American Newspaper Publishers Association Research Articles

Newspaper Monopolies under the Microscope: The Celler Hearings of 1963

Early in 1963, United States Representative Emanuel Celler, chairman of the House Antitrust Subcommittee, took a bold step. As part of his committee's long examination of monopolistic practices in major US industries, Celler called newspaper publishers to participate in a series of hearings about the concentration of ownership in the newspaper industry. Discontinued twice, the hearings have remained somewhat of a mystery, with no official documentation of the proceedings available among government records. This research sheds additional light on the Celler Hearings of 1963, characterizes the approaches congressmen and publishers used in the hearings, and contributes a new perspective on why the hearings were discontinued. The article uses press reports, the personal papers of Emanuel Celler, the files of the House Antitrust Subcommittee, government documents, and American Newspaper Publishers Association documents to piece together the narrative. From the facts uncovered, the research concludes that publisher opposition to the hearings and Celler's role in the Civil Rights Act of 1964 brought a premature end to government's first attempt to curb the concentration of ownership in the newspaper industry.

The Baseball-Radio War, 1931-1935

The Baseball-Radio War, 1931-1935 James R. Walker (bio) The emergence of radio in the 1920s as a significant new medium of mass communication was greeted by most Major League Baseball (MLB) owners with suspicion and apprehension. Owners feared the new medium would reduce attendance and compromise their symbiotic relationship with the newspaper industry. East Coast and American League teams were especially antiradio, while some clubs in the Midwest, especially the Chicago Cubs, were proradio. Initially, teams received limited, if any, rights fees to allow the broadcasting of their games, so there was little economic incentive to let radio in the ballpark gate. However, a few forward-thinking owners saw radio as a positive promotional device that could sell baseball to new customers, including women working in the home. It might also charm children, spawning the next generation of fans. Since the games were played during the day, women and children were the major groups in the radio audience. As the 1930s dawned, the Great Depression forced owners to consider new options for replacing revenues lost from declining attendance. At the same time, some sponsors, General Mills in particular, aggressively promoted the sponsorship of baseball on the radio to sell breakfast cereal (e.g., Wheaties) to children. The growing war between some baseball owners and radio came to a head at a series of league meetings in the 1930s. These pivotal confrontations between the lords of America's national pastime and the medium that millions used every day to pass the time would change the relationship between baseball and radio, establishing a blueprint that would carry over to television. As wars go, even metaphoric ones, the baseball-radio war of the 1930s was a minor skirmish. Unlike the war on poverty, the war on drugs, or the war on terrorism, the baseball-radio war would not receive much national attention. A few articles in the New York Times, Broadcasting, and the Sporting News would suffice to cover the conflict. But like many actual wars, the baseball-radio war was never officially declared and was part of a larger confrontation. [End Page 53] Newspapers vs. Radio The baseball-radio war of the early 1930s was a minor battle in the larger press-radio war. Newspapers owned the news prior to the emergence of radio in the 1920s. Competition among local papers was fierce, but limited to members of the daily print club. Radio news grew slowly in the 1920s. NBC's news bureau consisted of one reporter as late as 1933. Radio news was generally part of a station's "sustaining time," unsponsored programming typically offered to please federal regulators, and provided programming to maintain the station's signal and presence in the market. But newspapers were still afraid of the new voices from the ether. Radio could cover news as it happened from the scene and certainly before a print version, even an extra, could appear. Radio could always scoop the printed word. In December 1933, the newspaper industry (AP, UP, INS, American Newspaper Publishers Association) and the radio industry (NBC, CBS, National Association of Broadcasters) all but shut down radio news when they signed the Biltmore Agreement at the hotel of the same name in Washington, DC. The agreement was decidedly one-sided, with major concessions from the radio industry. In the future, radio news would have to be unsponsored (therefore unprofitable), supplied by the newspaper industry's Press-Radio Bureau, and limited to times that would insure that morning and evening newspapers would always present the news first. The radio industry agreed to this outlandish restraint of trade because news was not seen as profitable and newspapers controlled the major wire services. The Biltmore Agreement began to unravel almost immediately; by the end of 1934, independent (non-network) stations, who had not signed the agreement, began to program news extensively and profitably.1 Within this context, baseball's radio-coverage restrictions were clearly supported by newspapers and were part of the print media attempts to control its competition. Owners were aware of the value of newspaper publicity in selling tickets, while, in a classic symbiotic relationship, newspapers sold more papers by extensively covering the national pastime. This...

Controlling Newsbox Clutter

Abstract Newsboxes (also called “newsracks”) account for almost half of single copy newspaper sales in the United States, making them a key element in newspaper distribution. See Brief for the American Newspaper Publishers Association, as cited in City of Cincinnati u. Discovery Network, 507 U.S. 410, 416 n. 10 (1993), 45 ZD 191. This proliferation of newsboxes along public streets, sidewalks, and other public areas, how-ever, has resulted in increasing visual clutter and safety concerns. But when communities attempt to control newsbox clutter, they often are challenged by newspaper publishers who charge that these regulations violate constitutional pro-tections for free speech.

Media at War: Radio’s Challenge to the Newspapers, 1924–1939 by Gwenyth L. Jackaway

TECHNOLOGY AND CULTURE Book Reviews 525 city”(of course he would play up the New York angle), the story of Steinway is really an American story. Its readers will indeed be thoroughly engaged by the story of this great piano-building family, but they will additionally come away with an enhanced understand­ ing of the history of American business and industry, society and culture. Emily Thompson Dr. Thompson teaches the history of technology at the University of Pennsylvania. Before becoming a historian, she worked as a sound engineer and producer at the Eastman School of Music and atWQED-FM in Pittsburgh. She is the author of “Ma­ chines, Music and the Quest for Fidelity: Marketing the Edison Phonograph in America, 1877-1925,” Musical Quarterly 79 (Spring 1995). Media at War: Radio’s Challenge to the Newspapers, 1924-1939. By Gwenyth L. Jackaway. Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1995. Pp. xi+168; notes, bibliography, index. $49.95 (hardcover). In enlisting the military metaphor of war in her title and in her historical trajectory, GwenythJackaway invites us to view the advent of new technology as an agent of insurgency, arriving on the scene bristling with aggression toward entrenched interests and forcing them into a stance of self-defense, “threatening” and disrupting es­ tablished ways ofthinking, communicating, and doing business. The entrenched interest, in this case print journalism, reacts by at­ tempting to “stem the tide of progress . . . maintain the familiar roles” and by “taking economic, political and legal action against the disrupting force—the new competition.” (p. 113) This is a famil­ iar scenario, often used as a framework to explain shifts in media technologies and institutions, as the author points out. Moreover, this battle is not confined to the economic realm. By looking through what she describes as “a communication lens”—namely, radio’s “threat to the institutional identity of the press” as well as to its institutional structure and institutional function (to use the headings of the three main chapters)—Jackaway argues that new technologies challenge not only institutions but “the very way in which we define social reality” (p. 3). This is an approach thatworks to defy the certitudes oftechnologi­ cal determinism and, drawing on Carolyn Marvin’s work in particu­ lar, the book sets out to show that the “resistance” ofthe newspaper industry to the upstart medium of radio was based on far more than simple technological grounds. AsJackaway explains, the core of the story concerns “the struggle for control over the channels of news gathering and dissemination, and for the power that comes with that control. . . . The print journalists of the 1930s, fighting to protect their institution from the threats of radio, issued warnings that the journalistic ideals of objectivity, the capitalist ideals of protecting in­ 526 Book Reviews TECHNOLOGY AND CULTURE tellectual property, and the political ideals of democracy would be compromised by the emergence ofbroadcastjournalism” (pp. 15455 ). Even as many newspapersjumped with both feet into exploita­ tion of the new technology—a side of the interaction that this work rules out of consideration almost from the beginning—its official voices, largely the American Newspaper Publishers Association (ANPA) and the trade publication Editor and Publisher, continued to deploy the defensive tactics of strategic rhetoric and legal and regulatory intervention, culminating in the Biltmore Agreement of 1933. Yet if this formulation avoids technological determinism, it leans heavily toward the equally dangerous trap of institutional determin­ ism. By taking a descriptive approach that accepts without question some of the essential elements of newspaper industry discourse, Me­ dia at War ends up duplicating and reinforcing notions of “newspa­ pers” and of “radio” propagated by the most self-interested ele­ ments of the press. In doing so, it sets aside elements that would challenge and contradict those constructions. Part of this is a meth­ odological problem: by focusing her research on Editor and Publisher and other print-linked sources—and by accepting their contention that “news coverage” was the primary activity under dispute—Jackaway frames her argument in their terms even as she critiques them. For instance, the basic self-definition of newspapers as primarily concerned with “news” (and the culturally weighted meaning of that term) could have used a more critical...

Teachers' Attitudes toward Using Newspapers in the Classroom

econdary teachers know that students who from many sources build the background knowledge necessary for them to understand progressively more difficult reading material. And, in cyclical fashion, the better reader a teenager becomes, the more he or she will want to read. Use of newspapers in the classroom can make a major contribution to this growth of ability and interest in reading. Students who and use newspapers have better comprehension and vocabularies than those who do not (Stone and Grusin 1991). Furthermore, skillful and reflective use of the can stimulate a desire to read (Heitzmann 1986, 11). Newspapers also give students the opportunity to apply skills used in the classroom and to be exposed to more up-to-date information than that found in textbooks (American Newspaper 1986). Several factors may influence how effectively teachers use newspapers. First, research indicates that newspaper training programs improve teacher attitudes toward use of newspapers as an educational tool (DeRoche 1981, cited in Rhoades and Rhoades 1985, 162). Second, the regular use of newspapers in the classroom is critical (Hertzman 1986). In fact, Hertzman found that the performance of students who were exposed regularly to newspapers exceeded the performance of those students who were not. When teachers model the use of the newspaper, they help ensure that students will gain maximum benefit from reading the newspaper. This message was reinforced in an American Newspaper Publishers Association Foundation report (1991), which cited the importance of reading and sharing the with children. Because in most instances children learn from what they see or do, rather than from what someone tells them they should do, it is worthwhile for teachers to have the in the class-

Democracy's Guardians: Hollywood's Portrait of Reporters, 1930–1945

Reporters in films of the early 1930s were often portrayed as drunks or as less than glamorous, as evidenced by the 1930 film “The Front Page.” By the end of the decade, pressure from the American Newspaper Publishers Association, American Society of Newspaper Editors, and other professional organizations, plus film-makers' need for good press, caused a change in the way reporters appeared, as evidenced by “His Girl Friday,” the 1940 remake of “The Front Page.” World War II films often portrayed reporters as searchers for truth in a free democratic system, a striking contrast to fascist control of information abroad. This study is based on the recently opened files of the Production Code Administration plus the viewing of 35 key films of the period.

The Freedom of Information Act: A Collage

In these cameo comments, perspectives are offered on the Freedom of Information Act on the occasion of its twentieth anniversary. Among those contributing, former Representative John E. Moss was the sole chair of the House Special Subcommittee on Government Information and is regarded to be the principal author of the FOI Act. Until his retirement from public office a few years ago, former Representative John N. Erlenborn long served as the ranking and senior minority member on the House Subcommittee on Government Information. Currently, Senator Orrin G. Hatch chairs the Senate Subcommittee on the Constitution and Representative Glenn English chairs the House Subcommittee on Government Information, which are the primary FOIA legislative and oversight panels. Charles Hinkle served for many years as the chief FOIA administrator for the Office of the Secretary of Defense and related entities. A major user, if not the major FOIA requester in the press community, Scott Armstrong has been an investigative reporter with the Washington Post and now heads the National Security Archive, a private repository of declassified defense, intelligence, and foreign policy records. Tonda Rush formerly directed the FOI Service Center, a joint project of the Society of Professional Journalists and the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press, and is presently a counsel with the American Newspaper Publishers Association.

フルページネーションシステム

C. T. S stands for Cold Typesetting System or Computerized Typesetting System.However, C. T. S are currently used for the latter terms and necessarily inuolves equipments of full-pagenation make up.C. T. S provides us a great deal of effects. The United States overtook Japan in installation and development of C. T. S.Neverthless the realization of C. T. S with full pagenation are very few yet against expection of ANPA (American Newspaper Publishers Association).In the 1970s a group of forty newspaper companies and machine suppliers aimed at the development of C.T.S, but finally resulted in resignation after seven years.Because they thought it is too eary for threw to go forward due to insufficient of fundamental technologies such as follows.(Degital input of pictures and graphics, degital output, throughput of computer, softwera of page layout or display and so on.).However, needs of full pagenation for newspaper production are so important problems, from 1981 the installations of C. T. S in newspaper companies are increasing.In Japan, computerization for all process of newspaper production since 1980 are NELSON (New Editing an Layout System of Newspaper) and ANNECS (Automated Nikkei Newspaper Editing and Composing System).NELSON system may be first fullpagenation system. Fullpagnation systems on newspaper production is already realized and recently fullpagenation system on printing product is reported. This paper describes FUJITSU*s approach to computerized typesetting system on newspaper production and printing production.

Technologies of Freedom: On Free Speech in an Electronic Age

Most major speeches, seminars, and symposia considering the future of government and public policy underscore that rapidly changing technology is reshaping the environment, the purposes, and the tools of social action. But only rarely is clear understanding of technological changes combined with thorough knowledge of the related policy and management dynamics of government. De Sola Pool achieves that combination in Technologies of Freedom, showing how the evolving technologies of publishing, communications, and information exchange undermine traditional premises on which government regulation of monopoly and protection of First Amendment freedoms of expression have been based. The tendency of the courts, the FCC, and government administrators at all levels to approach problems of communications within a framework of outmoded precedents and fixed ideas poses, according to de Sola Pool, a real threat to open, pluralistic and free expression essential to democracy. Government policy has been rooted in the distinction between common carriers of communication (telephone companies and the postal service) with little or no impact on the content of the messages carried, and generators of messages that both produce and distribute ideas and information (print media publishers and radio and television broadcasters). The former are considered monopolies to be regulated; the latter are considered subject to protections of the First Amendment, with special shields around the print media. From the early days of radio, broadcasters were licensed on the theory that available frequencies were scarce (spectrum shortage). The result in broadcasting is uneasy compromise: a system in which political officials meddle, though with reluctance, in the activities of individual stations, and do in fact decide what type of broadcasting the American public wants and shall receive (p. 140). But one fact that the courts and the regulators have not caught up with is that is no longer a scarce resource. The modes that are available for electronic communication have expanded in several ways, including use of new frequencies, disks and tapes, coaxial cables and optical fibers, and satellite broadcasting directly to homes. The fundamental decentralizing effects of these developments are being offset, however, by the regulatory system reflecting vested interests of broadcasters and franchise holders who do not want more competition. For example, broadcasters successfully opposed a proposal before the in 1980 to increase the number of radio stations by reducing bandwidth. Policy issues relating to cable communications are clearly set forth in Chapter 7. Initial approaches to cable television assumed that it was a common carrier, a local monopoly to be regulated. The increasing production of program content by cable companies eliminates the distinction between broadcaster and common carrier. De Sola Pool argues cogently that the FCC has no authority whatever to regulate what may be carried on cable systems and cannot have such authority under the Constitution.... There is nothing about spectrum technology that today mandates bureaucratic control of what is transmitted by cable. There need be no scarcity of capacity or access (p. 166). It is now technically possible to provide unlimited broadcasting to buildings through cable, reserving the airwaves for uses unsuitable for linkage by cable-communications with remote, low density settlements and moving vehicles, radio astronomy and radar, for example. the next decade, telephone systems could provide competing methods for delivering broadband services through integrated digital using optical fibers. The court ordered break-up of AT&T may slow this development. the meantime, the danger is that the market in these ideas will be narrowed by cable franchise holders and regulation. The existing structure of licenses is not being adapted to these possibilities, and both regulation and local government franchising policies have been inappropriate and inconsistent. The printed word has retained its special status under the First Amendment: freedom from licensing, from prior restraint, from taxation and from regulation. Whether this will remain true when electronic publishing dominates the field is a serious question. The American Newspaper Publishers Association lobbied, first into a Senate bill and then into the federal court consent decree, a provision forbidding AT&T from entering into media businesses (for example, from providing electronic yellow pages and classified ads) for seven years after the corporate breakup. In the name of pluralism, the press persuaded the government to designate who may and may not publish (p. 208). De Sola Pool describes this as an ominous infringement of the First Amendment. The policy and legal debates surrounding the case clearly demonstrate confusion about the basic characteristics of expression, whether conveyed by print or by digital electronics. The development of computer and telephone line networks and electronic publishing, like the developments in broadcasting and cable transmission, are fundamentally decentralizing, making expression and communications more competitive and more plural, despite tendencies for cor-

Editor's Page

RETURN TO ISSUEPREVEditorialNEXTEditor's PageThree Mile Island and the HindenbergVictor Gilinsky is Commissioner, U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission. Last month in Washington, D.C., he spoke before the Government Affairs Committee of the American Newspaper Publishers Association. Here, verbatim, are some excerpts from his address:Cite this: Chem. Eng. News 1979, 57, 42, 5Publication Date (Print):October 15, 1979Publication History Published online7 November 2010Published inissue 15 October 1979https://doi.org/10.1021/cen-v057n042.p005Copyright © 1979 American Chemical SocietyArticle Views55Altmetric-Citations-LEARN ABOUT THESE METRICSArticle Views are the COUNTER-compliant sum of full text article downloads since November 2008 (both PDF and HTML) across all institutions and individuals. These metrics are regularly updated to reflect usage leading up to the last few days.Citations are the number of other articles citing this article, calculated by Crossref and updated daily. Find more information about Crossref citation counts.The Altmetric Attention Score is a quantitative measure of the attention that a research article has received online. Clicking on the donut icon will load a page at altmetric.com with additional details about the score and the social media presence for the given article. Find more information on the Altmetric Attention Score and how the score is calculated. Share Add toView InAdd Full Text with ReferenceAdd Description ExportRISCitationCitation and abstractCitation and referencesMore Options Share onFacebookTwitterWechatLinked InReddit PDF (68 KB) SUBJECTS:Electrical energy Get e-Alerts

Newspapers, Television and Political Reasoning

Adults' use of newspapers is found to correlate positively with having reasons for preferring one U.S. senatorial candidate over another. Television exposure is negatively related to political reasoning to a nearly significant degree. Data were provided by a 1974 nationwide, postelection survey. Analysis was conducted at the aggregate level, examining media behavior and political knowledge in 67 markets. News markets with competition among daily newspapers show greater levels of information than monopoly areas, controlling for education and interest in politics. Results suggest that a decline in newspaper penetration, lessened competition, or shift toward use of television for would weaken peoples' understanding about partisan candidates. Peter Clarke is Professor and Chairman, Department of Journalism, University of Michigan. Eric Fredin is a student in the Interdepartmental Doctoral Program in Mass Communication, University of Michigan. Data for this report were collected by the Center for Political Studies of the Institute for Social Research. Support was provided by grants from the National Science Foundation, the John and Mary R. Markle Foundation, and the Carnegie Corporation. Survey documentation and data are available from the Inter-University Consortium for Political Research, University of Michigan. Neither the original collectors of the data nor the Consortium bear any responsibility for the analyses or interpretations presented here. Public Opinion Quarterly ? 1978 by The Trustees of Columbia University Published by Elsevier North-Holland, Inc. 0033-362X/78/0042-0143/$1.75 This content downloaded from 157.55.39.100 on Thu, 25 Aug 2016 04:28:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 144 CLARKE AND FREDIN Researchers should take pains, therefore, to plot the educational role of journalism. The nature of this role, and how different media share in it, may yield hints about the future for rationality and order in American political life.3 Studies have recently confirmed that this educational role exists, despite solemn, sociological pronouncements a few years back about minimal effects. Agenda setting by media is widely recognized now.4 Learning about public affairs from media has been documented, holding competing explanations constant.5 This article presents two amplifications to recent documentation. The first details the relative contributions of newspapers and television to the public informing process. These contributions may interest prophets of the American political future who note the steady slippage in per capita circulation of newspapers and the persistent rise in minutes spent viewing television news.6 Although this shift may produce changes in levels of political understanding, it is also possible that informing functions traditionally served by newspapers are being assumed by electronic journalism.7 The first findings reported below shed light on these alternative possibilities. A second goal is to discern whether characteristics of media offered to citizens play a part in how informed people are. For reasons that will be made clear, amount of newspaper competition in markets is a key to understanding public information about political affairs. Since competition among newspapers is thought to be declining, any relationship between competition and levels of information would have implications for the future course of American political behavior. Knowing about Public Affairs What is the proper definition of being informed? The present analysis argues that possessing information about public affairs means 3 Comparisons between print and broadcast media in political effects have been reported recently. See McClure and Patterson (1974 and 1976). 4 Pertinent findings are reviewed in McCombs and Shaw (1976). See also Palmgreen and Clarke (1977). 5 For a study comparing national and local public affairs issues, see Palmgreen (1975). 6 Current criticism of both newspapers and local television leads to the discouraging prediction that the public's grasp of hard news would be on the decline, whatever media they use. For pessimistic analyses, see Powers (1977), and Bordewich (1977). Trends in audience research are amply portrayed in minutes of meetings by the American Newspaper Publishers Association and in the pages of Broadcasting

Print Media Books

Ruth Adler's A Day in the Life of the New York Times (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott, 1971—$6.77) Les Daniels and The Mad Peck, Comix: A History of Comic Books in America (New York: Outerbridge & Dienstfrey, 1971—$7.95) 75 Years of the Comics (Boston: Boston Book and Art Co., 1971—$9.95) International Newspapers from University Microfilms (Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, 1971—free on request, paper) Chilton R. Bush (ed.) News Research for Better Newspapers (New York: American Newspaper Publishers Association Foundation, 750 Third Ave., 1965-date (annual), $2.00 or $3.00 each (set of last five volumes available for $10.00), paper) Maurice F. Tauber and Hilda Feinberg's Book Catalogs (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1971—$15.00) Martin E. Dann (ed.) The Black Press: 1827-1890 (New York: Putnam, 1971—$7.95)

Free Press and Fair Trial. Report of a Special Committee on Free Press and Fair Trial of the American Newspaper Publishers Association

Free Press and Fair Trial. Report of a Special Committee on Free Press and Fair Trial of the American Newspaper Publishers Association

In Memoriam: Pierre Martineau

Journal Article PIERRE MARTINEAU Get access LEO BOGART LEO BOGART American Newspaper Publishers Association Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Public Opinion Quarterly, Volume 29, Issue 1, SPRING 1965, Pages 166–167, https://doi.org/10.1086/267308 Published: 01 January 1965

The Truth About Cuba

In his speech at the annual dinner of the Bureau of Advertising of the American Newspaper Publishers Association on April 27, President Kennedy urged the publishers to exercise the same self-restraint and self-discipline in their handling of the news that they do in time of war. He said: Every newspaper now asks itself, with respect to every story: Is it news? All I suggest is that you add the question: Is it in the interest of national security?This article can also be found at the Monthly Review website, where most recent articles are published in full.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.

Competition in the Newspaper Industry

THE broad behavior patterns in the daily newspaper industry conform, in general, with those commonly associated with conditions of imperfect competition. These include stabilization of prices, reflected in the tendency for advertising and subscription rates to remain rigid over time; price discrimination, exemplified by charging different groups of advertisers and subscribers different rates for advertising space and subscriptions at the same time; and non-price competition, evidenced by efforts to increase sales of advertising space and subscriptions by using incentives other than cutting prices.1 These behavior patterns in the newspaper industry are of long duration and are commonly practiced. They appear characteristic of newspaper practice both in one-newspaper towns and in cities having two or more daily newspapers. As early as 1887, a speaker before the first national convention of the American Newspaper Publishers Association, the only national daily newspaper trade association, pleaded with publishers to cease bidding with one another for advertising patronage.2 He urged that established advertising rates be maintained. Similar pleas have been made before ANPA, as well as sectional and state publishers' associations, during more recent years.

Book Review: History of the American Newspaper Publishers Association

Book Review: History of the American Newspaper Publishers Association

History of the American Newspaper Publishers Association

History of the American Newspaper Publishers Association. By Edwin Emery. (Minneapolis: The University of Minnesota Press, 1950. vii + 263 pp. Acknowledgments, appendix, bibliography, and index. $3.50.) Get access J. Cutler Andrews J. Cutler Andrews Pennsylvania College for Women Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of American History, Volume 37, Issue 3, December 1950, Pages 548–549, https://doi.org/10.2307/1893357 Published: 01 December 1950

History of the American Newspaper Publishers Association

History of the American Newspaper Publishers Association

History of the American Newspaper Publishers Association.

History of the American Newspaper Publishers Association.