Resolution Of Ambiguous Pronouns Research Articles

The processing of the ambiguous object pronoun in German monolingual and highly proficient L2 speakers with L1 Georgian

Aims and objectives: The current study examines the role of grammatical and positional parallelism on ambiguous German pronoun resolution in monolingual speakers and highly proficient L2 speakers with L1 Georgian. In particular, the study asks whether an object pronoun ihn in a sentence initial position could refer to the non-subject antecedent in a preceding subject–verb–object sentence. Furthermore, it investigates whether L1 and L2 speakers show similar preferences when resolving ambiguous object pronouns. Methodology: Two visual world eye-tracking and two offline experiments were conducted with L1 and L2 speakers of German. During the eye-tracking session, the task was simply to look and listen, while in the offline test, participants were required to decide on the assumed referent of the ambiguous pronoun. Data and analysis: Linear-mixed effect models were applied to the eye-movement data. Two-sample t tests were used in the analysis of the offline data. Findings and conclusions: Eye-movement results revealed a bias toward the subject antecedent in L1 speakers, while the L2 speakers showed a non-subject preference when resolving the referent of the object pronoun. The offline experiments supported the eye-tracking findings of both groups, particularly as regards the role of grammatical parallelism in the resolution of ambiguous pronouns by the L2 speakers. These findings are interpreted in the context of language-specific processing strategies in anaphora resolution. It appears that L1 and L2 speakers may be using different information-structural cues to resolve ambiguous pronouns. Concretely, a less strongly internalized knowledge of the target language or the influence of the first language may produce alternative processing mechanisms in L2 speakers. Originality: This study fills the research gap on ambiguous object pronoun resolution of L1 and L2 speakers of German. Implications: The findings of this study add additional information to the growing body of research into pronoun resolution. It focuses on the resolution of the German object pronoun within an information-structural framework of language processing in L1 and L2.

Assessing Distinct Cognitive Workload Levels Associated with Unambiguous and Ambiguous Pronoun Resolutions in Human-Machine Interactions.

Pronoun resolution plays an important role in language comprehension. However, little is known about its recruited cognitive mechanisms. Our investigation aims to explore the cognitive mechanisms underlying various types of pronoun resolution in Chinese using an electroencephalograph (EEG). We used three convolutional neural networks (CNNs)—LeNeT-5, GoogleNet, and EffifcientNet—to discover high-level feature abstractions of the EEG spatial topologies. The output of the three models was then fused using different scales by principal component analysis (PCA) to achieve cognitive workload classification. Overall, the workload classification rate by fusing three deep networks can be achieved at 55–63% in a participant-specific manner. We provide evidence that both the behavioral indicator of reaction time and the neural indicator of cognitive workload collected during pronoun resolution vary depending on the type of the pronoun. We observed an increase in reaction time accompanied by a decrease of the theta power while participants were processing ambiguous pronoun resolution compared to unambiguous controls. We propose that ambiguous pronoun resolution involves a more time-consuming yet more flexible cognitive mechanism, consistent with the predictions of the decision-making framework from an influential pragmatic tradition. Our results extend previous research that the cognitive states of resolving ambiguous and unambiguous pronouns are differentiated, indicating that cognitive workload evaluated using the method of machine learning for analysis of EEG signals acts as a complementary indicator for studying pronoun resolution and serves as an important inspiration for human–machine interaction.

Gesture Influences Resolution of Ambiguous Statements of Neutral and Moral Preferences.

When faced with an ambiguous pronoun, comprehenders use both multimodal cues (e.g., gestures) and linguistic cues to identify the antecedent. While research has shown that gestures facilitate language comprehension, improve reference tracking, and influence the interpretation of ambiguous pronouns, literature on reference resolution suggests that a wide set of linguistic constraints influences the successful resolution of ambiguous pronouns and that linguistic cues are more powerful than some multimodal cues. To address the outstanding question of the importance of gesture as a cue in reference resolution relative to cues in the speech signal, we have previously investigated the comprehension of contrastive gestures that indexed abstract referents – in this case expressions of personal preference – and found that such gestures did facilitate the resolution of ambiguous statements of preference. In this study, we extend this work to investigate whether the effect of gesture on resolution is diminished when the gesture indexes a statement that is less likely to be interpreted as the correct referent. Participants watched videos in which a speaker contrasted two ideas that were either neutral (e.g., whether to take the train to a ballgame or drive) or moral (e.g., human cloning is (un)acceptable). A gesture to the left or right side co-occurred with speech expressing each position. In gesture-disambiguating trials, an ambiguous phrase (e.g., I agree with that, where that is ambiguous) was accompanied by a gesture to one side or the other. In gesture non-disambiguating trials, no third gesture occurred with the ambiguous phrase. Participants were more likely to choose the idea accompanied by gesture as the stimulus speaker’s preference. We found no effect of scenario type. Regardless of whether the linguistic cue expressed a view that was morally charged or neutral, observers used gesture to understand the speaker’s opinion. This finding contributes to our understanding of the strength and range of cues, both linguistic and multimodal, that listeners use to resolve ambiguous references.

Mind the GAP: A Balanced Corpus of Gendered Ambiguous Pronouns

Coreference resolution is an important task for natural language understanding, and the resolution of ambiguous pronouns a longstanding challenge. Nonetheless, existing corpora do not capture ambiguous pronouns in sufficient volume or diversity to accurately indicate the practical utility of models. Furthermore, we find gender bias in existing corpora and systems favoring masculine entities. To address this, we present and release GAP, a gender-balanced labeled corpus of 8,908 ambiguous pronoun–name pairs sampled to provide diverse coverage of challenges posed by real-world text. We explore a range of baselines that demonstrate the complexity of the challenge, the best achieving just 66.9% F1. We show that syntactic structure and continuous neural models provide promising, complementary cues for approaching the challenge.

First Language Influence on Second Language Offline and Online Ambiguous Pronoun Resolution

AbstractThis study examined first language (L1) influence on second language (L2) ambiguous pronoun resolution by investigating (a) whether L1 influence takes place at the level of the pronominal form (form‐dependent influence) and/or at the level of the construction in which the form appears (construction‐dependent influence) and (b) whether effects differ in online compared to offline data. In Experiment 1, we replicated previously observed construction‐dependent crosslinguistic differences between French and German and provided new data for Spanish. In Experiment 2, we assessed offline and online interpretation preferences of intermediate L1 French and L1 Spanish learners of German. Our results provide evidence of form‐dependent L1 influence, in that learners transferred a generalized antecedent bias associated with overt pronouns. Moreover, our results extend previous findings by showing that L1 influence on L2 pronoun resolution can occur during online processing.Open PracticesThis article has been awarded Open Materials and Open Data badges. All materials and data are publicly accessible via the IRIS Repository at https://www.iris-database.org/iris/app/home/detail?id=york:934337. Learn more about the Open Practices badges from the Center for Open Science: https://osf.io/tvyxz/wiki.

Grammatical Role Parallelism Influences Ambiguous Pronoun Resolution in German.

Previous research on pronoun resolution in German revealed that personal pronouns in German tend to refer to the subject or topic antecedents, however, these results are based on studies involving subject personal pronouns. We report a visual world eye-tracking study that investigated the impact of the word order and grammatical role parallelism on the online comprehension of pronouns in German-speaking adults. Word order of the antecedents and parallelism by the grammatical role of the anaphor was modified in the study. The results show that parallelism of the grammatical role had an early and strong effect on the processing of the pronoun, with subject anaphors being resolved to subject antecedents and object anaphors to object antecedents, regardless of the word order (information status) of the antecedents. Our results demonstrate that personal pronouns may not in general be associated with the subject or topic of a sentence but that their resolution is modulated by additional factors such as the grammatical role. Further studies are required to investigate whether parallelism also affects offline antecedent choices.

Effects of Information Status and Uniqueness Status on Referent Management in Discourse Comprehension and Planning

ABSTRACTIn discourse processing, speakers collaborate toward a shared mental model by establishing and recruiting prominence relations between different discourse referents. In this article we investigate to what extent the possibility to infer a referent’s existence from preceding context (as indicated by the referent’s information status as inferred or brand-new) and a referent’s unique identifiability (as indicated by a referent’s uniqueness status) affect (1) ambiguous pronoun resolution in comprehension and (2) the bias to mention a referent again and make it topic in discourse planning. In Experiment 1, a visual-world eye-tracking experiment, we found that ambiguous pronouns are more likely to be interpreted as linked to the direct object of the preceding sentence when the associated referent was inferred and unique than when it was inferred and non-unique. For brand-new referents, uniqueness status did not affect ambiguous pronoun resolution. In Experiment 2, a story continuation experiment, we found that inferred and unique referents were mentioned again and made topic less often than inferred and non-unique referents as well as brand-new referents. Results are discussed within a dual-process activation model, which distinguishes the activation of a noun phrase’s concept through inference relations and the activation of a noun phrase’s referent through the referent’s uniqueness status.

The Interplay of Implicit Causality, Structural Heuristics, and Anaphor Type in Ambiguous Pronoun Resolution.

Two visual-world eye-tracking experiments investigating pronoun resolution in Finnish examined the time course of implicit causality information relative to both grammatical role and order-of-mention information. Experiment 1 showed an effect of implicit causality that appeared at the same time as the first-mention preference. Furthermore, when we counterbalanced the semantic roles of the verbs, we found no effect of grammatical role, suggesting the standard observed subject preference has a large semantic component. Experiment 2 showed that both the personal pronoun hän and the demonstrative tämä preferred the antecedent consistent with the implicit causality bias; tämä was not interpreted as referring to the semantically non-prominent entity. In contrast, structural prominence affected hän and tämä differently: we found a first-mention preference for hän, but a second-mention preference for tämä. The results suggest that semantic implicit causality information has an immediate effect on pronoun resolution and its use is not delayed relative to order-of-mention information. Furthermore, they show that order-of-mention differentially affects different types of anaphoric expressions, but semantic information has the same effect.

Pupillary responses reflect ambiguity resolution in pronoun processing

ABSTRACTThe resolution of ambiguous pronouns is influenced by the preceding linguistic discourse. This raises the question whether the processing of an object pronoun is also influenced by the preceding sentential subject. In an experiment with Dutch adults, we recorded pupil dilation as a measure of the cognitive effort involved in resolving pronominal versus full noun phrase (NP) subjects and pronominal versus reflexive objects. Our results indicate that more effort is needed to resolve a pronominal subject or object compared to a less ambiguous full NP subject or reflexive object. These results support the hypothesis that the ambiguity of a referring expression influences processing. Contrary to our expectations, no evidence was found that the form of the subject influences the processing of a subsequent pronominal object. We conclude that pupillary responses reflect ambiguity resolution in pronoun processing, and that the process to resolve pronouns commences as soon as the pronoun is encountered.

Boekbespreking: Ellert, Miriam, Ambiguous pronoun resolution in L1 and L2 German and Dutch

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Shallow processing of ambiguous pronouns: Evidence for delay

Two self-paced reading-time experiments examined how ambiguous pronouns are interpreted under conditions that encourage shallow processing. In Experiment 1 we show that sentences containing ambiguous pronouns are processed at the same speed as those containing unambiguous pronouns under shallow processing, but more slowly under deep processing. We outline three possible models to account for the shallow processing of ambiguous pronouns. Two involve an initial commitment followed by possible revision, and the other involves a delay in interpretation. In Experiment 2 we provide evidence that supports the delayed model of ambiguous pronoun resolution under shallow processing. We found no evidence to support a processing system that makes an initial commitment to an interpretation of the pronoun when it is encountered. We extend the account of pronoun resolution proposed by Rigalleau, Caplan, and Baudiffier (2004) to include the treatment of ambiguous pronouns under shallow processing.

Coherence-driven resolution of referential ambiguity: A computational model

We present a computational model that provides a unified account of inference, coherence, and disambiguation. It simulates how the build-up of coherence in text leads to the knowledge-based resolution of referential ambiguity. Possible interpretations of an ambiguity are represented by centers of gravity in a high-dimensional space. The unresolved ambiguity forms a vector in the same space. This vector is attracted by the centers of gravity, while also being affected by context information and world knowledge. When the vector reaches one of the centers of gravity, the ambiguity is resolved to the corresponding interpretation. The model accounts for reading time and error rate data from experiments on ambiguous pronoun resolution and explains the effects of context informativeness, anaphor type, and processing depth. It shows how implicit causality can have an early effect during reading. A novel prediction is that ambiguities can remain unresolved if there is insufficient disambiguating information.

Ambiguous Pronoun Resolution

A visual-world eye-tracking experiment investigated the influence of order of mention and grammatical role on resolution of ambiguous pronouns in Finnish. According to the first-mention account, general cognitive structure-building processes make the first-mentioned noun phrase the preferred antecedent of an ambiguous pronoun. According to the subject-preference account, the preferred antecedent is the grammatical subject of the preceding clause or sentence. Participants listened to sentences in either subject-verb-object or object-verb-subject order; each was followed by a sentence containing an ambiguous pronoun that referred to either the subject or the object. Participants' eye movements were monitored while they looked at pictures representing the two possible antecedents of each pronoun. Analyses of the fixations on the pictures showed that listeners used both order-of-mention and grammatical-role information to resolve ambiguous pronouns.

The influence of contextual information on the resolution of ambiguous pronouns by younger and older adults

ABSTRACTTwo experiments were conducted with the purpose of investigating possible age effects on the abilities of older and younger adults to use contextual information to resolve ambiguous pronouns. In both experiments, subjects were presented with pairs of sentences (a leading sentence followed by a pronominal sentence) and were required to indicate the referent of the ambiguous pronoun. In both experiments, the older adults responded more slowly and were less accurate than the younger adults. However, both groups of subjects were equally influenced by the contextual information available, which was located in the leading sentence to aid in the resolution of the pronouns. Older adults did not demonstrate a specific impairment in the ability to use contextual information to resolve ambiguous pronouns. Nevertheless, agerelated difficulties in resolving pronouns may emerge, possibly as a function of an underspecified discourse model.

The Use of Contextual Information by Right Brain-Damaged Individuals in the Resolution of Ambiguous Pronouns

Two experiments were conducted with the primary purpose of investigating the ability of right brain-damaged (RBD) individuals to use contextual information—at the level of the single sentence, in terms of the integration of information between clauses, and at the level of a minimal discourse (i.e., two sentences)—in the resolution of ambiguous pronouns. The investigation was extended to a group of left brain-damaged (LBD) and non-brain-damaged (NBD) individuals. Contrary to the prevailing view that RBD patients have difficulty in the use of contextual information to process language, both experiments were consistent in demonstrating that the RBD group was influenced by contextual information in a manner similar to that demonstrated by both the LBD and NBD groups.

Grammatical determinants of ambiguous pronoun resolution

Crawley et al. (1990) argue for the primacy of a ‘subject assignment’ strategy for pronoun assignment during reading, and against the notion of ‘parallel function’ (Sheldon, 1974). However, most of their items deviated from parallel structure, and none included subject pronouns. In four experiments with subject and nonsubject pronouns, strong parallel function effects emerge when a potential antecedent has the same syntactic role as the pronoun and when the two clauses have the same attachment site and constituent structure. Attachment nonparallelism causes the greatest ambiguity, while the other types lead to more subject assignment overall, although there is always an overlaid parallel function effect. These observations support a model of pronoun assignment according to which potential antecedents are checked for morphological, syntactic and semantic feature matches with the pronoun, and priming/reactivation of syntactic structure across clauses facilitates parallel assignment.