Albanian Majority Research Articles

Prilog za analizu privrede Socijalističke Autonomne Pokrajine Kosovo 1974-1981

The economy of Kosovo entered the period 1974-1981 burdened with numerous problems. Constitutional changes led to the economy of the republics and provinces being divided into special systems. The leaders of Kosovo were adamant about using raw materials instead of the manufacturing sector, which would create more jobs. As a result, agriculture fell further and further behind, so the difference in development between industrial and agricultural municipalities was increasingly visible. Yugoslavia and Serbia generously financed Kosovo through the Development Credit Fund for Economically Underdeveloped Areas and supplementary budget funds. Additionally, Kosovo had the greatest access to International Bank loans of any region. The more developed republics demonstrated little interest in funding Kosovo's extravagant spending and incorrect economic policies, and Serbia was forced to allocate more money for Kosovo than for impoverished towns within its smaller borders. It was a common rumour in Priština that insufficient funds were allocated for Kosovo. The growing lag was not the result of a lack of funds but of the galloping birth rate of the Albanian community. Citizens, especially Albanians, believed that Serbia and Yugoslavia were taking advantage of them, which had political consequences in the 1981 demonstrations. One particular economic issue was unemployment. Given the policy of balancing the total number of employed Albanians with their participation in the population in terms of Albanian birth rates, it reflected more on Serbs and Montenegrins. The proportion of Albanians among the staff rose sharply and continuously, while the proportion of Serbs increased slightly, and the proportion of Montenegrins either decreased or stagnated. Due to the national key policy, one Serb or Montenegrin was employed for every ten Albanians (sometimes up to 20). Albanian separatists were successful in making bilingualism a requirement for employment in job competitions, regardless of whether it was specifically requested or preferred. International relations within enterprises were disrupted. The disorder was manifested through verbal and physical pressures in which the Serbs and Montenegrins, being the few, were inferior. Separatists successfully pursued a policy of removing Serb-Montenegrin cadres and workers to make them leave. In roughly 15% of cases, economic issues were the catalyst for Serbs and Montenegrins to leave Kosovo. The majority of Albanians also left for these reasons, but to work abroad.

LEGAL FRAMEWORK OF THE IDENTITY POLICY OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY IN POSTWAR KOSOVO — A HISTORICAL OVERVIEW

Background: This paper aims to elaborate and analyse the legal context of the identity policy of the international community in post-war Kosovo. Through this policy, the nature of Kosovo was determined as an entity under the UN administration until 2008 and as an independent state after that. Given that NATO’s military intervention in Kosovo was initiated for humanitarian reasons and, therefore, was not an intervention aimed at resolving the historical conflict between Serbs and Albanians, the UN administration in Kosovo was also established by being neutral towards national interpretations on the “issue of Kosovo”. This paper will bring together arguments that the international community, in its approach to the people of Kosovo, has actively tried to establish a new political entity detached from any national projections, thereby preventing it from being perceived as a national victory, especially among the Albanian majority. For this reason, all laws, regulations, governing documents and policies of the UN mission, which delineated Kosovo’s political nature and way of governing, were based on the ‘principle of multi-ethnicity’. This paper also examines the negotiation process for determining Kosovo’s final status, through which independence was conditioned by the commitment to building a state based on the principle of multiethnicity. Methods: In this article, qualitative methods have been used since the focus of this paper has been the understanding of some of the concepts of the legal framework used in the process of state building of Kosovo after the war and the role that the international community played in the policies of identity. The authors try to connect the theoretical with the practical aspects to present a broader view of the topic of this article. This scientific article is a single case study research focusing on the state of Kosovo in the post-war period. Data analyses were collected from the official documents of international institutions and the state of Kosovo. The historical method content analysis of the legal documents used in this paper has helped to achieve a deeper understanding of the topic presented in this paper. Results and Conclusions: The authors’ findings indicate that in post-war Kosovo, the international community in post-war Kosovo has established a neutral political entity in terms of national identification. This has been achieved through a legal and constitutional framework that prioritises identity by promoting multi-ethnicity and civic identity as the political identity of the people of Kosovo. This discrepancy between state and national identity has given rise to an identity crisis, especially among the Albanian majority population. This has resulted in religious radicalisation in part of the population and a lack of loyalty to the state in other parts of the country.

Restoring Pasts and Enriching Futures in Albania

Complaints about the uncertainty and instability of everyday life often emanate from mainstream Albanian society, but a small number of local social entrepreneurs are seeking to overcome this prevailing thought matrix. In postulating their entrepreneurial tactics and goals, they see the mobilisation and transformation of the passive mindset (mentaliteti) of the majority of Albanians as the core prerequisite for their own economic success, as well as general well-being in the country. The paper explores mentaliteti and how it relates to entrepreneurial subjectivities, tactics, and plans. In their aim to mobilize the predominant mentaliteti, local entrepreneurs aspire to revitalize certain traditional moral norms such as responsibility. They do this by redeploying already familiar structural processes like remittances that have been important to the country's history and economy. Through their entrepreneurial plans and endeavors, this small group of individuals aims to bring back and remit specific, once important, ethical and moral values to ensure a better future for all. Both entrepreneurship and remittances are important drivers of economic and social enrichment and general prosperity in Albania today and in the future.

Pasojat e luftërave habsburge – osmane në strukturën demografike të Kosovës / The aftermath of the Habsburg-Ottoman wars in the demographic structure of Kosovo

This paper focuses on the development and consequences of the Habsburgs - Ottoman wars in today’s Kosovo and the other ethnic Albanian areas of Sandžak, as well as of today’s Macedonia, at the turn of the XVII century and in the first four decades of the eighteenth century. This study highlights the role of Albanians in these wars, and in particular, the extremely serious consequences that these hostilities had on the majority of Albanian population inhabiting these areas. Indeed, Ottoman sources that were previously unknown to the Albanian historiography and beyond, have shed fresh new light on the circumstances moulded in those areas, at the time of the subversion of the Habsburg forces and their allies during the last quarter of 1689. They shed first-hand light, particularly on the demographic discrepancies and the massive displacement, of the Albanian Muslim population from today’s Kosovo at that particular time. These sources express very plainly the enormous depopulation of ethnic Albanian majority in today’s Kosovo and surrounding areas all through these conflicts, as a result of displacements, murder, death from starvation, disease and eventually plague epidemics, which at that time ultimately annihilated almost two thirds of the Albanian population of today’s Kosovo.

Central governance and minority rights: The case of the developing country

The purpose of the paper is to study the institutional approach of the Serbian state toward ethnic minorities, specifically towards the Albanian ethnic minority in Serbia. The research focuses on the Serbian state governance forms and how these forms reflect on local governance policies by the Albanian majority. The deprivation of many individual and national rights has influenced the strengthening of the national identity (Searle-White, 2001). The paper is a theoretical study that is based on the qualitative research method and includes the discourse analysis of programs, events, writings, and statements of intellectual and political figures of the relevant times. The paper finds out that the violation of freedom and national rights toward the Albanian minority in Serbia has reflected strong forms of political behavior. In conclusion, it turns out that the Albanian political class in Serbia, disappointed by the state institutions, seeks the help of the mother state of Kosovo so that the status of the Albanians in Serbia is resolved the same as the status of the Serbs of Kosovo. This paper seeks to contribute to central government relations with ethnic minorities as well as making a non-prejudiced approach to the freedoms and rights of ethnic minorities in general

Assessment of Selected Municipalities’ Performance of Citizen-Centric Investment Planning, and Support for Youth Programming in Kosovo

Abstract This paper aims to assess selected municipalities’ performance of citizen-centric investment planning, governance and transparency, financial management, and support for youth programming in Kosovo. In completing this assessment, the Municipal Performance Management System of the Ministry of Local Government Administration (MLGA) in Kosovo was utilized. Selected municipalities are based on the Municipal Performance Report of 2019. Eight from Albanian majority municipalities in the top ranking, and two municipalities with higher scores from minority municipalities. The paper aims to highlight three critical local government issues in ten selected municipalities: 1) The way of governing municipalities assessed according to the applicable legislation and 2) The provision of services in terms of quantity and quality, when possible and 3) Youth-oriented capacity building for municipal staff for better youth services (Ministry of Local Government Administration, 2019). The paper will produce findings on capacity building needs and support needed on youth and citizen-centric investment and capacity building needs. A non-exhaustive list of needed capacities is produced, while the findings from the evaluation will be used to develop a capacity-building manual for municipal staff on youth-oriented municipal services.

Moving borders between Kosovo and Servia: Opening up the balkans pandora’s box?

The article analyses the possibility of Pristina and Belgrade accepting to change Kosovo’s borders and its likely consequences for peace in the Balkans. It argues that such a possibility raises worries of further instability – including war – returning to the region as other minorities feel discriminated against and the will for independence or integration in a neighbouring country grows and turns into a chain reaction. The logic of exchanging some of North Kosovo municipalities with a Serb majority for some eastern Serbian ones of Albanian majority is one of separation of ethnic groups. This goes against the prevailing consensus although the opinion of part of the international community seems to be shifting. However, Kosovo is not just a territory of Albanian majority where many Serbs live. It is also the melting pot where the Serbian orthodoxy and culture come together with its churches and monasteries dating back to the Middle Ages. The reality is that since the end of the war nearly twenty years ago and several attempts to pacify Kosovo the region remains very unstable. The UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and the Ahtsaari plan in 2007 for a multi-ethnic and democratic Kosovo were insufficient to generate a mutually accepted solution although it conceded several rights to the Serb minority and protection of their religious monasteries under international supervision. Furthermore, most of the negotiations that occurred since the 2011 clashes led to agreements hardly ever implemented and part of the region, notably North Kosovo, still remains very unstable. Keywords: Kosovo, Serbia, Changing borders, Independence, War.

An Overview to the Ottoman Epitaphs Alphabet in Presheva Region

AbstractThe city of Presheva, which is located within the borders of today’s Republic of Serbia, remainedunder Ottoman reign until 1912. Being invaded by Serbs after the Ottoman administration, Preshevaand its region is situated at the centre of the Presheva Valley. By being located in the south of Serbiaaccording to today’s administrative division, the region is vastly populated by Albanian residents.Besides the Albanian majority, the region is resided by a small number of Turks in Presheva and villageof Bilac. Major studies have been conducted on the Balkan countries heritage from the Ottomanperiod. Although the studies in this field have intensified after the 70s, the places that gained the focalpoint in the Western Balkans remained Bosnia, Sancak, Kosovo, and Macedonia. There is a sufficientsupport to claim that cultural studies on Presheva remained at the local level, especially during thedissolution of Yugoslavia. The long-term conflicts and wars that Western Balkans faced since thebeginning of 90s have adversely affected and continue to affect the development in education, culture,and science. In this process, many tangible cultural heritage artefacts have been damaged, destroyed,and even forgotten. The restoration work that extends the life of a few number of works which haveendured until today, is also limited and not performed by competent institutions. Even though thelocal people try to keep these works alive through voluntary initiative, it is essentially important forthese works to be inventoried and recorded. There have been some local studies regarding this issue,but still not sufficient to drive the institutions at ensuring protection for this heritage. Keywords: Epitaphs, Mosques, Water Fountains, Bridges, Dervish Lodges

Children’s Ethno-National Flag Categories in Three Divided Societies

Abstract Flags are conceptual representations that can prime nationalism and allegiance to one’s group. Investigating children’s understanding of conflict-related ethno-national flags in divided societies sheds light on the development of national categories. We explored the development of children’s awareness of, and preferences for, ethno-national flags in Northern Ireland, Kosovo, and the Republic of North Macedonia. Children displayed early categorization of, and ingroup preferences for, ethno-national flags. By middle-childhood, children’s conflict-related social categories shaped systematic predictions about other’s group-based preferences for flags. Children of minority-status groups demonstrated more accurate flag categorization and were more likely to accurately infer others’ flag preferences. While most Balkan children preferred divided versus integrated ethno-national symbols, children in the Albanian majority group in Kosovo demonstrated preferences for the new supra-ethnic national flag. We discuss the implications of children’s ethno-national flag categories on developing conceptualizations of nationality and the potential for shared national symbols to promote peace.

The EU Integration Process and its Role in the Albanian Sociopolitical Transformation

Nearly thirty years after the fall of communism in Albania, European integration has been the main driving force for change and the real catalyst for reform. Today, a vast majority of Albanians continue to be convinced that the only way to develop, modernize and guarantee security is a full integration into the European family. The problem is not simply the duration of such an intermediate phase between obtaining candidate status and a full membership of the European Union. In fact, Albanians themselves are increasingly aware that the road to full membership of the European Union will be long, and that it will require a series of major and profound changes in the country, especially in the areas of the rule of law and functioning of institutions, along with implementing various standards that a society must meet in order to achieve this goal. The aim of this paper is to analyze Albanian use and abuse of the EU integration process in internal political discourse, reforms and transformation. A number of documents, publications and public speeches are examined in order to evaluate the impact of integration in this small, developing, post-communist country.

The Spread of Ideas Related to the Developmental Idealism Model in Albania

In this paper we use data from a nationally representative survey conducted in Albania in 2005 to study the spread of the worldviews, values, and beliefs of developmental idealism in the country. We find that Albanians have adopted developmental idealism, with ideas about development and developmental hierarchies that are similar to those of international elites. A substantial majority of Albanians also endorse the developmental idealist belief of an association between socioeconomic development and family matters. Many perceive development as both a cause and an effect of family change, but with more seeing it as a cause than as an effect. Albanians also perceive development as more closely related to fertility and gender equality than to age at marriage. But despite believing that development and family change are related, most Albanians continue to endorse lifetime marriage and strong intergenerational relations. This unique perception of development and demographic behavior reflects Albania's unique history with regard to economic, political and social change. We conclude that despite living in one of the most radical state socialist regimes in the world, which tried to keep its population sealed off from the outside world for many years, Albanians endorse many of the elements of developmental idealism.

Stimulating interethnic contact in Kosovo: The role of social identity complexity and distinctiveness threat

The positive effects of intergroup contact on prejudice reduction have been widely validated by now. However, the potential of contact for intergroup relations is only available when there is readiness to have contact with outgroup members to begin with. In two correlational studies with the main ethnic groups in postconflict Kosovo, Albanian majority (Study 1, N = 221) and Serb minority (Study 2, N = 110), we examine how social identity complexity mechanism and distinctiveness threat contribute to predicting more readiness to have contact with outgroup members. As the establishment of a new national identity unfolds, we show that while there are different processes that work for each of the groups, distinctiveness threat is a central concern to both as it mediates the relationship between identity and intergroup outcomes. For the Albanian majority group, having more complex identities (or perceiving less identity overlap between national and ethnic identity) predicts more readiness to have contact and feeling more positively towards members of the outgroup via reduced distinctiveness threat. For the Serb minority, however, threat is predicted only by strength of ethnic identification, which in turn predicts negative feelings towards members of the ethnic outgroup and less readiness to contact them. We conclude by comparing results for the majority and the minority groups and discuss strategies needed to reduce threat and improve intergroup relations in this segregated context struggling for reconciliation.

Srbija u Jugoslaviji 1986/1987. godine - analiza sadržaja periodičnih štampanih medija

This research paper is the result of the research of the print media Književne novine, Književna reč, Pravoslavlje, NIN and Duga in the course of 1986/1987 by using the method of content analysis. The research was conducted on the complete available material for the years 1986 and 1987. In some parts of the text and in the context of events, the analysis included printed media that are outside of the timeline of this research. By analysing the content of the abovementioned periodicals, the author concluded that the Serbian intelligentsia was homogenous in protecting Serbian national interests in Kosovo and Metohija. This can largely be attributed to complex social and political circumstances in which the population of Serbs, clergy and monks, as well as the sacral property of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Kosovo and Metohija, were exposed to constant violence by the Albanian majority. Under such conditions, the Kosovo myth served to the Serbian intelligentsia as the cultural foundation for the homogenization of national consciousness. In addition, according to the legal restrictions imposed by the 1974 Constitution, the Socialist Republic of Serbia was politically powerless to resolve the evident issues arising in Kosovo and Metohija. The Serbian intelligentsia, namely journalists, writers, artists, scientists, academicians and clergy of the Serbian Orthodox Church, tried to make up for such political vacuum. By highlighting the Kosovo myth and raising the Serbian national question, the public opinion in Serbia was created that it was necessary to redefine the national position of Serbs in the SFRY.

Beekeeping as a family artisan entrepreneurship business

Purpose Throughout Macedonia, beekeeping is becoming popular regardless of ethnicity. Studying ethnicity, the purpose of this paper is to determine what beekeepers in Macedonia thought in their own words about their beekeeping entrepreneurship. The objective is to identify whether motivations of ethnic Albanian beekeepers in Macedonia were the same or different compared to those of ethnic Macedonians in the same country, and if different, how. Design/methodology/approach To accomplish this objective, in-depth interviews were conducted with 40 beekeepers in Macedonia. A total of 29 interviews were conducted face-to-face and the other 11 by phone. The first set of interviews took place between December 2016 and February 2017, followed by more interviews in June 2017. In total, 27 respondents said they were ethnic Albanians, and 13 identified themselves as ethnic Macedonians. Also, ten respondents were women. While eight were full-time beekeepers, 32 were part-time beekeepers. Findings The results indicated that beekeeping businesses play a significant role in the transition economy of Macedonia. Beekeeping provides additional earnings that support rural families and keeps them financially stable. The majority of both Albanians and Macedonians understood that beekeeping on a part-time job basis provided a needed supplement to their income. Some part-time beekeepers are also working as auto-mechanics, locksmiths, medical doctors, restaurant/cafeteria owners, and tailors. A few in the sample were retired from their jobs or full-time beekeepers. An important difference between ethnic Albanian beekeepers and ethnic Macedonians in Macedonia is that the majority of ethnic Albanian participants see beekeeping as following in “my father’s footsteps”, while most Macedonians were motivated by the perceived opportunity of having a good business. Research limitations/implications Limitations of the research are twofold. First, financial data of family beekeeping are not available, which would be useful in determining the contribution made to economic development. It is common, especially in transition economies such as the western Balkans, that financial results are very sensitive to their owners. Second, unavailable databases for beekeepers make any quantitative approach difficult, if not impossible, resulting in most research using the qualitative research approach. Originality/value This paper is one of the first to treat beekeeping as a form of artisan entrepreneurship, which also contributes to the understanding of family business. As in other countries, the important and operation of the family business among family members in Macedonia is passed from generation to generation. The results of this research revealed the value of networking, which was found to be very important to income. For beekeepers to develop, grow, and be branded in the community, networking is an important ingredient.

Janjevo i Janjevci - od Kosova do Zagreba

Janjevci, one of the oldest ethnic groups of Croats, have lived in Kosovo for seven centuries, outside their mother country, among the majority of Serbs and Albanians. However, geographical isolation of their settlements, uninterrupted connections with their mother country (The Republic of Dubrovnik), and strong influence of the Roman Catholic Church have prevented their assimilation into a wider community. Crafts and trade were the principal occupations of Janjevo population, which have survived even after their emigration from Kosovo. The most important destination of emigrants from Kosovo was Croatia, especially its capital Zagreb. Since 1970s, East Zagreb with its small family houses has become their main colony, where they have been building houses, opening stores and workshops. Their accommodation to the new environment did not go very smoothly; in fact it was very troublesome, since patriarchal and traditional family relationships have survived up to the present day. The woman is still considered as a housewife and a mother, and woman's education is poorer than the man's education. However, new generations try to integrate into this new environment, but the result is the loss of their old speech, customs and their own culture, due to intensive assimilation process. In this way, they also lose a part of their own identity.

Contested states and the politics of sport: the case of Kosovo – division, development, and recognition

ABSTRACTThis paper provides the first detailed analysis of the politics of sport in the small, post-conflict, contested state of Kosovo, located in the Western Balkan region of Europe. A former province of Yugoslavia, Kosovo endured a bloody civil war in the late 1990s between Serbian-led Yugoslav forces and Kosovo Liberation Army. In the post-conflict context, Kosovo has undergone a long period of reconstruction with major Western support; has been partially recognised by the international community since declaring independence from Serbia in 2008; and, has experienced significant regional ethno-national divisions and tensions, primarily between the Albanian majority and Serbian minority. We examine how sport in Kosovo influences and is influenced by these wider political processes. Our discussion is organised into three main parts. First, we set out our analytical approach, and then outline the main historical, social, and political features of Kosovo. Second, we examine the key political aspects of sport in Kosovo, with respect to development, the struggle for recognition, and social conflicts and divisions. Third, we address the cultural politics of sport in Kosovo with reference to issues of national and transnational identification, symbolic conflicts involving different national groups, and the role of the sport for development and peace (SDP) sector in building better cross-community ties. Our analysis is underpinned by international relations theories, notably a mix of critical and constructivist approaches; and draws on fieldwork and many interviews with key stakeholders in the sport, development, government, and education sectors in Kosovo.

The Role of Education for Identity Formation Among Albanians and Serbs of Kosovo: the Application of the Difference-Blinded Approach for Establishing Citizenship Regime in a Multi-Cultural Society

As a result of striving accession to the EU, all states in southeast Europe have as precondition to solve inter ethnic conflicts and to balance the system in a way that makes the relations between dominant group and minorities one of the mutual respect, based upon the principle of non discrimination. In Western Balkans some of the most controversial issues in the past decade have revolved around the educational rights. The fragile society of Kosovo faces many challenges, and the system of education is just one of them. The ongoing dialogue between Serbia and Kosovo and painful process of state building often overshadows important educational issues. The educational system of Kosovo is segregated, extremely divisive and highly politicized. It is widely accepted that education has strong impact on individual’s identity formation. In this context ethnicity, nationality and citizenship constitute just a few of the possible identities within the individual’s self-conception being the most relevant to the relationship between citizen and the state. In the analyses of the theoretical foundations of multiculturalism the role of education in a culturally diverse society is very important for identity formation based on the concept of the citizenship as identity. By constitution Kosovo is a multicultural society but the meanings and expressions of this are contested both within the dominant Albanian majority and Serbian minority. Conceiving comprehensive discussions if Albanians and Serbs of Kosovo in the future could potentially accept to identify themselves through the citizenship of the new state before their ethnic and national based identities (cross linked with Albania respectively Serbia), it is a broad topic and beyond the scope of this paper, but for the purpose of this study the concept of the citizenship as identity is considered only in a narrower context - that of the role of education in identity formation

Designing the Identity of a New State: Kosovo Flag

‘Designing the Identity of a New State: Kosovo Flag’ provides a summary of the process that lead to adoption of the Kosovo visual identity as part of Kosovo’s declared independence in 2008. Select disqualified entry proposals from the formation of the Kosovo state emblem and flag are discussed. The article reviews elements of American and Albanian emblems and colors which remain popular with Kosovo’s ethnic Albanian majority. The article includes quotes and abstracts from personal interviews with the author from relevant designers that participated in the process of developing Kosovo’s visual identity.

Decentralisation and Accountability in War-to-Peace Transitions: The Case of Kosovo

In spite of the scant evidence of a positive correlation between decentralisation and strengthened local development and governance, decentralisation has been promoted as a tool to consolidate peace and re‐build states in countries emerging from violent conflict, especially in settings torn apart by ethnic and other identity‐based cleavages. A key difficulty decentralisation has faced in many non‐conflict settings is related to the challenge of instituting effective mechanisms of accountability. This difficulty is compounded in war‐to‐peace transitions. Using Kosovo as our case study, we highlight the risk of negative trade‐offs between what we call the ‘political’(peace‐building) and ‘functional’(state‐building) dimensions of decentralisation. While quite successful in terms of mitigating tensions between the Albanian majority and Serb minority, decentralisation has contributed little to enhancing cooperation and trust between the two communities and improving local governance. Weak accountability – both formal and social – needs to be addressed to conclude Kosovo's war‐to‐peace transition.

Analysis of current events: “towards the rule of law in Kosovo: EULEX should go”

Following Kosovo's declaration of independence in February 2008, the European Union deployed a rule of law mission in Kosovo (EULEX). While EULEX and its supporters have argued that the mission has the potential to succeed, critics claim that the mission has failed to significantly improve Kosovo's rule of law institutions, to address the rule of law vacuum in the north of Kosovo, and to prosecute high-level organized crime and corruption. I argue that the critics are correct, and explain that the mission is fundamentally flawed due to its neutrality about Kosovo's independence, its rejection of conditionality and capacity building, and its difficulty investigating politicized crimes. Consequently, the mission cannot overcome the inherent challenges of building the rule of law in Kosovo, namely the desire of the Kosovo Albanian majority for independence and the connection between politics and criminality. The paper concludes that EULEX should not be renewed, since the mission's main functions could be better fulfilled by other international organizations, namely the NATO-led Kosovo Force and the European Union Office.