American Labor History Conference Research Articles

Eleventh Annual North American Labor History Conference

political, not a social, event. For Furet, "the legacy of the terror poisoned all subsequent revolutionary history." For Schama, the terror was the revolution. It was the source of its energy, and all attempts to write about the revolution as though the terror was incidental to it have failed to understand what the revolution was about. More significant, he proposed that the terror was the first example of modern totalitarianism. Neither Furet nor Schama, then, believe that the legacy of the revolution is modern democracy and republicanism, as reiterated in countless republican histories and celebrated during the revolution's 1889 centennial. Nor do they believe that its legacy lies in the revolution's promise of an egalitarian society, heralded in the long-accepted but now rejected Marxist accounts produced by Georges Lefebvre, Albert Soboul, and Claude Mazauric. As a consequence, labor history played almost no role in these discussions. As Donald Sutherland argued, the old orthodoxy based on class struggle seems to have declined with the collapse of communism. This may be a positive develop ment if it forces us as historians of the working class to reexamine what we mean by democracy and to pay attention to its limitations in most of modern history. It would be a positive development if we heeded Patrice Higonnet's advice and began to consider the work of feminist scholars of the French Revolution, including that published by Joan Landes, Dorinda Outram, and Lynn Hunt. As Higonnet explained, these historians have examined the process by which misogynist redefinitions of masculine and feminine identity denied women access to the "natural" rights extended to men. Unfortunately, Hunt and Higonnet were the only voices for women present in the many sessions on the revolution. And only the Australians, Peter McPhee and Alison Patrick, seemed to think it was necessary to reiterate the idea that the French Revolution had an important impact on the lives of common people.

Sixth Annual Latin American Labor History Conference

Sixth Annual Latin American Labor History Conference

North American Labor History Conference

North American Labor History Conference

Fifth Annual Latin American Labor History Conference

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Fourth Latin American Labor History Conference

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Fourth Latin American Labor History Conference

Fourth Latin American Labor History Conference

The American Historical Association, Part 1

of Michigan), and Links on the Chain: Songs of the Labor and Civil Rights Movement demonstrated how drama and music can be effective history and teaching devices as well as entertainment. Collette A. Hyman (University of Minnesota) observed the ways in which dramatic presentations of two quite different unions reflected their labor philosophies. The efforts of the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union (ILGWU) were professional and conventional while the productions of the Wholesale and Warehouse Workers were rank-and-file attempts to challenge existing institutions. Nora Faires (University of Michigan, Flint) described how a class project on the 1937 sit-down strike brought students and participants together to make a vivid experience out ofthat fifty-year-old event. In the evening, Michael Honey (Wesleyan University) and David Sawyer accomplished the same thing in an occasion al sing-along concert. Contrary to past experience, the last day brought higher attendance than had the previous two. Daniel Leab presided over a popular session on Unions and the Rejection of Radicalism in which Gary L. Bailey (Indiana University), Robert G. Picard (Louisiana State University), and Ronald Edsforth (Skidmore College) concen trated on the 1940s and 1950s in studies of the late career of Powers Hapgood (Bailey); the New York Newspaper Guild (Picard); and the UAW (Edsforth). They agreed that organized labor participated fully in the growing anticommunism of the time, fanned as it was by United States-Soviet rivalry. They stressed the role of unions as barometers and purveyors of public opinion. Finally, at a luncheon gathering directed by Sidney Fine (University of Michi gan), Daniel Nelson (University of Akron) made a case for the limited extent to which scientific management practices affected working conditions during the movement's twilight years, 1915-25. By almost any measure, the three-day meeting was a success: more people came than ever before; a record number of sessions was held; and the spirited debates at those sessions often continued beyond the confines of the meeting rooms. Excluding the national professional conventions, the North American Labor History Conference is now the most important annual conference among American labor historians.

The Ninth Annual North American Labor History Conference

political, not a social, event. For Furet, legacy of the terror poisoned all subsequent revolutionary For Schama, the terror was the revolution. It was the source of its energy, and all attempts to write about the revolution as though the terror was incidental to it have failed to understand what the revolution was about. More significant, he proposed that the terror was the first example of modern totalitarianism. Neither Furet nor Schama, then, believe that the legacy of the revolution is modern democracy and republicanism, as reiterated in countless republican histories and celebrated during the revolution's 1889 centennial. Nor do they believe that its legacy lies in the revolution's promise of an egalitarian society, heralded in the long-accepted but now rejected Marxist accounts produced by Georges Lefebvre, Albert Soboul, and Claude Mazauric. As a consequence, labor history played almost no role in these discussions. As Donald Sutherland argued, the old orthodoxy based on class struggle seems to have declined with the collapse of communism. This may be a positive develop ment if it forces us as historians of the working class to reexamine what we mean by democracy and to pay attention to its limitations in most of modern history. It would be a positive development if we heeded Patrice Higonnet's advice and began to consider the work of feminist scholars of the French Revolution, including that published by Joan Landes, Dorinda Outram, and Lynn Hunt. As Higonnet explained, these historians have examined the process by which misogynist redefinitions of masculine and feminine identity denied women access to the natural rights extended to men. Unfortunately, Hunt and Higonnet were the only voices for women present in the many sessions on the revolution. And only the Australians, Peter McPhee and Alison Patrick, seemed to think it was necessary to reiterate the idea that the French Revolution had an important impact on the lives of common people.

Law and social control: Historians' views of progressive-era labor legislation

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Additional informationNotes on contributorsJoseph F. TrippResearch for this paper was aided by a grant from The Citadel Development Foundation. A version of this paper was presented at The Fifth Annual North American Labor History Conference, October 13, 1983.

Seventh Annual North American Labor History Conference, Wayne State University

Seventh Annual North American Labor History Conference, Wayne State University

Sixth Annual North American Labor History Conference, October 18–20, 1984—Wayne State University

Sixth Annual North American Labor History Conference, October 18–20, 1984—Wayne State University

Fourth Annual North American Labor History Conference

An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. As you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.

Second Annual North American Labor History Conference

Second Annual North American Labor History Conference