Neoconservative Research Articles

From China Lobby Activists to Blue Team Neoconservatives: The Evolution of the gop’s Views on Taiwan Since 1949

Abstract During the 1990s, American neoconservatives grew concerned over a burgeoning People’s Republic of China (prc) threatening the newly democratic government of Taiwan. They wanted the United States to bolster Taiwan’s standing in the international community, commit to defend the island, end strategic ambiguity, and prevent further entrenchment of the prc into international organizations. Some went as far as advocating for diplomatic recognition of Taiwan and Taiwanese independence. Neoconservatives frequently employed Wilsonian rhetoric to shore up support for Taiwan. Despite this liberal veneer, their foreign policy positions and thinking built on the approach of such groups as the China Lobby and New Right. This article’s analysis of neoconservative viewpoints on U.S. policy toward Taiwan shows how the neoconservatives in the United States evolved from earlier conservative positions, rather than injecting liberalism into gop foreign policy positions on Taiwan and the prc.

On the Aesthetics and Politics of Neoconservatism in Postwar Japan and America

ABSTRACT This article explores the aesthetic and political dimensions of neoconservative thought in postwar Japan and America. Although neoconservatism today is most often associated with hawkish foreign policy positions and the mythos of American hegemony, it first emerged in the realm of 1960s and post-1960s cultural criticism, much of which was composed by right-of-center literary intellectuals in particular. This article explores how in that earlier context, one of the most distinctive models for answering the cultural questions that motivated the emergence of neoconservatism as an article of global thought appeared in a body of writing centered on Japan. Putting the ideas expressed by the noted American neoconservatives Irving Kristol and Norman Podhoretz into dialogue with the writings of the conservative Japanese literary critic Etō Jun, the ruminations on Japanese cultural conservatism by the American scholar of Japanese literature Edward Seidensticker, the memoirs of the Sony CEO Morita Akio and the former Japanese prime minister Abe Shinzō, and the writings of the noted Japanese neoconservative novelist-turned-politician Ishihara Shintarō, the article argues that the articulation of neoconservative ideals in postwar Japan ultimately provided a model to conservative market advocates worldwide for how to integrate the seemingly incompatible logics of community and capitalism through a cultural synthesis.

Geopolitical forecast in an age of global instability. The stakes are bigger than the world

In an era of global instability and geopolitical transformation of the world, there are three main subjects of international relations - the USA, China, the Russian Federation and numerous objects for creating centers of “controlled chaos”, including Ukraine, around Taiwan and Israel. An illegal subject of international relations remains in the shadows – American neoconservatives, conditionally playing the role of a “world government”. A feature of all of these actors is their unshakable confidence in victory. Their stakes are greater than the world.

A Discourse on the American Neoconservatives' Approach in the Context of Postmodernism

Multiple concepts are compatible between the Neocons and postmodernists. i.e., The concept presented by Leo Strauss of "Noble Lie," if we further dissect this concept, shows how compatible and similar with the reality-free world of the postmodern philosophers. According to postmodernism, we have no objective reality exists in this world as it is relative, and everyone sees it according to his understanding. This thesis becomes apparent when studying Nietzsche's critique against Juan Stuart Mill. Nietzsche has denounced Mill's concept of a universal and objective Moral system. As Nietzsche says, I abhor this man's vulgarity when he says, "what is right for one man is right for another man." It shows that all postmodern philosophers and Nietzsche were of the same view.

The role and meaning of the state in neoconservatism

Neoconservatism as an ideological and political-economic system of knowledge contains a number of ideas about the role, tasks, purpose and meanings of the modern state, its relationship with social institutions (family, church, NGOs), as well as its role in economic relations. American neoconservatism, in contrast to British or German, is also characterized by attention to the foreign policy function of the state. Reconsideration of the role, tasks and significance of the state in various spheres of society and in international relations in modern conditions determines the relevance of our study of this issue. Neoconservatism, the ideas of which were implemented in the policies of the conservative parties of the United States, Great Britain, and Germany in the 1970-1990s, continues to influence the implementation of national and international policies of various states to this day. Neoconservatism, unlike neoliberalism, offers a different understanding of the role and meaning of the modern state. Traditional values are ideologically substantiated and promoted: family, religion, morals, community, and the state. An important place in neoconservatism is given to social institutions, the need to overcome isolation of the individual from the institution of community (religious, social, government). The integration of the individual into social institutions and the return of the importance of the state authority in the worldview of the individual are considered priorities of state influence. American neoconservatism substantiates the US foreign policy function – to protect the democratic values in international relations. In the economic sphere, neoconservatives insist on reducing government intervention in market relations, returning to the ideals of classical economic liberalism, and taking a number of fiscal and monetary policy measures to reduce inflation, unemployment, and stimulate economic development. Although neoconservatism recognizes the need to build a strong state, it is not seen as authoritarian, encroaching on,restricting or abolishing human and civil rights and freedoms recognized in democracies after World War II. However, freedom is understood as a sphere of free behavior of the individual, which exists in relations with other members of society and is limited by the freedom of another person. Keywords: neoconservatism, state, role, individual, social institutions, traditional values, intervention, economy, law.

Permanent War, Elusive Peace: The Evolution of America's Compellence Policy Towards Iran

Permanent War, Elusive Peace:The Evolution of America's Compellence Policy Towards Iran Nader Entessar (bio) "Everyone wants to go to Baghdad. Real men want to go to Tehran."1 I'm thinking of hitting [Lt. General Qassem] Soleimani."2 Introduction In the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks and the subsequent U.S. invasion of Iraq, a new fluid strategy has been emerging to guide American foreign policy well into the twenty-first century. This strategy has been largely the product of a group of influential neoconservative hawks, or, in the words of James Mann, the "Vulcans" inside and outside of the U.S. government.3 With their emphasis on regime change, the neoconservatives have continuously drafted grandiose plans to redraw the geostrategic map of the Middle East to Washington's liking. For example, [End Page 95] the "Vulcans" in George W. Bush's administration replaced Europe and East Asia with the Middle East as the "fulcrum of geopolitics, the zone wherein the shape of world order will be forged. Remaking the Middle East, above all by bringing democracy to the Arab and Islamic nations of the region, therefore, must be America's overriding mission, since it is only by remaking these societies that the United States can be secure."4 Although such neoconservatives as Vice President Dick Cheney and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld were known for their advocacy of muscular foreign policy and valued unilateralism, the developments on the ground in the post-invasion Iraq and elsewhere in the region compelled the Bush administration to ultimately abandon its pretensions as an international social engineer in the Middle East in favor of a more traditional "realist" approach to foreign policy decision-making. Realpolitik soon gave way to a new "grand strategy" whose foundations, as John Lewis Gaddis noted, lie in the nineteenth-century American tradition of hegemony and unilateralism.5 But unlike its nineteenth-century variation, the twenty-first century American "grand strategy" of robust interventionism is meant to be global in scope. The term neoconservatism was first coined by Michael Harrington to refer to a philosophy espoused by such anti-Soviet liberal democrats as Humbert Humphrey, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, and Henry "Scoop" Jackson. Many of these early American neoconservatives referred to themselves as "paleoliberals" to distinguish themselves from economic conservatives. As Michael Lind, himself a prominent former neocon has aptly noted, today's neocons are a "shrunken remnant of the original broad neocon coalition."6 In terms of U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East, the neocons charted a new course for America's regional policy in the immediate aftermath of the first Gulf War and the failed Shi'a uprising against Saddam Hussein in Iraq. In 1992, Paul Wolfowitz, then Under Secretary of Defense for Policy and later the Deputy Secretary of Defense and a leading proponent of the Iraq war took the lead in drafting a set of military guidelines called the "Defense Planning Guidance," which are normally prepared every few years by the Pentagon. Wolfowitz's draft argued for a revolutionary military and political strategy in the Post-Cold War era by rejecting the utility of containment as a relic of the Cold War. Most importantly, the report called for the [End Page 96] adoption of a new strategy of preemption to replace containment and to be prepared to act alone when military action becomes necessary. Thus, Wolfowitz challenged the primacy of both containment and multilateralism in favor of compellence in advancing U.S. foreign policy objectives in the broader Middle East. By the same token, the neocon promoters of the compellence strategy denigrated the rule of law and international norms if they conflicted with the broader goals of compellence. In this vein, John Bolton, an influential neocon official who held numerous high-level positions in the U.S. government, including a stint as the national security advisor in the Trump administration, stated: "It is a big mistake for us to grant any validity to international law even when it may seem in our short-term interest to do so—because over the long term, the goal of those who think that international law really means anything are those who want...

Yerli Çocuk Çizgi Filmlerinde İdeolojik Bir Söylem Olarak Yaşlılık: TRT Çocuk Örneği

Çizgi filmlerdeki yaşlı temsili, yaşlılığın ideolojik ve toplumsal iktidar ilişkileri içindeki konumuna dair ipuçları taşımaktadır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, genç nesillere nasıl bir yaşlılık algısı aktarılacağı noktasında önemli bir işlevi olan televizyondaki yerli çocuk çizgi filmlerinde yaşlıların temsil biçimlerini incelemektir. Çocuk kanalları arasında yüksek izlenme oranı ve yerli yapıma ağırlık vermesi nedeniyle TRT Çocuk kanalı tercih edilmiştir. Yaşlı karakterlerin anlatıdaki işlevi ve sosyal ilişkilerdeki konumu bağlamında Maysa ve Bulut (aileden geniş bir grubun üyesi), Rafadan Tayfa (mahallenin yaşlısı) ve Kardeşim Ozi (aile bireyi) adlı çizgi filmler örneklem olarak seçilmiştir. Bu çizgi filmlerdeki yaşlı karakterler yaşlılık kuramları çerçevesinde niteliksel içerik analizi yöntemiyle çözümlenmiştir. Geleneksel yaşamın anlatıldığı Maysa ve Bulut çizgi filminde yaşlı karakterlerin çocuklarla kurduğu olumlu ilişkiyle yeni muhafazakârlığın geleneğe yaptığı vurguyu kuvvetlendirdiği; 1980’leri konu alan Rafadan Tayfa’da olumsuzdan olumluya dönüşen ilişkiler aracılığıyla yaşlılığın neo-liberal mahalle yaşamında yeniden keşfedildiği; günümüz modern aile yaşamının konu edildiği Kardeşim Ozi çizgi filminde ise çevresiyle kurduğu yetersiz ilişkiyle karakterize olan yaşlı karakterin muhafazakârlık ve neo-liberal ekonomi arasında kalan melez bir yapı sergilediği görülmektedir. Bu bağlamda farklı sosyal örgütlenmeler çerçevesinde sunulmasına karşın yerli çizgi filmlerde önerilen yaşlı temsili ve çocuk-yaşlı ilişkisi Türkiye’nin içinde bulunduğu yeni muhafazakârlığın kültürel alanda ürettiği söylemleriyle örtüşmektedir.

O “Pós-Neoliberalismo” e a Reconfiguração do Capitalismo na América Latina

Today it is perplexing that the right wing has won support among popular and middle class sectors in Latin America, even in countries where left and center-left governments had improved their income and living conditions. But the advance of conservative social ideas and practices are not so recent nor have they arisen by spontaneous generation. 10 years ago I made the warning - as can be seen in this paper that is now published in Portuguese - that the strategy of the dominant, deployed since the 1990s to stabilize capitalist restructuring, was showing success in building a new bourgeois hegemony. The dominant strategy gained legitimacy because it was presented as “anti-neoliberal” or “post-neoliberal”, after having imposed a falsified notion about “neoliberalism”, and after appropriating the lexicon of so-called critical thinking. The stabilizing strategy had as one of its axes a profound reconfiguration of society, presenting as “progressive” ideas and policies elaborated by neo-conservatism since the 1980s. That “post-neoliberalism” elaborated from the system influenced left governments to different degrees , but it became the “mainstream” in the social sciences in Latin America.

Neoconservatives and Neo-Confucians: East Asian Growth and the Celebration of Tradition

This article explores the influence of East Asia's economic growth on the evolution of American neoconservative thought in the 1970s and 1980s. It traces how prominent neoconservative thinkers—Nathan Glazer, Peter L. Berger, Herman Kahn, Michael Novak, and Lawrence E. Harrison—developed the claim that the region's prosperity stemmed from its alleged Confucian tradition. Drawing in part from East Asian leaders and scholars, they argued that the region's growth demonstrated that tradition had facilitated, rather than hampered, the development of a distinct East Asian capitalist modernity. The article argues that this Confucian thesis helped American neoconservatives articulate their conviction that “natural” social hierarchies, religious commitment, and traditional families were necessary for healthy and free capitalist societies. It then charts how neoconservatives mobilized this interpretation of Confucian East Asia against postcolonial critiques of capitalism, especially dependency theory. East Asia, they claimed, demonstrated that poverty and wealth were determined not by patterns of welfare, structural exploitation, or foreign assistance, but values and culture. The concept of Confucian capitalism, the article shows, was central to neoconservatives’ broad ideological agenda of protecting political, economic, and racial inequality under the guise of values, culture, and tradition.

The Hidden Curriculum of an English for Academic Purposes Reform in Chinese Universities

The fundamental challenge in China’s higher education is its bureaucratic governance system; however, it remains untouched after several reforms. The recent Shanghai EAP policy does nothing to challenge the system, but rather, it blames the general English curriculum for failing to prepare students academically. By critically reflect on data from some previous studies, this study discovered that the new EAP curriculum and the policy proposed to replace the general English curriculum harbored a hidden curriculum that tightened the control of knowledge, legitimizing the existing higher education system, and reproducing future academic subalterns. This Shanghai EAP policy is the result of the policymakers’ social mobility struggle as members of a new middle class, together with their accomplices: neoliberalism and neoconservatives. However, resistance and conflict exist in every working context, including the context of Shanghai EAP as justified in the study, despite some of the students’ and the teacher’s resistance being counter-productive.

Ditadura, Gênero e Racismo no Tempo Presente: diário de um encontro docente

Este artigo é resultado do minicurso de título semelhante ministrado por ocasião do II Seminário de Ensino de História das Escolas Públicas da Grande Florianópolis cujo tema geral foi “Os desafios do ensino de história em tempos de conservadorismo e neoconservadorismo”. O evento ocorreu em meados do mês de agosto de 2019, no Instituto Estadual de Educação, no Centro de Florianópolis, e teve como alvo principal os professores da rede pública da educação básica da capital catarinense e de cidades circunvizinhas. O intuito é fazermos uma apresentação da dinâmica de nossa experiência de contato com o grupo de docentes inscritas(os), destacando os objetivos de nossa proposta para o curso, nossa percepção da reação e respostas do grupo; a incorporação das demandas das professoras(es) presentes e os impasses que surgiram na interação entre o projeto de minicurso e o processo de sua realização. Esperamos, com isso, contribuir para levantar questões sobre os usos, impasses e abordagens, no cotidiano docente, de temas-trauma e categorias de análise mais evidentemente emergentes desde os anos 2000, quais sejam, ditadura civil-militar, gênero, racismo e interseccionalidade.

Циклічні закономірності розвитку макроекономічних систем

Розглянуто циклічні закономірності розвитку макроекономічних систем. Здійснено науковий аналіз і узагальнення поглядів представників кейнсіанства і неоконсерватизму на основні проблеми сучасної економічної теорії та практики, розкрито їхній внесок у розвиток економічної науки і формування економічної політики провідних держав світу й України, підходи до класифікації економічних систем. Висвітлено авторське припущення, що "неокейнсіанська концепція пояснення причин макроекономічних коливань є найкращою поміж інших теорій". Зазначено, що в сучасних дослідженнях науковці намагаються поєднати в одній моделі механізми поширення макроекономічної нестабільності як щодо попиту, так і щодо пропозиції. Тобто відбувається синтез неокейнсіанської та неокласичної концепцій. Проте цей синтез неокейнсіанських та неокласичних моделей також не дає змоги відтворити всі явища бізнес-циклу. В обох концепціях наявні фундаментальні припущення, які не дають змоги правильно змоделювати макроекономічну систему. Зроблено висновок, що однією з причин недосконалості цих моделей є практика моделювання функцій корисності домогосподарств, яка виходить з концепції раціональності вибору макроекономічного агента. Сьогодні економічна наука не може чітко пояснити, змоделювати і спрогнозувати кризові явища в макроекономічних системах. Тому проведений нами аналіз літературних джерел показав, що не варто розраховувати на якісь детерміновані закономірності розвитку макроекономічних систем. Відповідно макроекономічне регулювання змушене мати адаптивний і стабілізаційний (контрциклічний) характери.

The roots of Bernard Lewis’ rage

ABSTRACTIn a review of Bernard Lewis’ 1986 book Semites and Anti-Semites: An Inquiry into Conflict and Prejudice, Richard Wolheim makes the suggestive remark that the subtitle is ‘not strictly accurate for the book manifestly and by design gives prejudice priority over conflict’ (Richard Wolheim, ‘Insult’, London Review of Books, 9(6), 1987, available at: https://www.lrb.co.uk/v09/n06/richard-wollheim/insults, accessed 6 September 2018). Wolheim here touches on a principal feature of much of Bernard Lewis’ work on Islam and Muslim societies: in Lewis’ writings, prejudice has an unmistakable regulative presence. In the late 1970s, particularly after the publication of Edward Said’s devastating criticism of orientalism (Orientalism was published 40 years ago this year), pride joined prejudice as a driver of what became Lewis’ rage against those who refused to see the history of humanity as a series of inevitable clashes of civilisations. As Lewis steadily lost his academic pre-eminence, pride seems to have turned into resentment, driving Lewis to take up residence among the American neoconservatives.

Why Steve Bannon Is Not a Fascist

Steve Bannon has often been accused of fascism by his opponents. His real intellectual affiliation, however, is with the first generation of American neo-conservatives of the 1960s, people like Daniel Bell and Irving Kristol. Like them he criticizes immoral elites and an amoral version of capitalism in the name of traditional values. His criticism is a symptom of the long-running battle between Mind and Money, the war between intellectuals and capitalism.

Irving Kristol — svjetovni teolog kapitalizma

In Irving Kristol, the professor and publicist who coined the prefix »neo« and the creator of the sintagm neo-conservatism, American neoconservatism of the eighties has found its political ideologue. In his last book, Two Cheers for Capitalism, which is the immediate occassion of this analysis, he expresses his concern for the fate of American democracy and the capitalist system in USA. The onslaught of egalitarians and the demand for a democracy without bounds, has produced a cultural, followed by an economic crisis, which brings about the loss of the political, economic and moral legitimacy of the American society. The solution of the present crisis, which is of a structural nature, Irving Kristol sees in the return to a traditional capitalist ethos and the politics of laissez faire, as well as to the values affirmed by the state of labour and not the welfare state. The free market as the selector of individual abilities, private property and a rational economy represent the essence of capitalism not only as a free but as a just society. The author in addition believes that socialist societies, founded on diametrically opposite values, are more historical deviations that will end up on the dunghill of history.

THE IDEOLOGY OF GLOBAL HEGEMONY: THE HISTORY OF FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGIES OF AMERICAN NEOCONSERVATISM BOOK REVIEW: Blokhin K.V. Crusaders of the Cold War. American Neoconservatism: Ideology and Practice of Global Hegemony. Moscow: Ves’ Mir Publishing House; 2016. 176 p

The monograph of candidate of historical sciences, americanist K.V. Blokhin is a comprehensive analysis of the historical background of emergence and formation of the phenomenon of American neo-conservatism. A distinctive feature of the author's work is its interdisciplinary nature, thanks to which the book will be interesting not only to professional historians, political scientists and specialists in the field of international relations, but also to politicians, as well as political analysts and consultants.

В поисках силы: современные метаморфозы американского неоконсерватизма

В поисках силы: современные метаморфозы американского неоконсерватизма

Past continious… Вибори- 2017 у Нідерландах, Франції та Німеччині – наслідки для європейської спільноти та України

Сonsider the implications of the election in 2017 in the countries - members of the European Union in the context of their impact on the transformation of the European Union. The global challenges of our time to the EU classifi ed «Greek» crisis, «migration» crisis, the intensifi cation of terrorist matrix, directly or mediating these countries involved in armed confl ict against international terrorism and authoritarianism. It is noted as the revival of American neoconservatism and neo isolationism generated a number of contradictions and discussions between the US and the EU and NATO, «hybrid» policy of the plane fl irting with extremist and nationalist political forces of European countries, Russian media exposure. Consider how responsive the European Union and NATO on the results of people’s will in member countries, European institutions search for appropriate and eff ective responses to the challenges of time and its eff ect on European integration of Ukraine.

Breaking Ranks: C. P. Snow and the Crisis of Mid-Century Liberalism, 1930–1980

C. P. Snow's identification of ‘two cultures’, as the literary critic F. R. Leavis pointed out in 1962, represents not an insight but a cliché, one that invites the repetition of further clichés about the origins of a divided culture, the need to bridge cultures, the emergence of a third culture, or the reality of one culture. Yet this recurrent feature of ‘two cultures’ talk does not nullify the concept's value as an object of study, if these discussions are treated as revealing points of entry into foreign historical contexts. This article adopts this approach, unearthing the liberal position that Snow developed as a novelist and critic from the 1930s, that he advanced in the form of a disciplinary lament in The Two Cultures (Snow, C.P. 1959. The two cultures and the scientific revolution. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.), and that — to his distress — increasingly came under radical critique from the mid-1960s. Ultimately, the technocratic liberalism that Snow associated with science at mid-century came to be closer to American neo-conservatism by 1980. By tracking the fortunes of the ideological position that structured The Two Cultures, rather than lifting that text out of its moment in an attempt to engage its arguments today, this article testifies to the abiding value of contextual analysis at a moment when intellectual historians are increasingly inclined to question and even displace it.

Origins of Neoconservatism

Origins of Neoconservatism