American Party Research Articles

Mapping sovereignism(s) in South America

AbstractSovereignism is said to be on the rise: defending a nation's political autonomy, international borders, and cultural identity and protecting the domestic economy from the perils of globalisation are core demands. What about Latin America? To what extent are sovereignist claims a key component of Latin American parties' platforms and rhetoric? How do these vary according to national contexts and ideological foundations? Is sovereignism truly novel in the region? This article, relying on qualitative analyses of party manifestos from six different countries, as well as on data from the Manifesto Project, aims to map Latin American sovereignism in its different dimensions (political, economic, cultural, international) according to country and party families. As our data show, claims for defending or achieving ‘sovereignty’ are a key component of the (mostly left‐wing) populist idiolect in the region. The Latin American extreme right tends to adopt a sovereignist rhetoric to justify a traditional pro‐market agenda. The article overall calls for a problematisation of the concept of ‘sovereignism’ by proposing a stronger cross‐regional perspective. There are different ‘varieties of sovereignism’ depending on whether state sovereignty is primarily viewed as something to be restored or, alternatively, to be achieved (as is the case in South America).

Platform politics in Latin America: Equalizers, normalizers, laggards, and marginals

How has the adoption of internet-based platform politics impacted Latin American party systems? This paper fills an important gap by creating novel categories and tracing patterns for understanding how political parties of 18 Central and South American countries practice politics online. Our work is informed by the equalization versus normalization debate between that sees the Internet as either consolidating institutional parties’ strength or giving strategic advantage to new and smaller parties. Our analysis takes a four-step approach to address the initial question. First, we conceptualize platform politics in a Latin American context and generate hypotheses. Second, we create a dataset to map online and offline national party systems across Latin America. Third, we introduce four categories (equalizers, normalizers, laggards, marginals) to capture different parties’ online positioning. Last, we explore platform politics by comparing four parties belonging to the different categories – FMLN in El Salvador, Novo in Brazil, PPC in Peru, and MORENA in Mexico – and showing how they use social media to overcome their structural limits. Overall, this work finds great regional variation to extend the validity of the cyclical nature of equalization and normalization to the Latin American context.

An environmental education: how the education realignment polarized Congress on the environment

ABSTRACT As the international community attempts to unite to combat climate change, American party politics could hardly be more divided on this issue. This paper offers an additional explanation for how US congressional politics on environmental policy has polarized: the ongoing education realignment in American party politics. As the Democratic Party increasingly relies on college-educated voters and the opposite is true for the Republican Party, this can affect the parties’ positions on environmental policy based on public opinion research which finds a positive relationship between education and pro-environment attitudes. Using League of Conservation Voters legislative scorecards from 1983 to 2020, this paper finds the education realignment contributed to the removal of pro-environment Republicans and anti-environment Democrats in Congress in recent decades; and this primarily occurred through elite replacement rather than conversion.

What is to be Done? How Radical Leftists Help to Solve the Problem of Personalist Party-Building in Latin America

Political leaders around the world increasingly rely on personalist parties to win elections and govern. While existing scholarship assumes that personalist parties do not build territorial organization, in fact they vary substantially in terms of organizational strength. In this paper, we move beyond existing structural explanations of party-building and focus on the role of party elites’ preferences to explain the source of this variation. Through a mixed-method approach combining process-tracing of the case studies of Venezuela’s MVR/PSUV and Ecuador’s Alianza PAIS and statistical analysis of Latin American parties, we find that party elites’ past political experiences shape whether personalist parties successfully invest in party organization. Party officials who were socialized in radical-left parties are more likely to advocate for party-building and their presence within party cadres is associated with stronger party organization.

Isaiah D. Clawson: A Salem County Politician in a Time of Transformation

Isaiah D. Clawson was a physician and politician from Salem County in the antebellum era. He first affiliated with the Whig Party. When that party disintegrated in the mid-1850s, Clawson sought the support of the American (Know-Nothing) Party before affiliating with the more enduring Republican Party. Clawson's political maneuvers when he ran for, and was elected to, the U.S. House of Representatives in 1854 and 1856 revealed the political options open to Whigs as their party faded from the political scene. In the context of New Jersey politics, where the American Party endured longer than elsewhere, political figures such as Clawson had to gain and hold on to support from both Americans and Republicans to unify the opposition to the Democrats. Although Clawson's political positions were more in line with Republican thinking on slavery and internal improvements, political realities of the time compelled him to rely on a united opposition to win and retain his seat in the House of Representatives.

The Rise of the Democratic and Republican Mayoral Caucuses and the Nationalization of American Party Politics

The Rise of the Democratic and Republican Mayoral Caucuses and the Nationalization of American Party Politics

Either with Us or Against Us: Business Power and Campaign Contributions in an Age of Hyper-Partisanship

Political scientists have repeatedly failed to establish a relationship between the money companies funnel into political campaigns and how members of Congress vote. Notably, studies have mainly examined how campaign contributions affect the voting of their direct recipients. However, considering the partisan divide and intense power struggle between the two major American parties, this paper proposes that the influence of campaign contributions operates at the party level. That means a member of Congress is more likely to side with a firm whose donations favor her party, even if the firm has not given to the member’s own campaign. Correspondingly, legislators should be less likely to vote in line with the policy preferences of firms whose donations predominately go to the other party. A quantitative analysis of campaign contributions, corporate policy positions, and roll-call votes in Congress bears out these propositions. While the paper also uncovers a recipient effect, the party effect is more substantial.

Clientelism and ideological competition: the impact on ideological overlapping

ABSTRACT Clientelism is a widespread and persistent practice in Latin America with significant ramifications for political actors and systems. This paper analyses its impact upon ideological overlapping, which is one of the aspects of ideological competition that has received disparate levels of attention depending on the region of study. The hypothesis examined is that clientelism reduces the ideological differentiation of political parties because, firstly, a clientelist environment makes it difficult for political actors to use left/right categories, thereby contributing to a reduction in parties’ ideological identities. Secondly, the use of clientelist practices by parties fosters ideological overlapping with other parties, given the lack of incentives for them to differentiate themselves ideologically from one another. To test this relationship, a multilevel regression analysis was performed of 86 Latin American parties since 2009.

How Do General Election Incentives Affect the Visible and Invisible Primary?

Previous research finds that nominating more centrist candidates increases vote share and win probability in congressional general elections. Yet party primary elections often nominate non‐centrist candidates, increasing polarization between the American parties. We develop a model of choice in nomination politics that shows when and how actors respond to incentives of the general election. We then combine 200 million contribution records with data on 22,400 candidates in 7100 House primary elections from 1980 through 2016. We find that potential candidates and primary voters respond to general election incentives but do not find clear evidence for contributors or the winnowing process. Connecting these results back to our model, this implies that actors in the invisible primary either place higher value on in‐party candidate ideology or have different beliefs about the general election than do primary voters. Our evidence adds to a body of research that suggests primary voters are a larger moderating force than elites in American party politics.

Partisan Stability During Turbulent Times: Evidence from Three American Panel Surveys.

The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s11109-022-09825-y.

State Building in Crisis Governance: Donald Trump and COVID-19.

State Building in Crisis Governance: Donald Trump and COVID-19.

On missing out on „the real George W. Bush“: Die Radikalisierung der Republikaner und die Polarisierung der Politik nach 9/11

Abstract This essay imagines the contemporary American political landscape without the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 and their consequences in order to gauge the impact of “9/11” on domestic politics. It suggests that the current political polarization among American voters and within the American party system, which ultimately enabled the election of Donald Trump, would not be that extreme had it not been for the Bush administration’s War on Terror at home and abroad. As the essay outlines, the erosion of the justice system, the US’s disregard for international human rights, and the curbing of citizens’ rights that marked the immediate post-9/11 era led directly to the political polarization, even radicalization, that we witness today. Inversely, this essay speculates that had it not been for 9/11, George W. Bush could have been a moderate conservative force, bridging the chasm between the American right and left, and rallying the nation behind the cause of fighting poverty – the “real George W. Bush” might have had a chance, and the United States as well as the Republican party would look different today.

Permeable boundaries: The interplay between major party primary and non-major party candidacies

Studies of candidate entry in the USA have either focused on the major parties and their primaries, non-major parties, or both but separately. We extend the research on American party politics by analyzing how potential candidates weigh different routes to the general election: major party primaries versus non-major party paths. We develop a theoretical model of candidate entry that recognizes the option to run outside of major party primaries and argue that increased primary competition can drive potential candidates to seek an alternative route to the general election. A district-level analysis of candidate entry (i.e., number of candidates) in U.S. House elections (2008–2018) supports our hypotheses. By looking beyond traditional pathways to office, we uncover new evidence on the permeability of major parties and show how non-major party actors and institutions play an integral role in the two-party system.

Internal Unity and Ideological Orientation in Latin American Parties (1993–2020)

The internal unity of party organizations is an important aspect that impacts not only their dynamics but also their credibility in the eyes of the electorate. One commonly-used strategy for measuring this unity is to analyze the degree of intra-party agreement on policy issues. Despite this importance, there is a lack of up-to-date understanding of the internal unity of political parties in Latin America and of its determinants. In this article, we analyze the degree of agreement in the views of legislators’ ideological self-placement over the course of the last thirty years. Evidence suggests that this level of agreement is greater amongst members of left-wing parties than amongst their right-wing rivals. As has also been shown in Europe, in Latin America, the emphasis of these parties on ideology is a major influence on their dynamics, and the effects of this include more similar ideo­logical identities between their members.

Левая дилемма Дж. Байдена и демократической партии

After two years in the White House, President Joe Biden, who was elected as a centrist, despite his success in implementing his social agenda by building a compromise with Congress divided between left-wing Democrats and right-wing Republicans, still embraces radical far-left agenda as the next campaign strategy. The Democratic Party consolidates in its progressive agenda which will dominate its ideological development. J. Biden’s formula for success – compromise and centrism, which brought him victory in 2020, over the two years of his stay in the White House proved to be precisely the working formula for interaction with Congress and implementation of social programs. After several months of record low ratings, in August 2022, the popularity of the President improved markedly, returning to the figures of September 2021. The 44% that he received in his support still meant that the majority of society did not approve of his presidency, but it was obvious that his efforts to advance his agenda were appreciated by the public. However, the most important thing about this growth is that it was provided by independent voters. It was their support that the President began to lose after only five months of his stay in the White House, their low assessment explained the depressing support numbers of Summer 2022, and only they could return J. Biden to the game on the eve of the midterm elections, turning him from a burden for his party into its hope. Still independent voters are the most difficult audience for parties and presidents, because unlike the emotionally charged core party supporters who are ready to positively evaluate the president just because he represents their party, the swing voters evaluate the results of the presidency, not the party affiliation. And the return of this electorate to Biden after several legislative victories was a positive assessment of the effectiveness of his government strategy based on compromise. Yet there are big doubts that the Democrats are ready to hear and accept this signal of the swing voters. The logical reorientation of parties towards independent voters and a necessary shift of the agenda to the center of the ideological spectrum is complicated by the instability of moods in this part of society, the complexity of monitoring and forecasting them. Given the prevalence of the logic of electoral struggle, which changes all the social functions of political parties, such a reorientation violates the current basic principle of the American parties’ ideological organization – the success of the agenda is determined by victory in the elections. With the dominance of this logic, it can be assumed that the left-wing vector of the Democratic Party’s development will increase, forcing J. Biden not only to strengthen the left rhetoric, but also to expand the left agenda of his presidency, especially if his party loses control over Congress. The whole domestic political process will be still determined by the ideological conflict between two radical agendas – far-left and far-right.

Book review: Ideas of power: The politics of American party ideology development

Book review: Ideas of power: The politics of American party ideology development

The dark authoritarians: Profiling the personality, emotional style, and authoritarian attitudes of the major American parties

Many are concerned that authoritarianism is increasing across the political spectrum. In the current study, we investigated the extent to which dark personality variables (i.e., psychopathy, narcissism, Machiavellianism) predict both right- and left-wing authoritarianism (RWA and LWA) between Republicans and Democrats. We developed profiles of individuals' political and personality characteristics concomitant with endorsement of authoritarianism. Our findings (n = 527) suggest a complex interaction between dark traits and political views. Using latent profile analysis, we uncovered underlying profiles characterizing distinct groups of individuals across party identification, LWA, RWA, and dark traits. Four latent profiles emerged: (1) a typical Democrat, low in dark traits and higher in LWA; (2) a typical Republican, low in dark traits and higher in RWA; (3) a dark Democrat, high in dark traits and high in both RWA and LWA; (4) a dark Republican, high in dark traits and high in both RWA and LWA. Together, these data suggest that authoritarianism manifests differentially across the political spectrum and is influenced by emotional style.

Congressional nominations and party emergence, 1788–1808

AbstractObjectiveWe study the development of nomination procedures for congressional elections by the Democratic‐Republican and Federalist parties in the first party era (1788–1808).MethodsOur study rests on primary source evidence from congressional elections contested in Pennsylvania, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and New Jersey.ResultsWe demonstrate that in these states, party nominations drew popular involvement, a wide pool of potential nominees, selected among them according to well‐understood rules and norms, and subsequently focused electoral supporters on the nominated candidates.ConclusionThe existence of structured nominations has significant implications for U.S. party development. Most importantly, it suggests the Democratic‐Republican and Federalist parties were more institutionalized than previously thought. To the extent that organization capacity is a key marker in party development, this suggests that the early American parties were more developed than is generally recognized.

Evolution of 28 U.S.C. § 1783: An Unexplored Tool to Support International Arbitration?

In certain disputes, it may be important to acquire evidence from the other party, but it is difficult to do so because the international arbitration process envisions only a limited form of discovery from the opposing party in the form of document production. There is, however, the potential of an unexplored option in US law to help fill this void. 28 U.S.C. § 1783, also known as the ‘Walsh Act’, enables a United States court, under certain circumstances, to subpoena a national or resident of the United States who is in a foreign country to personally appear as a witness before the court, or before someone designated by the court, or to produce specific testimony or documents. Considering the ubiquity of American parties in international disputes, section 1783 has the potential to become an important tool in the arsenal of a disputes lawyer. Indeed, considering how section 1782 has been increasingly applied in international arbitration, it is possible that section 1783 might evolve as an important component in considering strategies for international arbitration. Like section 1782, however, due to its lack of use to date and vague statutory language, its applicability to various forms of international arbitrations remains an unfortunately open question. But it still has the potential to change international arbitration as we know it Witness testimony, evidence, subpoena, domestic courts, discovery

Campaigning across continents: how Latin American parties link up with migrant associations abroad

Emigrant voting rights have opened new electoral arenas, and many political parties increasingly campaign across borders. Yet relatively little is known about the challenges parties confront when campaigning transnationally and the strategies they have developed in response to these challenges. This paper addresses these shortcomings. First, I investigate the hurdles Latin American parties face in linking up with organized migrant collectives in residency countries for campaigning purposes. Second, I probe into the transnational linkage strategies these parties deploy to tap into migrant associations’ resources and mobilization capacities. This study builds on a comparative research design and draws on almost 40 semi-structured interviews with Bolivian and Ecuadorian party activists as well as association leaders in Barcelona, Spain. Departing from the party interest group literature, I identify three transnational linkage strategies Bolivian and Ecuadorian parties implement: 1) Infiltration, 2) Co-optation, and 3) Cooperation. All parties execute these tactics informally in order to comply with local norms that require associations to remain apolitical. The analysis further demonstrates that differences between home-country electoral systems shape the types of linkage strategies Bolivian and Ecuadorian parties use. This article contributes to the study of migrant politics and political parties in important ways. This study highlights how political parties actively negotiate their entry into the transnational electoral arena, and sheds light on how migrants remain politically connected to their home countries.