Alonso De Research Articles

Religion, power, and politics in Colonial St. Augustine

Religion, Power, and Politics in Colonial St. Augustine. ROBERT L. KAPITZKE. University Press of Florida, Gainesville, 2001. 219 pp., 4 figs., notes, glossary, biblio., index. $55.00 (cloth), ISBN 0-8130-2076-X. Robert Kapitzke's book, Religion, Power, and Politics in Colonial St. Augustine, is a wonderful, well-written examination of the interaction of religious and secular authorities in the Spanish colony of La Florida. I strongly recommend it to anyone interested in colonial history or Mission period archaeology in the southeastern United States. Indeed, it deserves to be more widely read than that, for it has much to offer all who are interested in the dynamics of Spanish colonial activities in the Americas and the ways that individual acts contribute to large-scale social processes. Kapitzke skillfully links individual actors in colonial St. Augustine to broader social processes (e.g., secularization of churches and parishes or the marginalization of La Florida). In particular, he shows us how and why local events in St. Augustine were shaped by and contributed to large-scale processes but were, at their base, the results of the motivated acts of individuals. The study begins with an examination of the political and religious structure of St. Augustine. Kapitzke notes the centrality of Catholicism and Catholic practice in the daily lives of the people of St. Augustine and how the routines of the church not only shaped daily life (by marking time) but also contributed to the construction of social and political hierarchies. The Spanish Crown constructed in the American colonies an elaborate system of checks and balances embodied in two parallel hierarchies, both controlled in some fashion by the Crown. The secular hierarchy included the military, fiscals, sergeant majors, governors, and viceroys. The religious hierarchy included friars and parish priests, cofradios, the Inquisition, and bishops. The Crown had power over both through its ability to appoint and transfer individuals as well as to adjudicate disputes between them. The inherent structural conflicts between the two hierarchies served to limit the abilities of individuals in either to amass power. No one in the New World would ever rival the Crown. To illustrate the dynamics of this structure, Kapitzke examines several specific historical contexts. The first revolves around the interactions between Governor Juan Marquez Cabrera and several priests, most notably Ferez de la Mota and Pedro de Luna. The conflict between Cabrera-the head of the secular hierarchy-and Ferez de la Mota played out in slights, citations of royal cedillas (royal decrees), and complaints to higher authorities. Ultimately, the religious authorities of St. Augustine denied absolution and the sacraments to Cabrera. Cabrera withstood this pressure for a time, but the combination of the threat to his immortal soul and the physical threat of the Inquisition eventually caused him to leave St. Augustine to seek absolution and support in Cuba. The second case study focuses on Father Alonso de Leturiondo, the parish priest of St. Augustine from 1687 to 1700. Leturiondo became parish priest during the conflict between Governor Cabrera and the city's clerics. Leturiondo's conflicts with the secular authorities were less dramatic than those of his predecessors, but they did occur. In particular, Father Leturiondo fought with Governor Cabrera's successors Diego de Quiroga y Losada and Laureano de Torres y Ayala. Much of the conflict involving Leturiondo involved competition between the religious and secular authorities over the limited money and material provided to the colony by the situado (royal subsidy). That is, the conflicts revolved around local power building and disputes over status. …

Oviedo on Columbus ed. by Jesús Carrillo (review)

REVIEWS Jesús Carrillo, ed., and Diane Avalle-Arce, trans., Oviedo on Columbus, Repertorium Columbianum 9 (Turnhout: Brepols 2000) 224 pp. Anthony Pagden states in his preface that Jesús Carrillo’s work will once again bring to light Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo’s body of work, long forgotten. Oviedo on Columbus delivers on that promise, compiling references to the conquest and to Christopher Columbus found in various texts by Oviedo, including De la Natural Historia de las Indias, Cathálogo Real e Imperial de Castilla, Historia General y Natural de las Yndias, the Diálogos on Alonso de Córdoba and Pedro González de Mendoza, and the Quinquágenas de los generosos e ilustres e no menos famosos reyes ... . The text selections are presented in both Spanish and English, thanks to Diane Avalle-Arce’s wonderful translation, and the work also includes of a series of maps and illustrations that make this volume complete. While many scholars are most familiar with Oviedo’s chronicles about the natural history of the Indies, Oviedo on Columbus demonstrates how powerful his work is with regards to interpreting the enterprise of the New World. In the introduction, Jesús Carrillo discusses Oviedo’s biography, his position within the royal court, the perception he had of Christopher Columbus and, finally, some background to each of the texts selected and presented in this volume. This introductory work is significant, providing scholars with vital details about Oviedo that allow for a better understanding of the factors that led Oviedo towards his numerous trips to the Indies as well as his contributions to the debate about the actions of the Spaniards during the era of “discovery” and conquest. Carrillo’s work expands the debate about the nature of the conquest and the presence of Spain in the Indies, and demonstrates why Oviedo’s works must be studied along with other chronicles of the era. A primary focus of Oviedo on Columbus is his portrayal of Christopher Columbus , a man he declares to have known while in the Indies. Oviedo provides a wealth of information about Columbus, from a biography to a rather detailed account of the first voyage in particular, even adding details about the indigenous groups that are strikingly similar to Columbus’s own descriptions in his “Letter to Luis de Sant’ Angel” and the Diarios of his voyages. Overall, his description of the four voyages tells the story of the early days of the conquest both on the vessels and in the royal court. As a royal insider, Oviedo relates the turn of events that saw Columbus obtain the money for his trips, act as governor in the Indies, and eventually be arrested and sent back to Spain. His portrayal adds details that other chronicles cannot, for lack of access to the courts. Carrillo states that rather than portray Columbus as a saintly figure, Oviedo instead chose to reiterate the historical relevance of his achievements: “As Pérez de Tudela once noted, in Oviedo’s opinion the importance of Columbus’s actions lay in the transcendence they had for the imperial destiny of the Spanish nation ...” (16). Columbus’s contributions are primarily important for the Spanish empire as well as the propagation of Christianity: “On Christopher Columbus, first discoverer of the Indies, islands, and mainland of the Ocean Sea to whom the Spaniards owe the most after Saint James who first brought the Christian faith to Spain, because by having discovered the Indies he was the REVIEWS 168 most useful to everybody” (41–22). Oviedo is grateful for his efforts, but this does not translate into the type of hero worship reminiscent of other chroniclers , such as Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas. He is capable of seeing Columbus as a man who is fallible. In recounting the deaths of Spaniards left behind on La Española by the Admiral to learn local customs and language, Oviedo mentions that Columbus left those he felt were “most careful and diligent” (59) when in reality they were not. Upon learning of their fates, the admiral is shown to be remorseful, a sign of his humanity. Of particular interest to scholars is Oviedo’s account of Columbus...

Entre la religión y la filosofía: La polémica de Isaac Orobio y Alonso de Zepeda

In the Trinity polemics selected texts are brought in from R. Lullius, Orobio de Castro and Alonso de Zepeda, and an account is given of a Manuscript in the Royal Library of Madrid.

ANA ECHEVARRÍA, The Fortress of Faith: The Attitudes Towards Muslims in Fifteenth Century Spain, Medieval Iberian Peninsula, vol. 12 (Leiden, Boston, Cologne: E. J. Brill 1999). Pp. 254. $108 cloth.

In The Fortress of Faith: The Attitudes Towards Muslims in Fifteenth Century Spain, Ana Echevarría presents a study of four mid-15th-century texts and argues that their polemical tone toward the Muslim world was inspired by contemporary historical events and revealed a Christian Spain preparing itself to end Muslim rule on the Iberian Peninsula. She argues that the events of 1450–70 are key to understanding Fernando and Isabel's renewed march against Granada in 1474 and that ecclesiastical literature of this time—as a manifestation of a “frontier church”—can provide a glimpse of the ideas common at court and among the clergy. At the center of her book are the works of three theologians (Juan de Segovia, Alonso de Espina, and Juan de Torquemada) and one layman (the Aragonese Pedro de Cavallería)—all written between 1450 and 1461—and Echevarría juxtaposes these texts with a wide selection of similar treatises written in Spain and elsewhere since the Muslim invasion of Iberia in 711. For each of her four primary texts, she provides the historical context of the author's life as well as an analysis of each work's style, sources, symbolism, and mode of argumentation against Islam (which, in general, involved allegations about the illegitimacy of the Muslim Prophet, holy text, or tenets). She then compares the views of these authors with the legal norms governing interactions among Muslims, Christians, and Jews in 15th-century Spain and concludes that both reveal an “evolution towards intolerance and violence which was common to the society and its rulers” and that impelled the eventually successful conquest of Granada.

El cercle lul·lià de València: Alonso de Proaza i Joan Bonllavi

Alonso de Proaza (1445-1519), professor of rhetoric at the University of València, and the Lullist circle around him mark the beginning of Lullism in València. Proaza is responsible for the early modern editions of Ramon Llull in València, which are reviewed in this article. He was replaced as editor by Joan Bonllavi after the end of his university teaching. The editorial techniques of the two early humanists can be linked to aspects of Llull's philosophy.

Myth and identity in the epic of imperial Spain

The first in-depth analysis of some of the most important epic poems of the Spanish Golden Age, Myth and Identity in the Epic of Imperial breathes new life into five of these long- neglected texts. Elizabeth Davis demonstrates that the epic must not be overlooked, for doing so creates a significant gap in one's ability to appraise not only the cultural practice of the imperial age, but also the purest expression of its ideology.Davis's study focuses on heroic poetry written from 1569 to 1611, including Alonso de Ercilla's La Araucana, undeniably the most significant epic poem of its time. Also included are Diego de Hojeda's La Christiada, Juan Rufo's La Austriada, . Lope de Vega's Jerusalen Conquistada, and Cristobal de Virues's Historia del Monserrate.Examining these epics as the major site for the construction of cultural identities and Renaissance nationalist myths, Davis analyzes the means by which the epic constructs a Spanish sense of self. Because this sense of identity is not easily susceptible to direct representation, it is often derived in opposition to an other, which serves to reaffirm Spanish cultural superiority. The Spanish Christian caballeros are almost always pitted against Amerindians, Muslims, Jews, or other adversaries portrayed as backward or heathen for their cultural and ethnic differences.The pro-Castilian elite of sixteenth-century Spain faced the daunting task of constructing unity at home in the process of expansion and conquest abroad, yet ethnic and regional differences in the Iberian Peninsula made the creation of an imperial identity particularly difficult. The epic, as Davis shows, strains to convey the overriding image of a Spain that appears more unified than the Spanish empire ever truly was.An important reexamination of the Golden Age canon, Myth and Identity in the Epic of Imperial brings a new twist to the study of canon formation. While Davis does not ignore more traditional approaches to the literary text, she does apply recent theories, such as deconstruction and feminist criticism, to these poems, resulting in an innovative examination of the material.Confronting such issues as canonicity, gender, the relationship between literature and Golden Age culture, and that between art and power, this publication offers scholars a new perspective for assessing Golden Age and Transatlantic studies.

Revelación creacional y estética religiosa en la doctrina de Alonso de Orozco

In the wide-ranging spiritual teaching of Alonso de Orozco, OSA, 1500-1591, who is to be canonised next year, his theology and spirituality of creation has prominence. In this he develops a living religious aesthetic: a theory of spiritual perception of the order and beauty of the world, which makes up a very important journey in the access to God through creational revelation. The perception of the beautiful harmony of all creation calls man to put himself in order. With this experience of beauty in the world and personal ascetics that recreate an interior spiritual order, with the aid of grace, the man can reach a singular contemplation of the infinite love and beauty of the Creator.

Reading Song in Sentimental Romance: A Case Study of Juan de Flores's Grimalte y Gradissa

READING SONG IN SENTIMENTAL ROMANCE: A CASE STUDY OFJUAN DE FLORESS GRIMALTE YGRADISSA Louise M. Haywood University of St Andrews Lyric is present at all stages in the development of sentimental romance and in all three of the earliest sentimental romances.1 From the central nucleus of sentimental romance, Diego de San Pedro's Tractado de amores deArnalteyLucenda contains two extended poems, five letras and a canción; the continuation ofhis Cárcel deAmorby Nicolás Núñez has twenty-three letras, a canción and a villancico;whileJuan de Flores's Grimaltey Gradissa has forty-two verse compositions, including five letras. In the latest stage of the development of sentimental romance its use is also marked, as in the Question de amor or Pedro Manuel Jiménez de Urrea's Penitencia de amor. While lyric is not present in all sentimental romance (San Pedro's Cárcel de Amoris the most notable exception), Regula Rohland de Langbehn's view that it is "algo como una tendencia centrífuga de estos textos" (1999: 78) is widely accepted. Elsewhere I have argued that sentimental romance as host narrative for lyric gives us an important context from which to develop our understanding of contemporary use and reception (Haywood 1997a: 191 and 202; 1997b; 1998: 175 and 182). Sentimental romance seems to have begun in a courtly environment, circulating in manuscript. With the advent of the printing press, in the second half of the fifteenth century, the medium of dissemination of sentimental romances and romances of 1 The three earliest sentimental romances are Juan Rodriguez del Padrón's Siervo libre de amor, the Constable of Portugal, Dom Pedro's Sàtira de la felice e infelice vida, and F. d. A. C.'s Triste deleytación. La corónica 29.1 (Fall, 2000): 129-146 130Louise M. HaywoodLa corónica 29.1, 2000 chivalry shifted from script to print. As this process took place, their audiences widened and some of them began to circulate in printed versions that differ considerably from the extant manuscripts.2 An excellent case of this transformation is Juan de Flores's Grimalte y Gradissa, extant in two manuscripts (Seville, Biblioteca Colombina, MS 5/3/20, fols 90r-10T; Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, MS 22018; hereafter, S and M, respectively) and one early printed edition (Lérida: Enrique Botel, c. 1495; hereafter L). ML have forty-two lyrics and other verse insertions, which are ascribed to Alonso de Córdoba, possibly making this version a collaborative one.3 Manuscript 5presents a shorter text without the lyrics or the description of Fiometa's tomb and with a divergent ending (Flores 1988: xli-lxxiii) .4 Studies of manuscript S by Carmen Parrilla García (Flores 1988: xlvi-li) and Antonio Gargano (Flores 1981: 13-24) suggest it may be earlier than the other witnesses. Parrilla García (Flores 1988: lxix-xxi and lxxiii) suggests a process of revision of Grimalte, including the incorporation of the lyrics and of other material, 'acaso con el fin de llevarlo a la imprenta' (1988: lxxiii) . Joseph J. Gwara argues that Flores's Grisel underwent a similar procession of composition, authorial revision -possibly for a new audience- and preparation for the printing press "perhaps by Flores himselfbut most probably by an anonymous editor" (1988: i, 377). Parrilla García's hypothesis is corroborated by codicological evidence that suggests that .Smay be earlier: ?/was copied on paper of 1486 and 1496 (Flores 1988: xlii) in a semi-cursive book hand of the second half of the fifteenth century, while 5was copied on paper of 1483 in two late fifteenth-century cursive hands (xlvi, Flores 1981: 14-15). Manuscript S may therefore represent an earlier copying of Grimalte and, possibly, an earlier version; however, paper with a very similar watermark as that found in ,Swas used in part for L (Flores 1988: li) , possibly indicating that the paper was from the same source and that S is later.5 Parrilla García (Flores 1988) was the first to use manuscript 5"in the preparation ofa modern edition and, consequently, its evidence was not 2 On the implications of this shift in sentimental romance see Severin 2000a and 2000b...

Dead Giveaways: Indigenous Testaments of Colonial Mesoamerica and the Andes

Dead Giveaways: Indigenous Testaments of Colonial Mesoamerica and the Andes

Neither/Nor: Dialogue in Juan de Lucena's Libro de vida beata

Neither/Nor: Dialogue in Juan de Lucena’s Libro de vida beata José Miguel Martínez Torrejón Critics tend to agree that Juan de Lucena belongs to a transitional period between the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. But, since literary periodization is very slippery terrain, it is not so easy to locate Lucena’s exact spot in that wide spectrum. Likewise it is difficult to define him in other respects: he was a Jewish convert dealing with Christian concepts, and a Castilian who spent several formative years in Italy, whence he addressed his fellow nationals about key philosophical issues from an Italian perspective. His major work, De vita felici, or Libro de vida beata is in dialogue form, a genre that enjoys ambivalent literary status, between the philosophic and the literary, between mimesis and diegesis. Many transitional qualities make this work a privileged text for the study of the cultural moment in which it was produced. 1 Dated in Rome in 1463, Vida beata examines the theological question of whether happiness can be attained in this world. The topic had been the subject of a heated polemic in Naples, nearly two decades before, which began when Lorenzo Valla proposed his solution, namely, that it is natural for men, since they are limited to [End Page 211] sensorial perception, to seek earthly goals and take pleasure in their accomplishments, which leads to worldly happiness. These views, expressed in several versions of his dialogue De voluptate (1431), led to Valla’s prosecution by the Inquisition in 1444 because his text was widely misunderstood as a defense of face-value Epicureanism. 2 It was only after the trial, in 1446, that Bartolomeo Facio, the new official historian of the Neapolitan court, became Valla’s main opponent. After an exchange of invectivae and recriminationes, Facio wrote his own dialogue, De felicitate vitae (1448), in which he contended that true happiness could not be attained in this world and it was therefore better to wait until the next. Facio’s work can thus be considered a belated overreaction to a misinterpretation of Valla’s treatise. 3 It is not insignificant that it was Facio’s dialogue that Lucena chose to imitate, and it has been pointed out how, all too eager to introduce an Italian topic into the Spanish cultural scene, he failed to articulate his novelty with previous treatments of the same topic in Castile, although he succeeded in incorporating references to the Spanish social reality, such as the praise of Jewish ancestry and the defense of converts. 4 With regard to form, Lucena’s text being so clearly a version of Facio’s, it is a common critical attitude to disregard seemingly minor differences and assume that the two works are closer than they actually are. The differences, however, might prove to be more meaningful than the similarities, and a close reading of the different aspects of this adaptation will allow us to better evaluate Vida beata as the revealing cultural document it is. [End Page 212] Lucena seems to be self-conscious of his role as one the front-runners of a cultural shift of major proportions. As a member of the intellectually active court of Bishop Alonso de Cartagena, he had likely developed early in his life a curiosity for anything new, which was further stimulated when his protector sent him to Italy to enter the service of the humanist Pope, Pius II (1458). It is from this privileged position that he became acquainted with the humanistic revolution and learned that it operated mainly through words and over the realm of the word. This accounts for his theoretical defense of literary studies in the Epístola exhortatoria a las letras, a mature work, written some twenty years later. 5 He also seems to have been aware of recent trends in philosophical discourse as demonstrated by his choice of Ciceronian dialogue for his most ambitious work, which, as we will see in the context of Castilian letters, amounts to a true statement of purpose. Indeed, Lucena’s immediate predecessor, Facio, had written in the manner of Leonardo Bruni and Coluccio Salutati, who had tried to substitute the Ciceronian notion of disputatio...

Juan de Torquemada's Defense of the Conversos

In January of 1449 the city of Toledo rose up against an attempt by Alvaro de Luna, the favorite of the reigning king of Castile,Juan II, to impose a heavy tax on the city. This levy was intended to help Don Alvaro to defend his position against the hostility of certain noble families, including the king's cousins. The insurrection led to the burning of the house of the appointed tax collector, Alonso Cota, a one of those descendants from converts to Judaism who had made a career for himself as a royal official. There followed a wider attack on the conversos, a sign that baptism, even voluntarily received,would not win for Jewish converts or their Christianized descendants full acceptance in some Christian circles.1 Men who themselves had abandoned Judaism or whose families had received baptism, often during upheavals at the end of the fourteenth century and the beginning of the fifteenth, were deprived of official posts in the city. An ecclesiastical trial of converts accused of judaizing also was held, leading to some executions, and much property was confiscated. Led by a disgruntled royal official, Pedro Sarmiento, the Old Christians of Toledo issued the Sentencia-estatuto, which forbade New Christians to hold offices and benefices in the city and its surrounding territories. The same document declared conversos infamous and unable to testify in legal proceedings.2 Polemics, the most important written by the lawyer Marcos Garcia de Mora, called Marquillos, denied that Jews could become true Christians and accused them of a propensity for evil. Old Christians, treated as the only true adherents to the faith, were described as threatened by Jewish machinations.3 (Part of his case against the converts was grounded on local laws, including a statute of Alfonso VII issued during the twelfth century, which forbade converts from Judaism to hold office in the city.) At first Alvaro de Luna made feeble efforts to help the conversos of Toledo, and then he abandoned them. King Juan made efforts to coerce the rebels, but he abandoned them when his son and heir, Don Enrique, took Toledo under his wing. Thereafter, he was more interested in conciliating than punishing his rebellious subjects.5 The New Christians in the city were not without friends. Fernan Diaz de Toledo, the king's relator and a prominent convert, worked to enlist Lope de Barrientos, the Dominican bishop of Cuenca and a leading member of the royal entourage, among the opponents of the rebels. Alonso de Cartagena, bishop of Burgos, also a New Christian, wrote a detailed critique of this sentence: He also described the Jews as a nation ennobled by God, not lost in infamy.6 Participation in this debate quickly spread outside Castile, as both sides attempted to gain a favorable hearing from Pope Nicholas V (1447-1455). Sarmiento and his allies sent representatives to Rome to plead their case, but they were turned away on the urging of the leading Dominican theologian present in the Curia, Cardinal Juan de Torquemada.7 In September of 1449, probably following the cardinal's advice, Pope Nicholas issued a bull condemning any effort to segregate or penalize converts from Judaism. The pope also excommunicated Sarmiento and his followers, and he deposed the ecclesiastical judge Pedro Lopez de Galvez for his role in the heresy proceedings against the conversos. Nicholas, after his fashion, wavered later in his opposition to the sentence under pressure from lay powers, suspending and then canceling the censures imposed on the inhabitants of Toledo. (The pope later renewed certain measures favoring Juan II, but he ignored the victims of the Toledan uprising.8) Torquemada, however, was not deterred by the pontiff's wavering. In 1450 he published a tract denouncing the proceedings held against the conversos. (This may have been an amplification of one or more memoranda written for the pope when news of the rising in Toledo first came to Rome. …

From Vallecas to Hialeah: Translating Alonso De Santos's Spaniards into Cubans

From Vallecas to Hialeah: Translating Alonso De Santos's Spaniards into Cubans

Music, identity and the Inquisition in fifteenth-century Spain

Sometime between the years 1330 and 1343, Juan Ruiz, Archpriest of Hita in Castile, included this maxim in his literary masterpiece, the Libro de buen amor. This verse, like others in the poem, attributes an ethnic identity both to objects and to vocal music, a form of ethnic marking that has been preserved in Spanish culture by linguistic usage: the Arabic particle a[1] in the prefix to words for musical instruments such as adufe (square tambourine), ajabeba (transverse flute) or anafil (a straight trumpet four feet or more in length) is a possible reminder of this phenomenon. About a century later, the chronicler Alonso de Palencia (d. 1492) applied similar ethnic markings when speaking of the music of a young Castilian converso who was to become one of the most powerful courtiers of King Enrique IV, Diego Arias Dávila: ‘per rura segobiensia…cantibusque arabicis advocabat sibi coetu rusticorum’.

De zarzas toledanas (Correa, El Greco, Maíno)

The author refutes Richard G. Mann's thesis about the origin in the beato Alonso de Orozco's texts of the burning bramble iconography that appears in the Annunciation Greco's of the Colegio of Dona Maria de Aragon, and alludes to other examples of the biblical image's use in the toledane painting in relationship with the Uturgy. He also remarks that one of the paintings recorded by the Greco was the Incarnation from Tiziano for San Salvador of Venice.

Texas & North-Eastern Mexico, 1630-1690

In the seventeenth century, South Texas and Northeastern Mexico formed El Nuevo Reino de Leon, a frontier province of New Spain. In 1690, Juan Bautista Chapa penned a richly detailed history of Nuevo Leon for the years 1630 to 1690. Although his Historia de Nuevo Leon was not published until 1909, it has since been acclaimed as the key contemporary document for any historical study of Spanish colonial Texas. This book offers the only accurate and annotated English translation of Chapa's Historia. In addition to the translation, William C. Foster also summarizes the Discourses of Alonso de Leon (the elder), which cover the years 1580 to 1649. In the appendix, Foster includes a translation of Alonso (the younger) de Leon's previously unpublished revised diary of the 1690 expedition to East Texas and an alphabetical listing of over 80 Indian tribes identified in this book. Chapa was also an authority on the local Indians, and his Historia lists the names and locations of over 300 Indian tribes. This information, together with descriptions of the vegetation, wildlife, and climate in seventeenth-century Texas, make this book essential reading for ethnographers, anthropologists, and biogeographers, as well as students and scholars of Spanish borderlands history.

Beyond lorca

This critical overview begins with a discussion of recent stagings of Lorca and Valle‐Inclán and then focuses on the theatre of the post‐Civil War period: comedies frequently revived in the 1980s and 1990s; the tragedies of Sastre and Buero Vallejo, Spain's foremost living playwright; the social plays of the ‘Realistic Generation’ which began to be performed in the 1960s; and the avant‐garde pieces of ‘underground’ writers of the same period as well as of Paris‐based Arrabal and of Nieva, the most successful proponent of non‐representational theatre within Spain. The overview continues with the plays of Salom, Gala, and others such as Diosdado, Spain's woman author with the longest successful theatrical career, and concludes with the works of new playwrights who gained national recognition in democratic Spain: Alonso de Santos and Fermin Cabal, as well as several women playwrights who include Fedrero and Reina.

Criterios filosófico-jurídicos para administrar justicia de Alonso de la Veracruz. Formulación histórica y de la actualidad

El estudio presenta algunos de los criterios sustentados por Alonso de la Veracruz respecto a la esencia del Derecho, particularmente aquellos que guardan relación con la impartición de justicia. El autor centra su análisis en el tratado De decimis, enfatizando la argumentación en contra de la supuesta obligación de los indios de pagar diezmos y contrastando con la actualidad lo que supondría una práctica alternativa del Derecho.

El Monasterio de San Bartolomé de Lupiana. Precisiones en torno a su construcción: 1504-1612

Different architectural works —or projects that have not been executed— all through the XVIth century and the beginning of the XVIIth, supervised by eminent figures as Vasco de la Zarza and Alonso de Covarrubias, or others even less important as Garcia de Alvarado, foreman trained at the Escorial, are studied in this paper. It is impute to Lorenzo Vazquez the achievement of one of the cloisters at this monastic group.

El Canto de la Sibila, I: León y Castilla by Maricarmen Góomez Muntané

Reviews567 Maricarmen Gómez Muntané, El Canto de la Sibila, I: León y Castilla. Madrid: Editorial Alpuerto, 1996. Pp. 77 + illustration, musical transcriptions. The editor of the present book is one of the most successful of Spanish musicologists today, judging from Gómez Muntané's recent record of editions, ranging across ages of Spanish manuscript and printed collections, and her numerous articles reaching into the pages of this journal. Her twenty-eight-page Introduction treats the tenth-century origin, dramatization, vernacularization, and late cultivation of the "Song of the Sybil" in transpyrenean ritual practices beyond those of the Spanish March. Chief resources, appropriately used, are Higini Angles' La Música a Catalunya fins al segle XHI (1935) and Richard B. Donovan's Liturgical Drama in Medieval Spain (1958). Gómez edits the extra-Catalonian-Valencian witnesses of the famous prophetic praeconium of the Nativity in two formats: first, the texts with critical notes and source reference following each version, all concluded by a very serviceable bibliography; second, the edition proper in musical score. Her introduction deals with this and related quasiliturgical creations, notably the Pseudo-Augustinian Sermo de symbolo and the Ordo Prophetarum. She considers the case of ten text-music versions of the sibylline prophecy which she has edited in historical progression: I. Sigiienza (Arch. Capit. 20, fol. 35v); II. León (Arch. Capit. 23, fols. 4v-8r); III. Toledo (Arch. Capit. 48.10, fol. 40r-40v); IV. Madrid, B.N. 10069 (Cantiga No. 100), with El Escorial, B. del Monasterio B.I.2 (Song No. 12); V. Monastery of Silos (lost MS., accessed through a photograph in the private collection of J.Ma Lamaña, fols. viiiv-xiv); VI. New York, Hispanic Society of America, HC:380/897, fols. 10G-102'; VII. Madrid B. del Palacio Real 11-1335, fol. cclv; VIII. Sevilla, B. Colombina 7-1-28, fol. lxxxviiP; IX. Sevilla, B. Colombina 7-1-28, fols. ciiiiv-cvr; X. Toledo, Arch. Capit. 21, fols. 29v-30r. The last four versions are polyphonic: VII by Alonso de Cordoba, VIII anonymous, IX by Juan de Triana, and X by Cristóbal de Morales (VII and IX edited by Angles, Table III). Included also, as discussed in the introduction, are the verses of Cristóbal de Castillejo (a 1494 in Salamanca-c.1590 in Toledo). In the Latin versions, I and II from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries respectively, there is disagreement, reflected in the testimonies from France and Catalonia, over the inclusion of the Doomsday fanfare Audite quid dixerit ("Hear what she will have said [at that last day]"). Also not unexpected is the fact that the thirteen standard verses of music that alternate with the refrain Judicii signum: tellus sudore madescet ("The sign of Judgment: The earth will become moist with sweat"), observed in Gomez's transcriptions, are at variance among themselves. They trade quid pro quo at least four individual melodies. Pivotal is the transfer of refrain and verses from Latin to vernacular , for not only is there a shift of language but also the sacred-secular 568Comparative Drama aesthetic often mirrored in the language. A fascinating case in point —Version IV—is the "religious," but not even quasi-sacred, Cantiga from the court of Alfonso the Wise in Galician-Portuguese "[i]n which St. Mary prays for us to her Son on the Day of Judgment" (Madre de Deus). Gómez suggests that the king's knowledge of the verses may have resulted from his hearing the Pseudo-Augustine sermon at Toledo, but in any case their verses' paraphrase to a musical contrafact in Alfonso 's collection proves his familiarity with the associated words and music. Lyrical mutuality is demonstrated in the accommodation of the music by the isosyllabic stereotype of the Alfonsine version. The longer or shorter line lengths of Latin have been reclothed in the uniform of an invariable syllable count, and the melody becomes a comfortable fitting stereotype. Musical notation, further, is needed for but one verse with the refrain, making it unnecessary for the scribe to "augment or diminish the number of notes," while the Latin exemplars' constant variations of syllable count require him to copy out the music's...

Matrimonio de indios y legislación canónica ante el descubrimiento de América

This article analyses marriage among the Indians of the tribes of America starting with a reading of the Itinary for parish priest of the Indians, by Bishop Alonso de la Pena Montenegro (Quito 1754). It considers marriage prior to the christianisation of America and the theological and juridical problems created by this situation which preocuppied Church authorities at the time. The possible existence of impediments, the incalculable cases of Pauline Privilege, and the ancestral customs, which included polygamy, frequent dissolution of unions, and marriage between close blood relatives, are examined through the work of the missionaries. Also the validity and legality of marriages where there was a possible defect of form and the problems caused by language difficulties form the basis of this investigation