American Business Leaders Research Articles

Debating the Responsibility of Capitalism in Historical and Global Perspective

This working paper examines the evolution of concepts of the responsibility of business in a historical and global perspective. It shows that from the nineteenth century American, European, Japanese, Indian and other business leaders discussed the responsibilities of business beyond making profits, although until recently such views have not been mainstream. There was also a wide variation concerning the nature of this responsibility. This paper argues that four factors drove such beliefs; spirituality, self-interest; fears of government intervention; and the belief that governments were incapable of addressing major social issues.

Diversities We Live: A Conversation among African and American HR Practitioners and Business Leaders

This symposium provides a unique opportunity to bring together a panel of exceptional African and American HR practitioners, as well as business and organizational leaders to describe and explore the meaning and practice of diversities that they have experienced in their daily work and practice. We intend to provide an example of an inclusive learning conversation among equals, and discuss the experience of diversity in our communities, organizations, in our work, and in our practice. The symposium will begin with a brief introduction to set the stage and introduce the guiding frameworks and questions that the panelists will address. This will be followed by presentations by five panelists: two African HR practitioners (one Kenyan and one South African), two Americans with legal backgrounds (one a diversity leader in a corporate setting, the other a leader in higher education, government and community organizations), and finally an American specialist in conflict resolution. Each will address the challenges of identifying and managing diversities from their experience and perspective. Our discussant will synthesize the presentations and facilitate conversation among the presenters; the conversation will be expanded to include the audience.

A Descriptive Analysis on Comparing the Decision Styles of American, Japanese and Chinese Business Leaders

A Descriptive Analysis on Comparing the Decision Styles of American, Japanese and Chinese Business Leaders

Narratives of success and national culture dimensions: Serbia and the USA

Narratives of success and national culture dimensions: Serbia and the USA

A critical analysis of North American business leaders’ neocolonial discourse: global fears and local consequences

Using a postcolonial analytic frame and critique this article investigates the nature of the discourse used by 24 North American business leaders to describe, understand and make sense of the economic development of China and India and contemporary international encounters. In particular the article investigates how business leaders discursively characterize this ‘threat’, how they (re)present China and India and, how they discursively construct the requirements of a response to this ‘threat’. An analysis of the interviews indicates the persistence of the discourse of (neo)colonialism (Orientalism) in the construction of the Other within the context of a view of China and India as developing and progressing towards a North American ideal. Despite this, North American business leaders also show ambivalence and uncertainty towards China and India. On the one hand they laud their success while damning them for their apparently exploitative social, economic and workplace systems and practices. Moreover, while they promote a Western development discourse concerning China and India, North American business leaders recognize that China and India are becoming centres of global economic power that are increasingly challenging the global hegemony of the United States. The article ends with a conclusion on the contribution of the article and in particular points to the value of Bhabha’s notion of the in-between’ spaces as a way forward for understanding developments in the global business environment.

Leadership and spirituality: business in the USA

Despite so many Americans regarding religion as very important, the spirituality of Sunday seldom finds any conscious intentional expression in American business from Monday to Friday. Business leaders operate in a culture where notions of spirituality run counter to the models of organisational effectiveness that they learn and are expected to follow. The author shares experiences of introducing American business leaders to the ways in which spirituality can be added to their arsenal of leadership tools.

Personality similarities and differences between Mexican and American business leaders

AbstractA study was conducted to investigate personality similarities and differences for a group of 200 business leaders, 100 each from Southern Mexico and the United States. Mexican and American leaders were administered the Sixteen Personality Factor Questionnaire (16PF) in their native language (Spanish or English). A demographic questionnaire solicited information about age, education, and gender. These variables were used as covariates in some analyses. After controlling for the effects of age, gender, and education level, the authors found that Mexican leaders scored higher than their American counterparts on the warmth, emotional stability, social boldness, and openness to change scales. American leaders scored higher on the abstractedness and self‐reliance scales. On scales related to leadership there were between‐nationality differences on emotional stability, social boldness, abstractedness, and self‐reliance. Additional studies are suggested to illuminate cross‐nationality similarities and differences.

United States Bank Rescue Politics, 2008–2009: A Business Historian's View

First I describe my background in American historical scholarship. Thereafter, I assess the efforts of Presidents George W. Bush and Barack H. Obama and their senior advisors to stabilize American financial institutions during the period 2008–2009. My fundamental contention is that state actors such as Bush and Obama structured financial industries and markets. Despite the ubiquitous presence of these state actors, however, American business and political leaders maintained the fiction that state and business were, and properly ought to remain, separate entities. In Part III, I return to my scholarly background and to a proposed scaffolding for historical scholarship focused on the political economy of U.S. financial institutions since 1970.

United States Bank Rescue Politics, 2008–2009: A Business Historian's View

First I describe my background in American historical scholarship. Thereafter, I assess the efforts of Presidents George W. Bush and Barack H. Obama and their senior advisors to stabilize American financial institutions during the period 2008–2009. My fundamental contention is that state actors such as Bush and Obama structured financial industries and markets. Despite the ubiquitous presence of these state actors, however, American business and political leaders maintained the fiction that state and business were, and properly ought to remain, separate entities. In Part III, I return to my scholarly background and to a proposed scaffolding for historical scholarship focused on the political economy of U.S. financial institutions since 1970.

Jay Cooke's Gamble: The Northern Pacific Railroad, the Sioux, and the Panic of 1873 by M. John Lubetkin

attempt to use the principles and vision of the Social Gospel to create a racially united congregation. An important contribution to the large literatureon the Social Gospel, this essay analyzes the rise and fall of Oxnam's Church ofAll Nations, a largeparish inone of thepoorest sections of downtown Los Angeles Michael Engh explores theremarkable careerof Catholic MaryWorkman inLos Angeles,where she "challenged simplistic Americanization, racial prejudice, and traditional gender roles with Roman Catholicism" (p. 27).Workman pioneered a concept ofmutuality thathonored immigrants' traditionswhile assisting in their assimilation. Daniel Cady illumines the role of the career of Robert Shuler (not be confused with theRobert Sch?ler of theCrystal Cathe dral), who migrated out of the South to Los Angeles in the early 1920s,and his support for theKu Klux Klan in Southern California. Chapters 4, 5, and 6 are themost unusual in content. Lauire Maffly-Kipp explores the ways the physical bodies of Chinese people were portrayed in etchings and cartoons and how Chinese people incorporated religious understandings of thecorporeal. Pablo Mitch ell examines the ways newspapers treated what their editors saw as deviant bodily acts among African Americans and members of the Hermanos Penitentes in New Mexico, while TisaWenger examines thePueblo dance con troversiesof the 1920s.These three essays not onlydealwith exotic subjectsbut also challenge conventional categories (largelyoriginating in Western Christianity and Western philosophy) forunderstanding religious experience. Chapter 7 focuses on the racial ideas asso ciated with theChurch of JesusChrist of the Latter-day Saints (Mormons) and, in chapter 8,Mary JanO'Donnell explores how the Islamic Center of Los Angeles has attempted to overcome racial and ethnic division within its membership. Understandably, the editors are reluctant to make toomany generalizations about the ways these essays shouldmake readers thinkdiffer entlyabout the role religion played in shaping the identityof those in the West. Yet, readers are leftthinking about the larger significance of the question. These essays certainly point to theneed tobe careful about glib generaliza tions regardingreligiouspractices in theregion. They suggest thatthe traditional categories for interpretingreligion inAmerica, letalone the West, should be carefully examined forhid den assumptions that deflect attention from much ofwhat actually happened. Yet, there is always a danger inbeing too attracted by the exotic or theunusual. Much more is stilltobe written about theway conventional religion in the West played and continues to play an important role inestablishing social capital and shaping attitudes of public policy, particularly in regard to the civil rights movement in the 1940s, 1950s,and 1960s.The role of theAfrican American church in the West is an important part of the story. An essay ormonograph on this subject has yet to be written and, until it is, there is still more to be done on the three R's ? race, religion, and region. Dale E. Soden Whitworth University JAY COOKE'S GAMBLE:THENORTHERN PACIFICRAILROAD, THE SIOUX,AND THE PANIC OF 1873 by M. John Lubetkin University ofOklahoma Press, Norman, 2006. Illustrations, maps, notes, bibliography, index. 398 pages. $29.95 cloth. In recent years, many late-nineteenth-century American business leaders ? controversial figuresonce derided asRobber Barons? have been rehabilitated by biographers intent on findingpositive qualities concealed behind the facade ofvenality. M. JohnLubetkin attempts, and to a considerable extent succeeds, to do the same for Jay Cooke, the financier of gov 148 OHQ vol. 109, no. 1 ernments and railroads. The author concedes, though in delicate terms, that his subject's career featured "numerous ethical ambigui ties" (p. 14).The banker managed to become "a millionaire many times over" while raising fundsforthe North during theCivilWar (p. 11). The Northern Pacific, Cooke's great postwar contribution tohistory, was "riddledwith graft" (p. 53).More thanbalancing theseundeniable facts, however, the Union was saved and, under Cooke's tutelage, a project of enormous sig nificance to the West was driven nearly to the point of completion before falling temporary victim to thePanic of 1873.Besides, "the only 'proof'" of N.P. dishonesty, Lubetkin insists, "lies in strange contracts, purchasing that defied common sense, shoddy construction, and so forth" (p. 53). JayCookes Gamble is really the story of twomajor Northern Pacific-related gambles. The first involves a fundamental clash with contemporary thinking regarding the build TheOregonHistoricalSocietyis an ideal place foryour upcoming party...

Why Don't More Senior Leaders Mentor?

Large organizations are facing a pending talent drain when baby boomer generation senior leaders begin retiring over the next 3 to 5 years. As companies scramble to develop and retain their next generation of leaders, many overlook a cost-effective, tried-and-true method for engagement and leadership development—mentoring. According to the authors' 2-year in-depth research study with senior American business leaders across 20 different industries, mentoring engages high potentials, helps develop essential “soft” skills (e.g., “navigating the culture”), and sends the message that they are valued. It is unfortunate that many executives choose not to mentor, and they may, according to the authors, be mortgaging the future of their companies in the process. The authors have identified five of the most common excuses cited by senior executives who choose not to mentor (e.g., “It doesn't work”) and offer specific strategies to overcome the resistance that senior leaders have about mentoring.

Tough choices or tough times: seeing with one eye

In December 2006, a bi-partisan group of prominent American educators, economists, business and union leaders constituting the ‘‘New Commission on the Skills of the American Workforce’’ published a report on the skills of the workforce in the United States entitled Tough Choices or Tough Times. The report heralded an urgent and radical message, arguing that America’s standard of living is under threat unless a revolutionary change of the educational system is undertaken. The key challenge, according to the report, comes from the dynamics of the new global economy. The authors contend that there will be a steady decline in the standard of living of the United States unless the vast majority of American workers acquire world-class academic skills and knowledge. The threat is exemplified by the rise of countries like China and India, with their hundred of thousands of highly-qualified engineers ready to work for a fraction of the salaries of their US equivalents. The reports’ authors call for an entirely new education system, able to bring the majority to college-level work and to produce the skills of creativity, innovation and flexibility that will allow American firms, large and small, ‘‘to be on the creative edge in every single business function’’ (p. 25) and thus maintain their economic primacy. Against this very tall order, the Commission finds fundamental faults in the present American education system and how it relates to the economy. The Commission’s report notes a host of systemic problems. For example, American teachers are disproportionately recruited from among the less able of the high school students who go to college. The current system is wasteful and inefficient with learning gains in relation to increases in expenditures in the last 30 years. The ‘‘achievement gap’’ between white and AsianAmerican students on the one hand and black and Hispanic students on the other was closing in the 1990s but is now widening again. Educators fail to motivate most students to take tough courses and work hard. School compensation systems reward teachers solely on

Model of Welfare Capitalism? The United States Rubber Company in Southeast Asia, 1910–1942

Welfare capitalism, the management ethos adopted by American business leaders in the early twentieth century, emphasizes the role of business rather than trade unions or government in taking care of its workers. This article focuses on the reasons why the United States Rubber Company (USRC), one of the four largest U.S. rubber manufacturers, promoted welfare capitalism at its rubber plantations on the east coast of Sumatra and Malaya between 1910 and 1942. In addition, this study assesses the development of USRC's system of welfare in the areas of housing, profit sharing, pension plans, health care, and recreation. This article argues that USRC's intention was not to forestall unionization (the intention of U.S.-based companies in adopting welfare capitalism), as union formation in Southeast Asia during that period was very unlikely, but to overcome labor shortages and high turnover rates and to ensure labor stability. With reduced labor costs, the availability of financial resources allowed for technical innovations and R & D, which ultimately would lead to increased productivity.

Model of Welfare Capitalism? The United States Rubber Company in Southeast Asia, 1910–1942

Welfare capitalism, the management ethos adopted by American business leaders in the early twentieth century, emphasizes the role of business rather than trade unions or government in taking care of its workers. This article focuses on the reasons why the United States Rubber Company (USRC), one of the four largest U.S. rubber manufacturers, promoted welfare capitalism at its rubber plantations on the east coast of Sumatra and Malaya between 1910 and 1942. In addition, this study assesses the development of USRC's system of welfare in the areas of housing, profit sharing, pension plans, health care, and recreation. This article argues that USRC's intention was not to forestall unionization (the intention of U.S.-based companies in adopting welfare capitalism), as union formation in Southeast Asia during that period was very unlikely, but to overcome labor shortages and high turnover rates and to ensure labor stability. With reduced labor costs, the availability of financial resources allowed for technical innovations and R & D, which ultimately would lead to increased productivity.

Encyclopedia of African American business

List of Entries Topical List of Entries African American Business Leaders by Occupation Preface Introduction The Encyclopedia Bibliography About the Contributors Index

A NAFTA Customs Union

INTRODUCTIONThe idea of a customs union between Canada, the United States, and Mexico is evoked with some regularity by North American business, political, and academic leaders and commentators. At the highest level, it is Mexican President Vicente Fox who has given support to that notion. Furthermore, many Canadians, believing that the United States would be more open in negotiations with Canada than with Mexico, tend to think mostly in terms of a bilateral Canada-US customs union. From a US perspective, however, it would be difficult to ignore Mexico's likely desire to be included in any negotiations with Canada.A customs union opens the flow of trade between its members to a greater extent than does a free trade area. The latter removes customs duties between member countries on products substantially originating from within the free trade area, but requires continued restrictions at internal borders to ensure that the appropriate duties are assessed on products that do not meet this origins test. In a customs union, members agree to maintain a single schedule of duties and of non-tariff barriers against goods from third countries. Thus, with everyone maintaining the same trade policy toward third countries, the need for verifying the origin of goods circulating across borders within the customs union disappears.A customs union would thus reduce the need for border checks on trade and, as we will see, remove other important trade distortions within the NAFTA. However, I will argue that these expected gains do not constitute a sufficient reason for Canada, the United States, and Mexico to formally engage in customs union negotiations. While a customs union would, indeed, remove costly distortions to efficient exchanges and investments in North America, I will subsequently also argue that:* many of these distortions can be substantially reduced without the trappings of a customs union;* a customs union, in and of itself, would be far from sufficient to reduce substantially many other important border impediments that have little to do with customs duties and rules of origin;* the political capital that would be required to address the most sensitive issues in negotiating a formal customs union would best be spent setting up a process for removing these other border impediments between Canada, the United States, and Mexico; and,* a customs union would by no means be a necessary step toward more harmonious and productive relations between the NAFTA countries regarding regulatory issues, temporary entry of legitimate workers, the environment, continental security, border delays, and other issues, and could thus easily be leapfrogged.CUSTOMS UNIONS AND FREE TRADE AREASBoth customs unions and free trade areas create beneficial trade within the area, but also distortions on trade between their members and with third parties. Thus, the NAFTA tariff preference toward North American goods results in the diversion toward North American producers of purchases that would otherwise have been made from more efficient or cheaper third party sources. This diversion of trade, while beneficial to North American firms whose exports within the area have now been given a competitive boost vis-a-vis third parties, is not inherently beneficial to the importing country that has just shifted the source of its purchase to North America from a third country. This is because the goods are not the best that they could purchase. They only seem less expensive to the purchaser of a North American product because tariffs continue to be imposed on third-party products, but not on North American products. In the meantime, however, the importing country loses the customs revenues it would have raised from these imports. Thus, for the country as a whole, switching the source of imports is costly.What usually makes a free trade area a winning proposition for those members that join is that, in addition to diverting its members' imports away from the cheaper global source (a loss), it creates much new trade within the area that would not have taken place at all. …

Global flows: Terror, oil & strategic philanthropy

US involvement in Africa is growing following threats of terrorism and interruptions in oil production and because of desires by foreign corporations to expand their activities on the continent. The response of American policymakers has been to establish a stronger military presence that will engage in counterterrorism initiatives and police oil installations. The goals and extent of this buildup, and the ideology legitimating it, are new. They are departures from Cold War policies. Similarly, the response of American business leaders to weaknesses in the infrastructure and political order of African states leads them to establish their own forms of community development, known as strategic philanthropy, in order to protect and expand local markets. Despite these major developments, the media are not informing the public. This article examines the implications of these military and business initiatives for African nations and the reasons for lack of information about them. Editor's Note: This article was delivered as the presidential address to the African Studies Association, New Orleans, 12 November 2004. It first appeared in the African Studies Review, Vol. 47, No. 5, April 2005:1–22, the principal scholarly journal of that Association. On the role of the US in Africa, also see Daniel Volman, ‘US Military Involvement in Africa’ and Michel Chossudovsky, ‘New Undeclared Arms Race: America's Agenda for Global Military Domination’ in ROAPE 103, March 2005.

Global Flows: Terror, Oil, and Strategic Philanthropy

Abstract:U.S. involvement in Africa is growing following threats of terrorism and interruptions in oil production and because of desires by foreign corporations to expand their activities on the continent. The response of American policymakers has been to establish a stronger military presence that will engage in counterterrorism initiatives and police oil installations. The goals and extent of this buildup, and the ideology legitimating it, are new. They are departures from Cold War policies. Similarly, the response of American business leaders to weaknesses in the infrastructure and political order of African states leads them to establish their own forms of community development, known as strategic philanthropy, so as to protect and expand local markets. Despite these major developments, the media are not informing the public. This article examines the implications of these military and business initiatives for African nations and the reasons for lack of information about them.

Winning the Oil Endgame: Innovation for Profits, Jobs, and Security

This synthesis for American business and military leaders is peer reviewed and independent. It lays out a road map for getting the U.S. completely off its dependence on oil. The authors' strategy involves the integration of four technological methods to displace oil: (1) utilizing oil twice as efficiently as it is currently used, (2) substituting biofuels for oil, (3) saved natural gas, and (4) using hydrogen as an option. The complete application of today's most efficient technologies (in a doubled-gross domestic product (GDP) 2025 economy) would save half of the U.S. oil consumption that is projected and it would cost half its forecasted cost per barrel. In addition, the non-oil substitutes for the remaining energy consumption would cost less than oil. Zero values are assigned to these comparisons to avoid many of oil's externalized costs, such as pollution, depletion, the costs incurred by rivalry with developing countries, and the costs incurred by military insecurity. The path suggested for the transition after oil will increase consumer wealth and choice, and will be lead by for profit businesses. Novel public policies that are market oriented are proposed to speed up this transition. The authors note that an investment of $180 billion over the next decade will bring $130 billion in annual savings by 2025. It will also revitalize the truck, hydrocarbon, aviation and automotive industries; rebalance trade; create a million jobs in both rural and industrial areas; make the world more peaceful, fair and developed; and make the United States more prosperous, environmentally healthy, equitable and secure. In the discussion of how to get off oil, attention is paid in the paper to modes of transportation that use oil, including airplanes, ships, trains, automobiles, and buses.

Distinguished Asian American business leaders

Preface Ai, C. K. Alker, Pauline Lo Arai, Rioichiro (Ryoichiro) Aratani, George Asera, Larry Ayer, Ramani Bajaj, Kavelle R. Banatao, Dado Bhatia, Sabeer Bose, Amar Campbell, Phyllis Chan, F. Chow Chen, Roger H. Cherng, Andrew Chu, David Chu, James Chun, Ellery J. Clemente, Lilia Cole, Donna Fujimoto Do, Yen Ngoc Domoto, Kanetaro Flores, Eddie, Jr. Flores, Pedro Friedman, Fritz Gin, Sue Ling Gupta, Rajaj Gupta, Vinita Harrison, Supenn Hayes, Helen Young Ho, Chinn Hong, Benjamin B. Huang, Mercedes del Rosario Hwang, Rose Isaki, Paul Iwamoto, Robert, Jr. Jao, Frank Jimenez, Josephine Jung, Andrea Kim, Charles Kim, James J. Kim, Jeong H. Kim, Kija Kim, Steve Y. Kodani, Gennosuke Krishnan, Lata La, Tri Lam, David K. Lau, Joanna Lee, Chris Lee, David S. Lee, Lilly V. Lee, Noel Lewis, Loida Nicolas Liang, Christine Lung, Chin Mehta, Sonny Merchant, Ismail Mow, William Nagumo, Shoji Nakasone, Robert Natori, Josie Ng, Kim Ngan, Win Chuai Ngoy, Ted Nguyen, Sean Nishimura, Ko Nooyi, Indra K. Oki, Scott D. Ow, George, Jr. Pagkalinawan, Cecilia Phung, Doan Lien Qureshey, Safi U. Sassa, Scott M. Schilling, Leslie Tang Shin, Charlie Shoong, Joe Sie, John J. Sugahara, Kay Tanimura, George Tellez, Cora M. Tokioka, Masayuki Tran, David Tran, David Du Tsai, Gerald Tu, John Wang, An Wang, Don J. Wang, Vera Wo, Yick Woo, Charlie Yamagata, Elaine Yamauchi, Tsuru Yang, Janet Yang, Jerry Young, Shirley Yuen, Henry Appendix: Distinguished Asian American Business Leaders Arranged by Field Index