American Crusade Research Articles

The Cold War: How the Winner Won

Books reviewed in this article: Scott Lucas,.Freedom's War: The American Crusade Against the Soviet Union Gregory Mitrovich, Undermining the Kremlin: America's Strategy to Subvert the Soviet Bloc, 1947–1956 Arch Puddington, Broadcasting Freedom: The Cold War Triumph of Radio Free Europe and Radio Libelrty

To Lead the Free World: American Nationalism and the Cultural Roots of the Cold War

Journal Article To Lead the Free World: American Nationalism and the Cultural Roots of the Cold War. By John Fousek. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press and Freedoms War: The American Crusade against the Soviet Union. By Scott Lucas. New York: New York University Press Get access Ellen Schrecker Ellen Schrecker Yeshiva University, New York, New York Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of American History, Volume 88, Issue 1, June 2001, Pages 285–287, https://doi.org/10.2307/2675052 Published: 01 June 2001

Avoiding the Quagmire: Alternative Rhetorical Constructs for Post-Cold War American Foreign Policy

Avoiding the Quagmire: Alternative Rhetorical Constructs for Post-Cold War American Foreign Policy Timothy M. Cole Since the end of the Cold War, policy makers have been searching for a rationale to explain the circumstances under which American armed forces might be employed to accomplish foreign policy goals. This has been no easy task. Without the threat posed by the Soviet Union, some believe, the very coherence of American foreign policy has been undermined; certainly, no policy has replaced containment as a rationale for why the United States should resort to military force. What's more, the memory of the Vietnam War continues to haunt the political culture; a pervasive ambivalence about military involvement in a turbulent world has come to shape the attitude of the American people and the Congress, limiting support for military intervention. On the other hand, the American public is not isolationist, and it supports efforts to repel "classic" aggression and to alleviate dire humanitarian emergencies. The role the U.S. armed forces might play in bringing peace to war-torn Bosnia, thus, has presented two administrations with a rhetorical and policy paradox. How have these post-Cold War presidents attempted to define and legitimate U.S. policy in Bosnia to the American public? This essay outlines three rhetorical models, each with distinct appeals, that have been salient in the period 1992-98. Cold War appeals continue to resonate, particularly since they tap enduring features of the American political culture at a time when the United States enjoys its status as victor in the Cold War. In the immediate post-Cold War environment, however, President Bush recognized the implications of presenting a confrontational rhetoric to a skeptical public, and attempted to acknowledge a world that had fundamentally changed. Still, Bush's rhetoric remained centered on Cold War themes. President Clinton's rhetoric about the Bosnian conflict is very similar to that of his predecessor. It has focused on a humanitarian mission and eschewed central Cold War premises. It suggested restraint in objectives to be pursued in military intervention, and it particularly rejected the idea that American forces would be engaged in any effort to forge battlefield resolutions to internal conflicts. It was notable for its absence of a call for a Timothy M. Cole is Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Maine in Orono, Maine. © Rhetoric & Public Affairs Vol. 2, No. 3, 1999, pp. 367-393 ISSN 1094-8392 368 Rhetoric & Public Affairs new American crusade in the manner of the Truman Doctrine. It rejected the premise that the United States should "bear any burden" to bring the blessings of liberty to other nations, even as it presupposed continued American exceptionalism . As with his predecessor, a rhetoric of restraint was meant to soothe a wary public . Unlike Bush, however, Clinton's efforts to "compartmentalize" the conflict was part of a new post-Cold War rhetorical model. With no rhetorical crusade calling for heroic American action, the administration must make the case that it is in the interests of the United States to respond to the Bosnian crisis and others like it. Those instances become tests of presidential leadership, and, particularly in a case like Bosnia, where policy objectives are difficult to disentangle (and which include forging internal political change as well as effecting humanitarian goals), successful rhetorical appeals must run a gauntlet that reveals opportunities for action but imposes real limits on political tolerance. Though Clinton administration constructs have not fundamentally renounced a view that the international system as a whole is a dangerous place, they have reformulated central premises about the nature of U.S. security. They are the product of a political calculus that is highly sensitive to public opinion and the expectations of the American public. This study principally examines national public addresses by President Clinton from January 1993 to January 1998, where Bosnia is a subject. President Clinton is the principal rhetor of his administration; the electorate looks to the president to be "interpreter in chief," and we may properly look to these addresses to assess emerging post-Cold War foreign policy rhetoric.1 Foreign Policy Rhetoric: Establishing the Terms of Discussion This essay proceeds from four basic premises...

Trade Warriors: USTR and the American Crusade for Free Trade.

Trade Warriors: USTR and the American Crusade for Free Trade.

Trade warriors: USTR and the American crusade for free trade

With the end of the Cold War and the advent of the Clinton administration, economic advantage has become an overarching goal of American policy abroad. But for those working in the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR) economic concerns have always been paramount. As the President's trade negotiating arm, and a key player in policy formation, USTR looks out for the interests of American companies, workers, and farmers in the global marketplace. Now, in Trade Warriors, journalist Steve Dryden provides the first comprehensive history of USTR. Based on extensive interviews and declassified government documents, Trade Warriors is the compelling, inside account of the postwar American campaign for free trade. Created by President Kennedy in 1962, USTR has been led by a fascinating mix of characters, among them, statesman Christian Herter, Democratic wheeler-dealer Robert Strauss, Republican Party notable William Brock, and Washington superlawyer Carla Hills. President Clinton appointed one of his campaign managers, Mickey Kantor, to the trade representative's post. Gradually, yet with unmistakable intent, these individuals have altered the course of U.S. international economic policy. Trade Warriors is essential reading for anyone who wishes to better understand the evolving U.S. role in the world economy.

Putting London in Its Place

Randall Woods's volume is not yet another of the many recent books on Anglo-American politics during World War II and the onset of the Cold War. In fact, Woods dismisses political events in thin, short passages.1 His purpose, instead, is to present "a history and analysis of Anglo-American financial and commercial relations" (p. x). Here, he enters less cultivated territory,2 although the furrows cut long ago by Richard N. Gardner are still visible. Woods's theme is the American crusade for what might be called pseudomultilateralism, multilateralism distorted by "nationalists, bureaucratic imperialists, and special interests … into a machine to enrich America" (p. 398). By the Atlantic Charter of 1941 and Article 7 of the Lend-Lease Agreement of 1942, the Americans forced the British to pledge to break down the imperial system, but they themselves would not agree to lower barriers against imports. Through their management of Lend Lease they kept Britain in poverty. They also prevented it from accumulating needed dollar reserves, refused to underwrite its plans for conversion to a peacetime economy, and abruptly terminated aid at the end of the war. Through the Bretton Woods accords of 1944 they established a system that "ensured United States financial hegemony and rendered Great Britain vulnerable" (p. 240). Finally, in 1946 they extended a loan to Britain only on condition that London accept a ruinous commitment to make sterling convertible within a year. In sum, "the Roosevelt-Truman foreign policy establishment saddled Britain with a flawed multilateralism that helped to bring that country to its knees" (p. 301). Criticism of the Americans for their behavior and of the British for agreeing to go along are Woods's major themes.

Historical atlas of the United States

Sections include: North America First Americans Contact, Exploration by Europeans Colonial Expansions and Settlements Colonial Contention The Eve of War Revolution and War The New State People of the New Nation The State Expands War of 1812 Westward Ho War in the West Discovery and Migrations The State of Union The Civil War Reconstruction and Expansion Course of Empire The American Crusade The Engine of War Post-War America, At Home and Abroad The New World Order

An American crusade for wildlife, by J. B. Trefethen [Review

An American crusade for wildlife, by J. B. Trefethen [Review

An American Crusade for Wildlife

An American Crusade for Wildlife

Eisenhower and the American Crusade

Journal Article Eisenhower and the American Crusades. By Herbert S. Parmet. (New York: Macmillan, 1972. xi + 660 pp. Illustrations, notes, bibliography, and index. $12.95.) Get access George H. Mayer George H. Mayer University of South Florida Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of American History, Volume 60, Issue 1, June 1973, Pages 181–183, https://doi.org/10.2307/2936405 Published: 01 June 1973

From Isolation to Intervention: The Saturday Evening Post, 1939-42

From an absolute denial of the relevance of the European war for America and an unwillingness to brand any European figures as America's enemies, the war became an American crusade for the Post.

Phrenology Fad and Science. A 19th-Century American Crusade.John D. Davies

<i>Phrenology Fad and Science. A 19th-Century American Crusade.</i>John D. Davies

Phrenology, Fad and Science: A 19th Century American Crusade

Phrenology, Fad and Science: A 19th Century American Crusade

Phrenology: Fad and Science; A 19th-Century American Crusade

Phrenology: Fad and Science; A 19th-Century American Crusade

Phrenology, Fad and Science: A 19th-Century American Crusade.

Phrenology, Fad and Science: A 19th-Century American Crusade.

Phrenology, Fad and Science: A 19th-Century American Crusade. By &lt;italic&gt;John D. Davies&lt;/italic&gt;. [Yale Historical Publications, Miscellany 62.] (New Haven: Yale University Press. 1955. Pp. xv, 203. $3.75.)

Journal Article Phrenology, Fad and Science: A 19th-Century American Crusade. By John D. Davies. [Yale Historical Publications, Miscellany 62.] (New Haven: Yale University Press. 1955. Pp. xv, 203. $3.75.) Get access Phrenology, Fad and Science: A 19th-Century American Crusade. By Davies John D.. [Yale Historical Publications, Miscellany 62.] (New Haven: Yale University Press. 1955. Pp. xv, 203. $3.75.) Richard H. Shryock Richard H. Shryock Johns Hopkins University Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Historical Review, Volume 61, Issue 3, April 1956, Pages 660–661, https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/61.3.660 Published: 01 April 1956