American Intervention Research Articles

The Opinio Juris and Opinio Moris in the Anglo-American Interventions During the Greek Civil War: An Archival Study of Legal Narratives

Abstract This article investigates the British and American interventions in Greece during the Greek Civil War, examining their legal and moral justifications. Using archival documents, the study uncovers two primary layers of discourse: the official diplomatic language of opinio juris (conviction of legality) and opinio moris (conviction of morality), alongside the covert political interests that drove these interventions. The research argues that British and American actions were primarily motivated by a ‘conviction of interest,’ with legal and moral narratives used tactically to justify their interventions. The archival materials reveal a notable lack of empathy and understanding from British and American officials regarding the trauma endured by the Greek populace due to the German occupation and collaborationist violence. Additionally, there was a significant neglect of the will of the Greek people. The study critically examines the Caserta and Civil Affairs Agreements, which provided a legal basis for British intervention, arguing that these agreements, when viewed in light of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, fail to justify the extent of foreign interference, thus questioning the authenticity of Greek consent. The article also explores the transition from British to American dominance in Greek affairs. As Britain faced economic constraints after the end of WWII, it ceded its role to the U.S., leading to the formulation of the Truman Doctrine and the implementation of the Marshall Plan. The U.S. intervention is analyzed through legal and geopolitical lenses, revealing a strategic focus on preventing communist expansion rather than providing purely legal or moral support for Greece’s recovery. Similar to British actions, American involvement often overlooked the political situation and the will of the Greek people, thereby contributing to prolonged instability.

“Making Democracy Safe for the World”: Kenneth Waltz on Realism, Democracy, and War

Abstract This paper reevaluates the history of how some anti-war realists have assessed the relationship between democracy and armed conflict. To do so, I turn to a central realist figure: Kenneth Waltz. Drawing on newly available archival sources and his published work, I explore Waltz’s shifting relationship with American democracy, foreign policymaking, and war. I focus on his career-long anti-war commitments, tracing his foreign policy engagements over the half century of his academic career. Early on, Waltz argued in favor of American democracy as a source of adaptive, effective foreign policy. Gradually, however, his views shifted. After the Cold War and especially after 9/11, his anti-war beliefs and belief in democratic foreign policymaking came increasingly into tension. He moved from defending American democratic foreign policymaking to calling for structural constraints from without. We see this in Waltz’s late-life endorsement of the Iranian nuclear program, which was motivated not just by his well-known optimism about proliferation, but also by the hope that an Iranian nuclear arsenal would deter American intervention in the Middle East. Waltz’s experience has implications both for how we read his body of work and for how we understand realist attempts to shape foreign policy.

“Foul Abolition Calumny”: Reframing Racial Violence in William Wells Brown’s Clotel & the Antebellum Press

Abstract Focusing on Brown’s Clotel (1853), this essay reconstructs the surprising print history of an infamous antebellum lynching that became a national sensation twice over: first, in 1842 when the Mississippi Free Trader published a graphic report legitimating white mob violence that went viral in the Northern press and, later, when Brown reframed that report in his 1853 novel. Brown’s remix was subsequently reported in the New-York Dialy Tribune, the nation’s leading daily, which attributed the report solely to the Mississippi paper. The Free Trader in turn lambasted the Tribune for its “foul abolition calumny,” not realizing that this sly critique of slavery and lynching originated with an African American author. Besides bringing to light a new source and context—an important discovery demonstrating that Clotel had a much greater presence in the antebellum US than previously assumed—I situate Brown within an earlier gallows tradition and a later practice of antilynching activism (à la Ida B. Wells) to argue that Clotel constitutes a critical inflection point: an early African American intervention in public discourses about criminalized Black people and white mob violence that played out before the Civil War—the standard starting point for scholarship on anti-Black lynching.

Supporting the applicability and transferability of the “Sortir Ensemble & Se Respecter” program in France

The prevention of intimate partner violence (IPV) among young people is a major challenge for public policies. Nevertheless, there are a few prevention programs that have proven effective in France. “Sortir Ensemble & Se Respecter” (SE&SR) is a Swiss adaptation of “Safe Dates,” an American intervention program that has reduced violent behavior by young perpetrators and victims of IPV alike. The aim of this article is to analyze the applicability and “potential transferability” of SE&SR in France. We described the SE&SR intervention by explaining the intervention theory, the key functions (i.e., the “ingredients” allowing the SE&SR program to work), and we commented on its applicability from a perspective of adapting and transferring it to the French context. We used the ASTAIRE tool and the FIC (key functions, implementation, context) approach. The intervention theory highlighted various factors, acting at the individual level (i.e., beliefs/representations, knowledge, life skills) and at the level of the living environment (i.e., facilities welcoming young people; families; public policies; networks of actors), that can prevent IPV among young people. Ten key functions have been identified, revealing the “skeleton” of the Swiss intervention. We drew on these results to comment on the intervention’s applicability, with a view to transferability, specifying the contextual elements to consider before implementing SE&SR in France. This study aims to make the process of evaluating applicability, with a view to transferring an evidence-based program to the French context, more accessible.

The Traumatic Mirror and the Asymptote: Cinematic Representations of American Intervention in Iraq and Afghanistan

This article explores cinematic representations of American military interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan, examining documentary and fiction films from American, Iraqi, and Afghan perspectives. The article argues that these films often fail to communicate meaningfully with domestic and international audiences effectively, instead remaining ‘asymptotic’ or ‘uroboric’ in their rhetorical and communicative impact. I highlight the ethical challenge faced by filmmakers, whether situated in the West or in the Middle East, of turning the ‘traumatic mirror’ back on themselves, and the difficulties in achieving successful communication and self-reflexivity. The post-9/11 era is marked by a complex intersection of realpolitik, public performatives, and moral commitments, with long-standing tensions between West and non-West persisting in new forms. Cinematic representations of these interventions serve as a window into the traumatic legacies of these conflicts and the ongoing struggle for ethical representation, as well as a lens on the rhetorics of cinema.

The importance of immigrants on American intervention in international crises

The importance of immigrants on American intervention in international crises

한국의 중석수출과 한미중석협정의 체결

This study examines the historical context and process leading to the signing of the US-ROK Tungsten Agreement, which legitimized American intervention in Korea’s key natural resource and resulted in imbalances in trade relations. Tungsten emerged as a pivotal strategic mineral in the 20th century for weapons production. In WWII, the United States classified the mineral as a ‘strategic material’ and sought to secure a stable stockpile. The communization of China expedited the search for alternative sources, with South Korea emerging as a non-communist alternative after heavy reliance on Chinese tungsten until 1947. Efforts to faciliate exports of Korean tungsten ores to the US commenced under the US Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK), gaining momentum during the Korean War and culminating in the signing of the Agreement in 1952. The Korean War marked two pivotal shifts in the US-SK bilateral trade relationship as well as in the SK tungsten mining industry. First, the Korean War halted US aid agencies’ plans to rehabilitate Korean economy. Simultanesously, the global surge in demand for tungsten emphasized the need for an exclusive purchase contract to ensure seamless war effort and sustained ore production. Conversely, the Korean War stopped the increasing trend in ore exports since 1948, removing a major source of SK government’s foreign exchange. However, as the conflict extended, discussions about postwar reconstruction initiated, with SK tungsten providing a crucial financial asset for reconstruction efforts. The signing of the Agreement led SK into an exclusive trade relationship with the US. However, this outcome did not arise from unilateral intent but rather exemplified a conflict of interests between SK and US. This paper calls for understanding geopolitical considerations and nuanced negotiations that shaped the exclusive trade ties during this critical period.

American Defender of One Nigeria: James Meredith, the Nigerian Civil War and the Politics of American Intervention in the Global South

Following the Biafran allegations of genocide against the Nigerian government during the Civil War, pro-Biafran groups emerged in the United States to pressure the American government into political intervention in the form of recognizing the Biafran republic. In response, African-American Civil Rights hero James Meredith counter-balanced the pro-Biafran groups, and advocated for one Nigeria in the United States. By analyzing public speech, correspondences, fact-finding mission reports, congressional hearing testimonies, and oral interviews, this paper examines Meredith’s pro-One Nigeria (Pan-African) activism during the Nigerian Civil War, and promotes a nuanced understanding of the international dimension of the Nigerian Civil War. This study proposes an episode of transnational history of the global black liberation movement of the long sixties, and demonstrates that Meredith’s pro-one Nigeria activism during the Nigerian Civil War was influenced by his background as a Civil Rights leader and his pan-African ideology.

Justification for Interference? The Role of the Monroe Doctrine in the Stigmatization and Legitimation of Intervention in the US Foreign Policy in the 19th and Early 20th Centuries

Despite the growing academic attention to the problem of interference in internal affairs, rhetorical techniques the state uses to legitimize interventions in the eyes of foreign counterparties, remain somewhat understudied in the Russian IR studies. In this regard, the case of the Monroe Doctrine, a landmark ideological construct in the history of international relations and US foreign policy, provides a unique framework for an in-depth study of the practices of legitimization and stigmatization of interventions. The paper examines the role of the doctrine in denouncing the interference of European powers in the domestic affairs of Latin American countries and justifying US actions in the region. The author outlines a set of issues related to legitimizing, both externally and internally, the actions of the state in the international arena. It is shown that the appeal to national interests suitable for solving the problems of domestic political legitimization, turns out to be ineffective in justifying interventions in the eyes of the international community and therefore gives way to references to established traditions and historical narratives. The paper examines the historical background of the 1823 presidential address and the ways how the US foreign policy establishment appealed to it later on, both to promote the idea of the inadmissibility of European interference in the affairs of the countries of the Western Hemisphere, and, subsequently, to justify American interventionism. Special attention is paid to the so-called Roosevelt Corollary, since it allows one to better understand the specifics of the US leaders’ perception of the Monroe Doctrine and to separate them from the distortions and stereotypes formed during the ensuing public debates and uncritically replicated in many academic studies. The author concludes that, though the Monroe Doctrine is regarded as a cornerstone of US foreign policy, in fact it played a limited role in both diplomatic justification and stigmatization of interventions. In this regard, it is more appropriate to consider it as a rhetorical asset rather than a strict guiding principle. In general, the case of the Monroe Doctrine reveals the situational conditionality of the practices legitimizing interventions, resulting in their limited persuasiveness. The latter seems to be almost inevitable given the constitutive importance of the institution of sovereignty for the maintenance of international society.

일본군 ‘위안부’는 ‘영어로’ 말할 수 있는가

This article targets the movie “I Can Speak”, which was produced based on the actual case in which the “Resolution on Japanese Military Sexual Slavery (H. Res. 121)” was passed by the U.S. House of Representatives in 2007. Through the analysis of “I Can Speak”, this paper critically examines the discourse of ‘Comfort Women’ in the United States. Today, ‘Comfort Women’ issue is raised in the United States as a matter of human rights for universal women, but on the other hand, this discourse omits the issue of American intervention and (neo)colonialism in the Pacific War and post-war processing. At this time, 'universal value' means built by the state-knowledge power of the United States, and at the same time reproduces it. “I Can Speak” puts the U.S. outside the issue by erasing the U.S. political landscape surrounding the ‘Comfort Women’ issue and reducing it to just ‘Korea-Japan’ relations. In “I Can Speak,” the U.S. Congress is represented as a place where historical truth wins, and the victim receives an apology from the audience in a parliament surrounded by a statue of an American great man. This paper confirms that the U.S. Congress is also a powerful place to capture Servalton's speech with its ruling discourse by revealing the action of power that the word ‘universal value’ conceals. What is important is that these limitations are not only “I Can Speak,” but also our view of recognizing the ‘Comfort Women’ issue being publicized in the United States today. Therefore, the analysis of “I Can Speak” allows us to critically examine the discourse and movement that is ‘globalizing’ the ‘Comfort Women’ problem through the United States.

Террористическая угроза как фактор пропагандистского обеспечения квазиавторитарного политического транзита в западных демократиях на рубеже XX–XXI веков

The article reveals the information and propaganda technologies used at the end of the XX century and in the second decade of the XXI century by the US political elite to justify foreign military expansion into Eurasia (Af-ghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Libya, Yugoslavia, deployment of a network of military bases in the Central Asian repub-lics). The reason, but not the cause of restriction of civil liberties, according to the author, has become the threat of the international terrorist organization “Al-Qaeda” (outlawed in Russia) which has carried out a series of acts of terrorism against the objects and citizens of the USA in 1998–2001. International terrorism has served as a major shaping of the global “enemy image” that a fraction of a percent of a US military operation outside of a state has to be revoked. Subsequently, such information technology was used in connection with the emer-gence of the “Islamic State” organization (banned in Russia) to justify American intervention in the affairs of the Syrian Arab Republic in order to overthrow President Bashar al-Assad. Using the systematic method, historical-genetic method and the method of analyzing local situations (case–study), the author comes to the conclusion that the political regimes of Western democracies, primarily the United States, transited at the turn of the centu-ry to quasi-authoritarian regimes that were looking for a political pretext for deploying aggression in the new colonial redistribution of the world. Such an occasion was terrorist attacks by Al-Qaeda, and then by IS/ISIS.

The politics of Catholic humanitarian aid: missionaries and American relief in Algeria (1942–47)

Abstract This article examines the politics of the Catholic American aid delivered in French-controlled Algeria between 1942 and 1947. Using the archives of the White Fathers (Missionnaires d’Afrique), the Archives Nationales d’Outre Mer and the archives of the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops at the Catholic University of America in Washington this article traces how humanitarian relief funds sent in support of missionaries in Algeria altered their status in the colonial order. The article focuses on the transformative aspects of this American intervention in a complex colonial environment. It argues that the American Catholic intervention, with its focus on indigenous patients rather than colonial settlers, renewed older and broader provisions of missionary relief in Algeria. American aid funded missionary work and resourced social work and later aligned Catholic relief with anti-communist activities in France.

Hastening the inevitable: American intervention in the Canadian elections of 1962–1963

In recent years, there has been much research on foreign electoral intervention (FEI). However, it is an open question as to whether successful interventions “work” for the intervener. Does the newly elected government adopt the policies that motivated the intervener to intervene in the first place? This paper makes a first step toward addressing that question. It argues that FEIs work when the elected government can overcome veto players in legislatures, be they parliaments, national assemblies, or congresses. For minority governments or cohabitational presidencies, overcoming these veto players is no easy task and may necessitate further interventions by the intervening power. American interventions in the Canadian elections of 1962 and 1963 serve as an illustrative case. The findings suggest that governments with large majorities or control over congressional/legislative branches are more likely to cooperate with intervening governments. These findings have implications for how we assess the vulnerability of democracies to FEI.

Saigon River Valley: A Navigation, Trade, Mitigation, Invasion, Liberation, and Unification Pathway

The Saigon River is located in southern Vietnam with headwaters starting in southeastern Cambodia. The river flows southeast for about 225 km to the South China Sea. Most readers of Vietnam’s history know about the American-Vietnam War (1965-1973). However, centuries before that time, Vietnam fought with the Chinese, the Khmers, the Chams and the Mongols. The history of Vietnam begins in the Red River Delta, where farmers first cultivated rice. A millenia of struggle against the Chinese then followed. The Saigon River Valley was the pathway used by the North Vietnamese Army (NVA) to get from the Ho Chi Minh Trail in Cambodia to Saigon during the 1968 Tet Offensive. The NVA dug Cu Chi and Iron Triangle soil tunnels near Cu Chi in the Old Alluvium terrace to hide from American Forces and Air Force bombers. In 1962, the Tan Son Nhut Air Force base on the northern edge of Saigon received the first shipments of Agent Blue, the arsenic based herbicide, used to destroy the rice crop. The most dioxin TCDD and arsenic contaminated site in Vietnam was Bien Hoa Air Force base on the Saigon River just 30 km northeast east of Ho Chi Minh City. The adjacent Bien Hoa City has a population of over 800,000. The Port of Ho Chi Minh City is the most significant river port in Vietnam and Southeast Asia. The river is navigable by ships which draft up to 9 m. Vietnam only became a united country in the 19th century. Its independence was soon affected by French colonialism and then the destructive American intervention in the Vietnam War. The Vietnam War Archive no. 2 in Ho Chi Minh City houses residual correspondence between the Republic of Vietnam (RV) President Diem’s administration and US President Kennedy’s administration related to the Khai Huang program (hamlet strategy). In addition, the archive contains some of the tactical herbicide spray records of the RV military for the Mekong Delta. The primary objective this study is to document the role that the Saigon River Valley played, in modern warfare. The Saigon River Valley was used as a navigation, trade, invasion, liberation and unification pathway. The Vietnamese people have survived centuries of stormy, troubled times and their power of character has served them well.

Cyrus Vance and His Political Role in the United States of America Until 1976

The importance of studying the personality of US Secretary of State Cyrus Vance during the era of President Jimmy Carter (1977-1980), as it is an important figure in the History of the United States of America, and he played an important Role in US Foreign Policy during this Period. The most prominent of his works was his contribution to the Camp David Agreement in 1978, and the Egyptian-(Israeli) peace treaty in 1979, and then the decision to submit his resignation from his position due to his objection to the decision of the military option to release American hostages held by Iran in 1980.Vance completed his university studies in 1939. He was conscripted directly into the military service and remained there Until 1945, after Which he went to Work in a law firm Until he became one of the Partners in the firm, In 1957 he was Chosen as a lawyer in one of The Committees of the US senate. He gained a high reputation within the United States and being a member of the Democratic Party Nominated Vance became the director of the Administration in the US Department of Defense during the era of President John F. Kennedy. In 1962 Vance became the Second Deputy Secretary of Defense, Robert McNamara, and then Vance became Deputy Secretary of Defense in 1936. While working in this position, he contributed to solve many Foreign Issues including his Role in Panama and the Canal Crisis, and his Role in Restoring Security to the Dominican Republic following the American intervention. In 1965 and in 1967, Vance resigned from his Position following his Opposition to the Decision to intervene in the United States in Vietnam. He returned to the legal Profession, but President Lyndon Johnson chose him in 1967 as his special delegate. He contributed to solving many international issues, including the Cyprus Issue in 1967, the Korean Peninsula Crisis in 1968 and his role in the Paris talks in 1968 to end the War in Vietnam. In 1974, he became President of the New York City Bar Association and in 1977 President Carter nominated him for the position of Secretary of State.

Homines Sacri in Contemporary War Novels: A Comparative Insider–Outsider Perspective

This paper examines the status of Iraqis in Sinan Antoon’s The Corpse Washer (2013) and Kevin Powers’ The Yellow Birds (2013) within the circumstances of war in Iraq and addresses the repercussions of the American-led 2003 war on Iraq from an insider–outsider perspective, that is, Antoon’s portrayal of his native land, Iraq, vis-à-vis that of Powers, an American who served in Iraq as a machine gunner for the US Army. This paper draws on Derek Gregory’s conception of homo sacer, which is initially derived from Agamben’s 1998 work. Homines sacri (singular: homo sacer), which emerge when the law suspends itself, are placed outside the law and can be abused and/or killed advertently. The insider–outsider perspectives in the aforementioned novels converge in the way that Iraqi civilians are given the ‘bare life’ status. The fragility and vulnerability of Iraqis in the face of American intervention can be seen both in life and death as the struggles of the living in performing the necessary Muslim ritual of cleansing and burying the deceased. However, the insider’s perspective in Antoon’s novel emphasizes the muted voices of the homines sacri.

Manuel Noriega and his impact on the events in Panama from 1981 to 1989

Manuel Noriega shaped the fate of the Panamanians for eight years. After the death of Omar Torrijos, Noriega became the de facto ruler of Panama. He was not the elected leader, notwith-standing his policy affected every citizen. His illicit activities led to social and political unrest in Panama and were the causes for the American intervention in the country in December 1989. The aim of the article is analyse if it was really necessary for the Americans to apply military action in Panama and why, for many years, the USA accepted the activities of Noriega. It is essential to know whether Panama itself could deal with the internal problems and why the people were dissatisfied with the rule of Manuel Noriega. The 1980s in Panama can be treated as a lost decade. The economic measures employed by the United States managed to deteriorate the industry of Panama. The outcome of the invasion is also significant – the loss of lives, homelessness and lootings. The article presents, step by step, what led to the American interven-tion in Panama and how Manuel Noriega deceived both the Panamanians and the American authorities to remain in power

MCC as a Tool of American Influence on Developing Countries

In February 2022 there were massive demonstrations in Nepal against the $500 million "free" aid agreement between the country and the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC). The protests subsided, and the Nepalese parliament overwhelmingly approved the agreement. In July 2022, civil unrest broke out in Sri Lanka. A member of parliament shot himself, the prime minister's ancestral home was burned down, the defense ministry was forced to issue a "shoot-to-kill" order against protesters, and the president promised not to sign the MCC. In this article, the author explores the MCC as an instrument of American influence in developing countries, using Sri Lanka and Nepal as examples. Particular attention is given to specific mechanisms of economic pressure on developing countries to achieve political results. This article introduces the MCC organization and, by describing events in Nepal and Sri Lanka, reveals the role that the MCC plays in the process of American intervention in the Third World. The study analyzes statistics that illustrate the economic impact of the U.S. on developing countries. The author draws conclusions about the impact of U.S. activities through the MCC on the regional environment. There are many ways in which the United States intervenes in regional affairs. The MCC is only one of them, but it is particularly significant. Through it, the U.S. establishes privileged conditions for itself in negotiations with developing countries to achieve results that could not be obtained without economic pressure.

GULF RECONCILIATION AND ITS IMPACT ON THE CONFLICT IN YEMEN

This study examined the impact of Gulf States reconciliation on the conflict in Yemen. The Gulf crisis that led to the blockade of Qatar from 2017 until 2021 had a severe negative impact on the Gulf military intervention in Yemen, known as Decisive Storm. The Houthi militia supported by Iran invested The Gulf States dispute to defeat the Gulf military intervention in Yemen. Accordingly, the Houthi controls the Yemeni Capital and most of the densely populated cities in the country. Contrary to what was expected, the Gulf reconciliation had no significant effect on resolving the conflict and restoring stability to Yemen. In fact, this study shows that the Yemeni conflict is no longer local as much as it became regional. It is clear that the failure of the Arab coalition in Yemen was due to the American intervention directly after the Decisive Storm being launched. The U.S. diverted the course of the Decisive Storm to serve its strategy in Yemen on the expense of the required peace. The study concluded that the conditions and policies of the Gulf States in the Yemeni crisis fall within and are affected by the conflicts of international and regional axes in the region. The Gulf States are not independent actors in this conflict. Key words: Military Intervention, Gulf Reconciliation, Yemen.

Bankers and Empire: How Wall Street Colonized the Caribbean

Scholars have explored how the United States established political and military dominion over the Caribbean region. However, until now, the role of American banks has not received the same level of attention. Peter James Hudson's monograph adds a new dimension to the study of American intervention by documenting how American banks secured financial control over the area. In doing so, he charts the parallel rise of American imperialism and financial capitalism in the early twentieth century. The work of the powerful Wall Street banks built upon the pioneering efforts of financial frontiersmen such as Samuel M. Jarvis. He and the men he trained became adept—brazen even—at working in the murky legal and judicial margins. Hudson deftly interweaves the complicated details of the use of innovative and often legally dubious financial instruments with biographical insights into visionary bankers such as Charles E. Mitchell and loyal foot soldiers such as Joseph H....