Alt-right Movement Research Articles

‘And I am more than this man can comprehend’: Contemporary Arthurian Texts & Resistance to White Supremacy

Abstract Beginning with the appropriation of medieval iconography by alt-right movements, particularly in the contexts of Brexit and the January 6 2021 American insurrection, this article highlights how modern adaptations of the Arthurian legend (in particular, Tracy Deonn’s Legendborn, Kazuo Ishiguro’s The Buried Giant, and the video game We Happy Few) resist white nationalist rhetorics. These texts remix figures and symbols from the Arthurian oeuvre to offer stories wherein characters come to recognize and thus resist systematic forgetting, or a societal attempt to overlook uncomfortable facts from the past, thus offering alternative visions of identity and belonging. The ethical implications of historical representation and the power of narrative in contemporary political discourse make these texts powerful works of art that speak to and counter white supremacist attempts to claim and revise medieval iconography to serve their own ends.

Majewska, E. (2021). Feminist Antifascism: Counterpublics of the Common. London: Verso Books. Review by Jonas Vanderschueren

‘If there is an eight-year-old girl somewhere who is desperately willing to kick some patriarchal, neo-Nazi ass. This book was written for her.’ (Majewska, 2021, p. 30). This dedication is an excellent summary of the stated aim of Polish feminist philosopher Ewa Majewska’s book Feminist Antifascism: Counterpublics of the Common. It sets out to theoretically ground a series of activist tactics and strategies that have emerged in the face of creeping authoritarianism and the rise of the fascist alt-right movement in the 2010s and 2020s. The book tries to counterpose to this conservative turn , a more militant and assertive transnational feminist movement, which finds itself at the heart of contemporary anti-fascist politics. The result is a convincing theoretical framework, not merely aimed at resisting fascism, but also filled to the brim with potentiality to effect radical emancipatory change.

Nuclear Disarmament in Latin America: Unveiling the Impact of Humanitarian Perspectives and Advocacy Campaigns on the TPNW

This essay explores the evolution of the humanitarian disarmament initiative toward the TPNW and the links and influences from Latin America civil society efforts. Shifting away from traditional military objectives, humanitarian disarmament integrates civil society organizations, prioritizes Human Security over State security, and emphasizes the humanitarian impact of weapons. The paper examines key campaigns, including the International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL), the Control Arms Campaign, the Cluster Munition Coalition (CMC), and the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN), elucidating their advocacy strategies. It highlights the unique features of humanitarian disarmament, stressing obligations beyond elimination, addressing challenges in multilateral forums, and presenting Latin America’s distinct approach. The essay concludes by discussing the status of nuclear disarmament in the region, emphasizing universalization efforts and contextual challenges, including the rise of alt-right movements and the region’s historical commitment to nuclear disarmament.

Shitposting as public pedagogy

In response to the growing ubiquity of social media, critical media literacy scholars have increasingly called for the examination of online practices and their embedded pedagogies and curricula. In response, I use this paper to reimagine shitposting, a discursive social media practice, as a form of public pedagogy aligned (at times) with critical media literacy education. I begin by engaging extant research to both define shitposting and position the practice beyond the neofascist ends of the alt-right movement that most scholars focus on. Examining this alignment through the lens of critical media literacy, I argue that shitposting exists as an online pedagogical technology that can potentially reorient the network of relationships within social media spheres and expand the possible range of identities for those involved. To illustrate this argument, I conclude with a close reading of posts from two Twitter accounts: dril, an anonymous user who has managed to inform political discourse through his shitposts, and the corporate account for the Sunny Delight Beverage Corporation. I describe how tweets from these accounts engage shitposts in divergent ways. In doing so, I contend that these tweets reveal shitposting’s potential for contributing to the democratic aims of critical media literacy education, but the appropriation of that practice by large corporations and individuals imbued with political power jeopardize that already fraught potential.

Examining the performance and political influence of far right vanguard leaders: the case of Jonathan Bowden

ABSTRACT This article examines the life, work, and influence of right-wing artist, writer, and orator Jonathan Bowden. During his life, Bowden was an obscure figure, holding a token position in the British National Party and speaking mostly in front of small gatherings. Since his death in 2012, however, he has become increasingly influential within far-right movements on both sides of the Atlantic. While he remains relatively obscure outside of the far-right, his work has been highly praised by leading voices of the American Alt-Right movement, as well as identitarian leaders throughout Europe. In this article, we not only discuss the importance of Bowden’s ideas, such as those related to anti-liberalism, and how they have shaped and inspired the far right in many countries; but we also attend to the importance of the way in which he communicated those ideas through video, further bolstering his overall influence as a vanguard leader.

White Americans’ Evaluations of the Alt-Right

Citizens’ perceptions of the alt-right are not well explored in political science. We view the alt-right as a successor of the Tea Party movement. While the Tea Party described itself as organized around spending, the size of government, and the American Constitution, examinations of the movement found that the unifying concerns of people who identified with it or viewed it favorably were negative feelings about racial minorities and patriarchal views of gender roles. Using panel survey data, we show that whites with higher levels of hostile sexism, racial resentment, perceptions of discrimination against whites, and who were more favorable towards Donald Trump evaluated the alt-right movement more positively. We find no evidence that self-placed ideology informed these evaluations. On the whole, latent cultural conservatism appears to inform evaluations of the relatively unknown — at the time — alt-right movement.

How Intersectional Threat Shapes Views of Gun Policy: The John Wayne Solution

Abstract Guns are highly visible in the news, in politics, and in American culture more broadly. While most Americans support some gun control, a significant and vocal minority of Americans are firmly opposed. Drawing on work from the recently developing sociology of modern gun culture, we propose an intersectional threat model—wherein perceived threats to multiple privileged identities provoke a distinct response—for understanding the positions Americans take on gun policies. Using data from a 2018 national survey conducted by the American National Election Survey, we find a robust role for perceived threats along gender, race, and citizenship lines in opposition to background checks for private sales and an assault weapons ban as well as support for arming teachers. Interactions reveal multiplicative effects: that gender threats matter more when racial and immigrant threats are also felt. We discuss implications for the prospect of policy and for understanding the pro-gun alt-right movement and other potential applications of intersectional threat.

On “The Alt-Right Movement and US National Security” and Authors' Response

On “The Alt-Right Movement and US National Security” and Authors' Response

Book Review: Alt-Right Movement: Dissecting Racism, Patriarchy and Anti-Immigrant Xenophobia, by Ipsita Chatterjee

Book Review: <i>Alt-Right Movement: Dissecting Racism, Patriarchy and Anti-Immigrant Xenophobia</i>, by Ipsita Chatterjee

Assessing the Extent and Types of Hate Speech in Fringe Communities: A Case Study of Alt-Right Communities on 8chan, 4chan, and Reddit

Recent right-wing extremist terrorists were active in online fringe communities connected to the alt-right movement. Although these are commonly considered as distinctly hateful, racist, and misogynistic, the prevalence of hate speech in these communities has not been comprehensively investigated yet, particularly regarding more implicit and covert forms of hate. This study exploratively investigates the extent, nature, and clusters of different forms of hate speech in political fringe communities on Reddit, 4chan, and 8chan. To do so, a manual quantitative content analysis of user comments ( N = 6,000) was combined with an automated topic modeling approach. The findings of the study not only show that hate is prevalent in all three communities (24% of comments contained explicit or implicit hate speech), but also provide insights into common types of hate speech expression, targets, and differences between the studied communities.

The Alt-Right Movement and National Security

Identifying the January 6 insurrection at the US Capitol as an inflection point, this article analyzes the historical relationship between White supremacy and the US military from Reconstruction after the Civil War to the present. The article posits causes for the disproportionate number of current and former members of the military associated with White power groups and proposes steps the Department of Defense can take to combat the problems posed by the association of the US military with these groups.

When White Americans see “non-Whites” as a group: Belief in minority collusion and support for White identity politics

White Americans may find diversity threatening in part because they construe non-White Americans as a coherent social and political force. We argue that this perception manifests in a belief that minority groups collude against White people and that White people should act as a political bloc to defend ingroup interests. In a 3-year longitudinal study, the belief in minority collusion and support for White identity politics increased significantly among a nationally representative sample of 2,635 White Americans. Compared to White Democrats, White Republicans more strongly endorsed minority collusion beliefs and White identity politics, and increased more in these beliefs over time. Essentialist perceptions of the White ingroup were associated with longitudinal increases in minority collusion beliefs, but not in support for White identity politics. Endorsement of minority collusion and support for White identity politics both predicted lower support for Black Lives Matter and greater support for the Alt-Right movement. Implications for race relations, stigma-based solidarity, and the psychology of partisanship and ideology are discussed.

On Frogs, Monkeys, and Execution Memes: Exploring the Humor-Hate Nexus at the Intersection of Neo-Nazi and Alt-Right Movements in Sweden

This article is based on a case study of the online media practices of the militant neo-Nazi organization the Nordic Resistance Movement, currently the biggest and most active extreme-right actor in Scandinavia. I trace a recent turn to humor, irony, and ambiguity in their online communication and the increasing adaptation of stylistic strategies and visual aesthetics of the Alt-Right inspired by online communities such as 4chan, 8chan, Reddit, and Imgur. Drawing on a visual content analysis of memes ( N = 634) created and circulated by the organization, the analysis explores the place of humor, irony, and ambiguity across these cultural expressions of neo-Nazism and how ideas, symbols, and layers of meaning travel back and forth between neo-Nazi and Alt-right groups within Sweden today.

The Muslim: Islamophobia as disembodiment

ABSTRACT Islamophobia is not just a fear of people ascribing to the religion of Islam, if that was the case simple religious conversions would erase hatred. In the world of surging Alt-Right movements, Islamophobia embodies racism, anti-migrant xenophobia, and orientalism. This article explores Alt-Right groups in the US and Europe, traces their ideological gurus, deconstructs political speeches, reports of rightwing think tanks to understand how Islamophobia is a process of disembodiment. Inspired by Bourdieu’s habitus, and feminist work on embodiment/disembodiment, this article argues that the Muslim narrative thoroughly disembodies the Muslim body. Disembodiment is annihilation before corporeal death ensues, the Muslim does not get to mark her corporeal and intellectual existence. Disembodiment nullifies the Muslim’s life, she is only valuable in death, because disembodiment reclaims her death as a vanquished terrorist, as a murdered jihadi, or a bombed city where weapons of mass destruction or uranium may have existed.

Why can’t we be friends?

Abstract The 2017 Unite the Right Rally in Charlottesville, Virginia represented a watershed moment for the alt-right movement in the United States, involving a highly visible demonstration of multiple far-right hate groups. Understanding how multiple groups such as those that “united” in the Unite the Right Rally is essential in potentially disrupting future events and curbing their ability to create consensus. In this paper, we note that participants often engage in conflict through evaluative and authoritative stance taking. Aggression is sometimes ignored, and other times gets escalated through interpersonal conflict. Throughout, rapport or consensus is rarely prioritized. These findings offer insight into the workings of the alt-right and provide an example of how discourse analysis can be used in intelligence gathering and research on these dangerous groups.

Obraz męskości w komunikacji skrajnie prawicowej organizacji Proud Boys

The article tells how the Proud Boys group, which is part of the Alt-Right movement, constructs masculinity. I examined the corpus comprising articles published on the official Proud Boys website. The methods used to conduct the research were characteristic of corpus linguistics. The paper takes into account how the Proud Boys group presents a “real” man, specifies his characteristics, checks if the image is coherent with the group’s promotional materials and also describes the negative stereotypes of a “beta male”, which is used to differentiate the desired patterns. The research further reviews the role of pornography in the organization’s communication and the image of women and womanhood resulting from its communication.

Review: Producers, Parasites, Patriots: Race and the New Right-Wing Politics of Precarity, by Daniel Martinez HoSang and Joseph E. Lowndes

Review: Producers, Parasites, Patriots: Race and the New Right-Wing Politics of Precarity, by Daniel Martinez HoSang and Joseph E. Lowndes

Dissimulation

At the fringes of the platform economy exists another web that evokes an earlier era of Internet culture. Its anarchic subculture celebrates a form of play based based on dissimulation. This subculture sets itself against the authenticity injunction of the current mode of capitalist accumulation (Zuboff). We can imagine this as a mask culture that celebrates disguise in distinction to the face culture as embodied by Facebook’s “real name” policy (de Zeeuw and Tuters). Often thriving in the anonymous milieus of web forums, this carnivalesque subculture can be highly reactionary. Indeed, this dissimulative identity play has been increasingly weaponized in the service of alt-right metapolitics (Hawley).Within the deep vernacular web of forums and imageboards like 4chan, users play by a set of rules and laws that they see as inherent to online interaction as such. Poe’s Law, for example, states that “without a clear indicator of the author's intent, it is impossible to create a parody of extreme views so obviously exaggerated that it cannot be mistaken by some readers for a sincere expression of the parodied views”. When these “rule sets” are enacted by a massive angry white teenage male demographic, the “weapons of the geek” (Coleman) are transformed into “toxic technoculture” (Massanari).In light of an array of recent predicaments in digital culture that trace back to this part of the web or have been anticipated by it, this special issue looks to host a conversation on the material practices, (sub)cultural logics and web-historical roots of this deep vernacular web and the significance of dissimulation therein. How do such forms of deceptive “epistemological” play figure in digital media environments where deception is the norm — where, as the saying goes, everyone knows that “the internet is serious business” (which is to say that it is not). And how in turn is this supposed culture of play challenged by those who’ve only known the web through social media?Julia DeCook’s article in this issue addresses the imbrication of subcultural “lulz” and dissimulative trolling practices with the emergent alt-right movement, arguing that this new online confluence has produced its own kind of ironic political aesthetic. She does by situating the latter in the more encompassing historical dynamic of an aestheticization of politics associated with fascism by Walter Benjamin and others.Having a similar focus but deploying more empirical digital methods, Sal Hagen’s contribution sets out to explore dissimulative and extremist online groups as found on spaces like 4chan/pol/, advocating for an “anti-structuralist” and “demystifying” approach to researching online subcultures and vernaculars. As a case study and proof of concept of this methodology, the article looks at the dissemination and changing contexts of the use of the word “trump” on 4chan/pol/ between 2015 and 2018.Moving from the unsavory depths of anonymous forums like 4chan and 8chan, the article by Lucie Chateau looks at the dissimulative and ironic practices of meme culture in general, and the subgenre of depression memes on Instagram and other platforms, in particular. In different and often ambiguous ways, the article demonstrates, depression memes and their ironic self-subversion undermine the “happiness effect” and injunction to perform your authentic self online that is paradigmatic for social media platforms like Facebook and Instagram. In this sense, depression meme subculture still moves in the orbit of the early Web’s playful and ironic mask cultures.Finally, the contribution by Joanna Zienkiewicz looks at the lesser known platform Pixelcanvas as a battleground and playfield for antagonistic political identities, defying the wisdom, mostly proffered by the alt-right, that “the left can’t meme”. Rather than fragmented, hypersensitive, or humourless, as online leftist identity politics has lately been criticized for by Angela Nagle and others, leftist engagement on Pixelcanvas deploys similar transgressive and dissimulative tactics as the alt-right, but without the reactionary and fetishized vision that characterises the latter.In conclusion, we offer this collection as a kind of meditation on the role of dissimulative identity play in the fractured post-centrist landscape of contemporary politics, as well as a invitation to think about the troll as a contemporary term by which "our understanding of the cybernetic Enemy Other becomes the basis on which we understand ourselves" (Gallison).ReferencesColeman, Gabriella. Hacker, Hoaxer, Whistleblower, Spy: The Many Faces of Anonymous. New York: Verso, 2014.De Zeeuw, Daniël, and Marc Tuters. "Teh Internet Is Serious Business: On the Deep Vernacular Web and Its Discontents." Cultural Politics 16.2 (2020): 214–232.Galison, Peter. “The Ontology of the Enemy.” Critical Inquiry 21.1 (2014): 228–66.Hawley, George. Making Sense of the Alt-Right. New York: Columbia UP, 2017.Massanari, Adrienne. “#Gamergate and the Fappening: How Reddit’s Algorithm, Governance, and Culture Support Toxic Technocultures.” New Media &amp; Society 19.3 (2016): 329–46.Zuboff, Shoshana. The Age of Surveillance Capitalism: The Fight for a Human Future at the New Frontier of Power. New York: PublicAffairs, 2019.

Freedom of speech, freedom to teach, freedom to learn: The crisis of higher education in the post-truth era

With increasing influence of illiberalism, freedom should not be considered or interpreted lightly. Post-truth contexts provide grounds for alt-right movements to capture and pervert notions of freedom of speech, making universities battlefields of politicised emotions and expressions (Peters et al., 2019). In societies facing these pressures around the world, academic freedom has never been challenged as much as it is today (Gibbs, 2019). As Peters and colleagues note (2019), conceptualisations of ‘facts’ and ‘evidences’ are politically, socially, and epistemically reconstructed in post-truth contexts. At the same time, with intelligence commodified, reified or marginalised, freedom of speech and of mobility can entail fights for entitlements, or escapes from local responsibilities (Calitz, 2018; Lo, 2019). The decline and corruptions of democratic free speech and academic freedom, or the absence of forces to defend them, are thus serious challenges. These challenges grow as the competition of ideas, sometimes under the rubric of academic freedom, often implies the power struggle and questioning of statuses in the so-called ‘marketplace of ideas’. Competition as a value invoked in some conceptualisations of freedom, becomes more important than human dignity, which was originally supposed to expand and strengthen under democratic conceptions of freedom in higher education (Macfarlane, 2016). What had been happening to freedoms, of speech, teaching, and learning, across different subject positions and cultures of higher education, remains largely underexplored, as alt-right movements, neoliberalism and illiberalism, and post-truthism values and orientations expand.

Wolfish White Nationalisms? Lycanthropic Longing on the Alt-right

ABSTRACTThis article takes aim at what, on its face, appears counterintuitive: the figure of the wolf in the iconography of alt-right groups in Canada and the US. In settler colonial states until quite recently wolves have historically been reviled and exterminated. Indeed, in the US and Canada, wolves were often conflated with Indigenous peoples and both were constructed as obstacles to colonial progress. This collapse of racial and species categories comes as no surprise as it has been and remains a central part of racialization and national identity in settler states. But in this case, there is a discursive reversal in the attempt to craft an alternative nationalism, one that hinges on the association of animals with white nationalism and misogyny. I use examples from two groups – one in the US and one in Canada – that have deployed wolf imagery in the elaboration of their often nativist and misogynistic mythology. Through these examples, I contend that wolves occupy a complex space in these alt-right movements, serving as ambiguous ciphers – simultaneous markers of both persecution and unbridled wildness – for their violent narratives about masculinity, alternative nationalism and white identity.