, strengthening alliances at the expense of the interests of other players will lead to increased conflicts, as has happened repeatedly throughout history. Despite the Korean government emphasizing the significance of the SEA and India region for the economy, the ROK’s dependency on China has not diminished. Currently, there is a noticeable increase in the country’s economic interaction with the United States, further pulling Seoul into the orbit of American partners and making it a tool for achieving foreign policy and strategic goals for certain circles of the US administration.

Barriers to and Outcomes of Initiating Clinical Research at Two Trauma Centers in Mexico

IntroductionDespite efforts to advance clinical research through collaboration between Latin and North American partners, there remains persistent barriers to performing investigative work. To overcome these obstacles, a team of over 100 surgeon-leaders from 18 Latin American countries founded the Asociación de Cirujanos Traumatólogos de las Américas (ACTUAR). One of ACTUAR’s first major collaborative projects, initiated in 2018, was a prospective, observational, multicenter study evaluating quality of life after open tibia fracture management. The current study identified common barriers experienced during the initiation of this study, as exemplified through two sites in Mexico. The study aims to identify obstacles to proactively overcome these in future collaborative work. MethodsTwo research assistants from University of California, San Francisco and two research coordinators from Mexico were recruited to share their experiences, identify common barriers experienced during site enrollment and on-boarding for the ACTUAR open tibia study, and discuss possible solutions. ResultsBarriers were organized into three categories: structural, logistical, and intrapersonal. Structural barriers included differences in patient populations and resources between private and public hospitals. Logistical barriers included ambiguous ethical review processes, internet availability, and low patient follow-up. Primary enrollment as a resident responsibility led to some intrapersonal barriers. Potential solutions were identified for each barrier and agreed upon by all collaborators. ConclusionsMultiple barriers were identified by research personnel who initiated a prospective surgical clinical research study in Mexico. Through collaborative approaches, many potential solutions may help overcome these barriers and build locally led research capacity in Latin America.

On the asymmetric effects of exchange rate volatility on the U.S. Bilateral Trade with its 12 South American partners

On the asymmetric effects of exchange rate volatility on the U.S. Bilateral Trade with its 12 South American partners

플랫폼 기반 상호문화적 영어 교수-학습 모형 개발과 적용

The purpose of this study is to develop and implement a platform-based intercultural English teaching and learning model for a real time online class (‘English/American culture’) at a Korean university. According to the intercultural language learning theories, the intercultural competence makes learners better understand the target culture and improve language abilities. By incorporating inter-cultural projects into an English & American culture course with an E-buddy project (of one Korean student and one American student as a team) on multiple online platforms, we encouraged Korean students to meet regularly with an American partner and do a collaborative culture project on a chosen topic in English. We analyzed the effects of the class with the inter-cultural project, by employing quantitative and qualitative methods: observations of classes and the culture project, a questionnaire, students’ reflection reports and interviews. The findings showed that students perceived it to be useful for an improvement of their speaking and listening skills. They were able to gain deeper insights into English/American culture and its society. In addition, the students developed certain degree of cross-cultural awareness and thereby came to a reappraisal of their own culture. In general, the students were positive about the course with the intercultural culture project in groups and found it beneficial for their language learning and intercultural understanding.

Disappointment and Indifference: Pakistan and The Biden Presidency

Disappointment and Indifference:Pakistan and The Biden Presidency Robert M. Hathaway (bio) Over the decades, the up-and-down relationship between Pakistan and the United States has sometimes been likened to a roller coaster ride.1 Others have seen it marked by a succession of "bubble-crash cycles," alternating periods when Pakistani and American interests converged and the two countries found mutually useful ways to work together, punctuated by periods of discord when their fundamental interests seemed to go in different directions.2 Still others, noting the way in which Islamabad and Washington have appeared to be friends and enemies simultaneously, have portrayed the two countries as "frenemies."3 Regardless of the metaphor, Islamabad's ties with the United States in recent years have displayed the same volatility as in earlier periods of their 75-year history. [End Page 1] The elevation of Joe Biden to the American presidency in 2021 initially generated hopes in Pakistan that perhaps the two countries could move beyond the boom-and-bust pattern of the past. Through the first year of Biden's presidency, however, these aspirations never came close to fulfillment. Worse yet in the eyes of many in Pakistan, a new element entered the Pakistan-American equation. To the astonishment of those who had expected something more from Biden, and contrary to the approach pursued by previous U.S. presidents, the attitude toward Pakistan of the new American administration bordered on utter indifference. The Trump Years Donald Trump, who entered the White House in early 2017, did little to alter the roller coaster pattern so characteristic of ties between Pakistan and the United States. The first year of the Trump administration saw the unpredictable American president unleash several exceptionally harsh verbal attacks on Pakistan. Past U.S. administrations had paid Pakistan "billions and billions of dollars at the same time they [Pakistan] are housing the very terrorists that we are fighting" in Afghanistan, Trump declared in August 2017. "That will have to change, and that will change immediately," he threatened. Four months later, Trump launched a New Year's Day Twitter blast at Islamabad. "The United States has foolishly given Pakistan more than 33 billion dollars in aid over the last 15 years, and they have given us nothing but lies & deceit, thinking of our leaders as fools," the president thundered. "No more!"4 Three days later, the State Department announced the suspension of all U.S. security assistance to Pakistan. In the months that followed, the Trump administration took further steps to ratchet up pressure on Pakistan, most notably by working with allies to place Pakistan on the Financial Action Task Force's (FATF) "gray list" of countries with inadequate controls on terrorist financing, a move that could dry up foreign investment and seriously damage an already weak Pakistani economy.5 In November 2018, Trump and Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan engaged in an unseemly public spat via Twitter, with Trump again complaining that Pakistan had taken billions [End Page 2] in U.S. assistance while simultaneously housing September 11th mastermind Osama bin Laden and actively working against American efforts to defeat the Taliban in Afghanistan. Washington had at last "restored some clarity in our relationship with Pakistan," a White House press spokesman declared. "For the first time we're holding Pakistan accountable for its actions."6 Trump's complaints about Pakistan had not come out of the blue. U.S. frustration with Islamabad had begun almost simultaneously with the resurrection of the U.S.-Pakistan partnership in the weeks after the September 11, 2001, attacks on New York and Washington. As the years passed and U.S. efforts to create a stable democratic government in Afghanistan sputtered, relations with Islamabad worsened. Washington charged that Pakistan provided safe havens and other vital support to the Afghan Taliban and allied groups like the Haqqani network, which had been responsible for some of the deadliest attacks against the Kabul government and its American partners. Pakistan denied the U.S. allegations, insisted it was a faithful partner in the struggle against extremist terror, and declared that Washington was scapegoating Pakistan to avoid facing its own failures in Afghanistan. Yet, despite this unpromising beginning...

ЛАТИНСКАЯ АМЕРИКА ВО ВНЕШНЕЭКОНОМИЧЕСКОЙ СТРАТЕГИИ ПОРТУГАЛИИ

The article deals with the current and insufficiently explored issue of Portugal's international relations with Latin American countries. It is shown that after a series of crises, the Portuguese economy managed to reach a growth trajectory, change the image of a European outsider and gain the authority in the world community. Special attention is paid to the current stage of structural modernization, the characteristic of which is the innovatization and digitalization of production processes, the development of high-tech industries. The ongoing changes have led to significant edits in the foreign economic strategy of the Portuguese authorities and the transition to an offensive export policy. The growth of the economy, the course towards its internationalization by supporting exports and expanding foreign economic relations have contributed to the intensification of cooperation with other regions of the world, including Latin American countries. It is noted that the Latin American direction is an important element of the foreign policy activities of the Portuguese authorities. Historically, Portugal's relations with the countries of the region have been built in different formats: at the bilateral level and through participation in regional and interregional groupings. In recent years, there has been an increase in the expansion of Portuguese business in Latin America. And although the process of trade development of Latin American markets faces objective difficulties and develops relatively slowly, the region is assigned the role of a promising partner of Portugal in the implementation of the strategy of export diversification, increasing the share of innovative products of high processing in it. It is emphasized that in every Latin American country, Portugal is trying (sometimes very effectively) to find its trade and economic niche. At the same time, Brazil has a special status in Portugal's relations with Latin American partners.

Left Latin American governments in the US Foreign policy strategy: is the dialogue real?

The article reviews foreign policy of the United States towards moderate left-wing governments of Latin American countries, including Colombia, Chile and Peru. Due to the mutual demand and intersection of interests, both sides are ready to build a constructive dialogue, while immense limitative factors still matter. Despite political differences, Washington has strong intention to activate bilateral cooperation on particular issues, and in those areas where Latin American partners demonstrate the will for the reciprocal steps.

From emergency to structure: ways to fight Covid-19 via international cooperation in health from Brazil

This article argues the need for complementarity between emergency and structuring international cooperation in scenarios of health crises in developing countries. Through a review of contemporary literature and document analysis, it analyzes some aspects of the performance of global and Latin American institutions in the Covid-19 pandemic in light of this argument. It also makes a brief survey of forms of international cooperation that emerge from Brazil, with BRICS and Latin American partners, to fight the pandemic, which have a local and sectoral character: paradiplomacy, structuring networks and the role of local agents and health experts.

Relations between Brazil and Spain under the Bolsonaro’s government

In this article the author examines in detail the bilateral relations between Spain and Brazil during the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro. In addition, the subject of this article is the opposition of EU governments to the environmental policies of the South American country and the disastrous policies of the Brazilian authorities in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic. President Bolsonaro’s negligence of climate change and Amazon deforestation has prompted European governments to openly oppose the ratification of the Mercosur – EU Free Trade Agreement, which was signed in 2019 after 20 years of negotiations. In May 2016, the parties agreed on reciprocal terms, resulting in signing of the agreement. It also included the exchange of goods and services, essential investments and public procurements. All this was done in the context of a global policy of protectionism amid a weakening role of the WTO as a supporter of the trade liberalization process. Despite its success, countries such as France, Austria and the Netherlands stand against the Mercosur – EU trade deal, which can halt its ratification. The Spanish government, on the contrary, is lobbying for ratification of the agreement. Madrid, interested in benefiting from the Bolsonaro government’s liberal economic policies, maintains strong ties with its South American partner. The author analyzes the transformation of Spain from a relatively irrelevant partner of Brazil in the 20th century to one of the main investors directing significant resources to the Brazilian economy. We also assess the results and challenges of the Brazil – Spain strategic partnership in a broader context of the Brazil – EU relations.

Evolution of Innovation Indicators in Peru

A country's economy, in terms of productivity, poverty reduction and sustainable development, is related to its progress in innovation; therefore, it is of special interest to analyze and compare the indicators that measure innovation capacity. This study examines the evolution of innovation in Peru in recent years. A systematic search was conducted for data related to innovation indicators from the competitiveness rankings of the World Economic Forum, Ricyt, Indecopi, Sunedu, OECD, Concytec, Consejo Privado de Competitividad, among other organizations that evaluate global or regional performance. The results indicate that, during the last decade, Peru has shown some improvements in innovation; the number of patents granted has shown sustained growth, especially in universities; however, most of the indicators have not shown regular behavior, and some even showed drops. Likewise, Peruvian performance is still limited, especially when compared to other countries in the region such as Chile and Colombia, South American partners in the Pacific Alliance. In conclusion, despite Peru's remarkable macroeconomic growth in recent years, as well as the increased budget allocated to STI, the legal framework for intellectual property, the PCT system, university reform with research incentive policies, among other factors, Peru's performance in innovation has not reached the expected values, nor has it shown sustained and regular growth.