Alliance Of Convenience Research Articles

The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and the Impact of Russia-China Rivalry in Central Asia

The SCO was initially organised as the Shanghai Five in 1996. Along with Uzbekistan’s membership in 2001, it was renamed the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). The SCO includes members of China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Pakistan, India, and Iran. The SCO has Belarus, Mongolia, and Afghanistan as observer states and Türkiye, Azerbaijan, Egypt, Armenia, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, UAE, Bahrain, Nepal, Maldives, Sri Lanka, Myanmar, and Cambodia as dialogue partners. The main aim of the Organisation is to strengthen mutual trust and friendship between the Member States. The SCO has deliberately restricted its own authority so that it lacks the power to enforce any specific actions on its members. This statement accurately portrays the situation since the two primary powers of the organisation - China and Russia, who were founding members - have conflicting plans for the area. Any effort that benefits one of them at the cost of the other is certain to fail. The tensions arising from the competition between these two powers will inevitably increase as their own power surpasses that of a declining America. This weakening threat, which initially solidified their alliance of convenience, combined with various shocks during this delicate transition period, will almost certainly result in the complete disappearance of any form of cooperation between the two powers. In this case, the study aims to identify the role of the Russia-China rivalry in Central Asia through the activities of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation.

Phytoliths and lithics: An alliance of convenience? Performing first comprehensive residue analysis for the artefacts of the Indus Civilisation

Lithic tools are generally considered ́secondary artefactś when it comes to the Indus Valley Civilisation (IVC), also known as the Harappan Civilisation. However, they were utilized for an array of different functions and formed part of day-to-day life of people. Until now, scholars have worked exhaustively to understand the technology behind manufacturing these tools, raw material acquisition patterns and their typological distributions throughout the IVC and beyond. Analyses on the functional aspects of these tools are, unfortunately, still lacking. This study aims to understand the function of lithic tools related with plant use by using phytolith analysis. Stone tools were collected from the sites of Bhando Qubo and Taloor Jee Bhitt, situated in Sindh, Pakistan, which have been recently excavated and are culturally affiliated with the Mature Harappan period (c. 2600–1900 BCE). The residues extracted from the tool edges show the presence of plant remains belonging mostly to grass leaves and stems, suggesting that they were used for cutting grasses, some possibly for harvesting winter cereals or millets. The striking differences observed in the phytolith assemblages from the two studied sites suggest differences in either the use of the analysed tools or in the underlining agricultural practices. This study is a first of its kind in South Asia and shows the potential of phytolith analysis to explore the use of lithic tools throughout the IVC.

Party Splits, Not Progressives

The choice of proportional representation (PR) is rarely included in work on American local politics. Yet we have long known that 24 cities adopted the single transferable vote form of PR from 1915 to 1948. Breaking with a machine–reform dichotomy that dominates the PR historiography, I investigate two partisan hypotheses about PR’s origins. One concerns the emergence of third parties. A second involves splits in ruling parties. In at least 15 cases, PR choice involved an alliance of convenience between ruling-party defectors and local minority parties. Evidence includes narratives on the partisanship of elite PR backers, comparison of case history and precinct-level referendum outcomes for three similar cities, and aggregate data on big-city charter change referenda from 1900 to 1950. New in this article is comparison of PR adopters with non-adopters. Party splits in places with sizable out-parties emerge as a distinctly American path to proportional electoral rules.1

Alliances of convenience: assessing the dynamics of the Malian insurgency

This article analyses the precarious alliances concluded between insurgent groups in the context of the conflict in Northern Mali that began in 2012. Building on the literature on civil wars and social movements, it develops a mechanism-based approach that intends to shed light on the processes of alliance formation and disintegration that are taking place at the meso- and micro-levels of analysis. It shows that the solidity and durability of alliances in a civil war context strongly depend on the interplay of three intra-organizational and inter-organizational mechanisms (brokerage, competition and shifting alliance), which contribute to the shaping of complex local power games. While ideological compatibility facilitates alignment and organizational collaboration, alliances are first and foremost cemented or fissured through the changing short- and mid-term personal interests of a variety of actors, who try to adapt to a volatile context.

Global IR Meets Global History: Sovereignty, Modernity, and the International System’s Expansion in the Indian Ocean Region

International relations (IR) scholars commonly accept the sovereign state’s ubiquity today as the endpoint of a centuries-long process of modernization, spearheaded by European imperialism. Through this schema, European military superiority enabled Westerners to first impose themselves on non-European societies in the early modern period. The later spread of Western conceptions of national self-determination then compelled global convergence toward the sovereign state form after 1945. Conversely, I argue here that such accounts overstate the West’s margin of military superiority over non-Europeans throughout the age of empire. As a result, they also exaggerate European latitude in imposing their preferred institutional forms on conquered societies and mischaracterize the character of colonial modernity. Drawing inspiration from global history and harnessing illustrations from the Indian Ocean region, I argue that Western imperialism was critically mediated by Europeans’ alliances of convenience with indigenous partners. This dependence on local allies persisted throughout the colonial era as Western imperialists leveraged local institutions and conceptions of political legitimacy to perpetuate colonial rule. Acknowledging this reality forces us to critically revisit conventional narratives about the sovereign state system’s universalization, and to foreground hybridity over homogenization as global modernity’s master theme.

Resilience in Time of Revolution: Saleh’s instruments of survival in Yemen (2011-2015)

This article aims to engage in discussion on the phenomenon that is the political survival of autocrats in the Arab Middle East. The focus here is not the resilience of a ruling autocrat, but rather that of a deposed dictator and his survival in a post-Arab Spring environment. By looking at the political survival of Yemen’s long-time strongman, this case examines the methods utilized by a modern autocrat to guarantee his survival beyond his term as ruler. ‘Alī ‘Abd Allāh Ṣāliḥ’s persistence provides a new area of study for observers of Arab politics. His continued relevance and his 33 years as president to the balance of power in Yemen has preserved legacy structures and rules for the exercise of power. Ṣāliḥ’s renewed near-monopoly on mobilization is shown to be rooted in traditional and modern instruments of survival such as media networks, the use of violence by proxy and a return to political alliances of convenience. A summary of events from late 2014 will illustrate how Ṣāliḥ’s resilience manifested in direct challenges to the political transition, and his resurgence as a major center of power.

Neither Bandwagoning nor Balancing: Explaining Europe's Security Policy

Realists continue to bend their analytical concepts and vocabulary in an attempt to subsume recent developments in European security policy under their traditional nomenclature. Yet neither balancing (preceded by some diminutive adjunct) nor bandwagoning captures what is happening in Europe. The balancing proposition fails to explain the overwhelming incidence of European Union member states supporting rather than constraining American foreign policy. Yet that does not automatically entail bandwagoning, a concept which implies that they gave in to American threats or sought opportunistic gains through an alliance of convenience. Instead, European security policy is driven partly by a shared liberal consensus, and partly by diverging national preferences and priorities rooted in idiosyncratic political cultures. This article examines these diverging approaches by looking at how British, French, and German governments acted in the context of the European Union's Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Examining the drivers behind key operations undertaken in this framework, it focuses on CSDP's intended impact on the transatlantic relationship. EU foreign policy has generally furthered rather than countered American foreign policy preferences. But it is conceptually misleading to subsume this behaviour under bandwagoning. In contemporary EU-Europe (or Europe), the relevant arena for the struggle for power is the domestic stage. Beyond Europe, this perspective also challenges realists to reconsider the importance of domestic calculations in foreign policy.

Political Violence and the Illicit Economies of West Africa

This comparative analysis draws on field research in several West African countries to illustrate the dynamic relationships between political violence and organized crime in this sub-region. These relationships are often transactional, and almost always on a temporary basis. While some alliances of convenience may be forged, in other cases an adversarial relationship exists between organized crime and terrorist networks. In some cases, key actors within West African governments have benefited from these relationships. We then examine recent policies and strategies pursued by the U.S. and the international community that, in the name of combating terrorism, seek to constrain the illicit economies of the region, but in doing so may do more harm than good. The article concludes with some policy recommendations based on this analysis.

Strange Bedfellows: U.S Bargaining Behavior with Allies of Convenience

Despite the ubiquity of the term “alliance of convenience,” the dynamics of these especially tenuous alliances have not been systematically explored by scholars or policymakers. An alliance of convenience is the initiation of security cooperation between ideological and geopolitical adversaries in response to an overarching third-party threat; they are conceptually different from other types of alliances. Neorealist, two-level games, and neoclassical realist theories all seek to explain the outcome of intra-alliance bargaining between the United States and allies of convenience since 1945. Neorealism and two-level games theories broadly predict successful U.S. bargaining because of the United States' favorable position in the international system and the relatively tight constraints on executive power in the United States, respectively. By contrast, neoclassical realism predicts that tight constraints on executive power in the United States should have led the foreign policy executive to bargain unsuccessfully with allies of convenience. In the case of the U.S. alliance of convenience with Iraq during the 1980–88 Iran-Iraq War, neoclassical realism best explains the outcome of U.S. bargaining with Iraq. This case has implications for other U.S. bargaining efforts.

An Enigma Still: Poujadism Fifty Years On

Few names resonate more loudly from the French Fourth Republic than that of Pierre Poujade, and few terms exude such a sulfurous odour as le poujadisme. Between 1953 and 1958, the Poujadists secured their place in modern French history, winning 52 seats in the National Assembly and inscribing a lasting entry in the lexicon of political protest. Taking as its starting point the fiftieth anniversary of Poujade’s movement held in its birthplace of Saint-Cere in July 2003, this article reassesses Poujadism fifty years on from its heyday. It considers Poujadism as the first important anti-globalisation movement in post-war France, a locus for the conflict between ‘stalemate’ traditionalism and socio-economic modernisation. It examines the trajectory of the Poujadists from anti-tax movement to political party, arguing the difficulty of defining Poujadism in classic political terms. In particular, the article takes issue with the perception of Poujadism as an extreme-right ideology and interprets it instead as a form of populist protest lacking a solid doctrinal core and opportunistic in its exploitation of political issues and allies. As such, it is argued, Poujadism represents a complex synthesis of both right-wing and left-wing values and discourses, as impervious to definition today as it was fifty years ago. The article considers the brief alliance of convenience between Poujade and Le Pen, and locates in Le Pen’s early Poujadist experience some of the methods and even some of the arguments used by the FN today. It concludes by discussing Poujade’s political activities after 1958, tracing his long-term conversion from violent opposition to the State under the Fourth Republic to co-operation under the Fifth. The author draws here on correspondence with Pierre Poujade up until his death in August 2003.

Yuschenko's Cabinet and reforms in Ukrainian coal mining sector

In 1999, when Yuschenko's government began its term of office, the coal mining sector was badly in need of reform. His government had to tackle not only problems inherited from previous regimes, but also to introduce its own new system of reforms. For various reasons, the finances of the industry were in chaos, mines and equipment were operationally inefficient, and geographical conditions were worsening. Three main directions of reform were identified: administrative, financial, and managerial. The main goals of these were: to introduce new laws and instructions to change the 'rules of the game', to reach 100% cash payments for coal shipments and to set up forward looking, less complex management schemes. Although reforms were pushed through, some measures achieved only partial success and, as a result of the new policies, the Yuschenko government was brought into conflict with the aims of Donbass industrialists and political leaders whose generally antireform proposals would tend rather to further their own financial interests than benefit the national economy. Alliances of convenience may have to be formed by Yuschenko's successors, and it remains to be seen whether succeeding regimes will be able to build on the changes introduced under Yuschenko and develop and modernise the industry to create a financially viable coal mining sector.

Lesotho's general election of 1998: rigged or de rigeur?

The official result of Lesotho's general election of 1998, which saw a 79 out of 80 seat victory for the ruling Lesotho Congress of Democrats (LCD), was repudiated by the opposition, notably the former ruling Basotho National Party (BNP) and the Basutoland Congress Party (BCP). These latter parties were historic enemies but forged an alliance of convenience to contest the outcome of the election. By mobilising their supporters to occupy Maseru they successfully paralysed the capacity of the LCD to govern. After diplomatic preliminaries, this led to military intervention by South Africa and Botswana in September 1998 and their brokering of an agreement which restored the LCD to power, on the condition that a new election would be held within eighteen months, with the rules for that contest being discussed between the parties in the interim. That election has now been scheduled for April 2000.The article reviews the conduct and result of the general election of 1998. It concludes that the opposition's objections were largely spurious, but notes that the unbalanced nature of the LCD's victory – a product of the first-past-the-post electoral system – was a major cause of the wider crisis. It therefore proposes that any lasting settlement of political differences in Lesotho is going to require a new electoral system which will allow for a more inclusive outcome.

An Alliance of Convenience: Independent Exhibitors and Purity Crusaders Battle Hollywood, 1920–1940

An Alliance of Convenience: Independent Exhibitors and Purity Crusaders Battle Hollywood, 1920–1940

The Politics of Water in Hawaii: An Institutional Appraisal

The politics of water in Hawaii has its roots in a pattern of land ownership that is unique to the state: oligopoly. Approximately 25% of the land in Hawaii is owned by fewer than 10 large corporations. These big landowners have a vested interest in the control of Hawaii's waters, since they own most of the state's sugar and pineapple plantations, which use about 24% of the fresh water consumed in the state. Our study shows a clear link between Hawaii's oligopolistic landowners and the state's political machinery responsible for deciding crucial issues of water ownership, control and appropriation. This 'alliance of convenience' has resulted in a number of disquieting consequences. This paper examines and appraises these and their impact on Hawaii's water development and suggests future directions.

Opposition politics in Russia

IN THE WAKE OF the failed August 1991 coup, the banning of the CPSU and the collapse of the Soviet state, the CPSU split into myriad communist, socialist, democratic and nationalist parties and movements. Soon many of those who had supported El'tsin during the coup turned against him and his democrats. The alliance of convenience between nationalists, moderate communists, democrats and radical reformers that each group had joined for often diametrically opposed reasons was no longer needed after the demise of Gorbachev. There were also disparate reasons behind various Russians' support for El'tsin in his effort to come to power in the RSFSR and challenge the CPSU leadership. With the fall of Gorbachev and the collapse of the Union, the distinctions which hitherto had not been so important in these groups' interrelations gradually became decisive. A split became inevitable between El'tsin's democratic, reform communist and (few) national-patriotic supporters, who had undermined Gorbachev because they were opposed to his reforms either for orthodox communist reasons or because of a desire to salvage the empire, regardless of whether they envisioned it as Soviet or Russian. Nationalist Russophiles, who preferred the break-up of the Union and the birth of a new Russia, now saw westerising democrats and moderate communists as the obstacles to the fulfilment of their aspirations. In this they found like-minded allies among the hardline communists.

The Special Relationship: an Alliance of Convenience?

The Special Relationship: an Alliance of Convenience?

Science and Public Policy

Politicians generally do not look to scientists to help them get votes. But issues of science policy become extremely important when politicians and scientists, together, grasp the degree to which science and technology are transforming the business of the president and Congress. The author discusses the uneasy relationship of two institutions--political governance and the progress of science--that, while possibly irreconcilable, have an ongoing alliance of convenience. The author indicates issues confronting the Bush presidency in which scientific and technical factors are crucial, raises questions about the future relationship of science and government, defines the political framework for this relationship, and documents the encouraging and significant science-policy commitments made by president-elect Bush.

Educational Administrators and Teacher Unions: An Alliance of Convenience

he traditional concept of conflict oriented labor-management relations that has been used to describe interaction in educational settings by theorists such as Saunders and Lovell' and Kleinman2 may no longer be applicable due to conditions markedly different from those associated with the formative stages of collective bargaining for teachers. The author suggests that administrative and teaching personnel are moving toward mutual accommodation. This development is manifest at and above the building level. It implies that accommodative behavior is rather commonplace between individual participants such as principals and building representatives, as well as between organizational participants such as teacher unions and associations representing organized administrative personnel. The purpose of this analysis, therefore, is threefold: