Al-Shabaab In Somalia Research Articles

Terrorism and counter-terrorism in Africa: fighting insurgency from Al Shabaab, Ansar Dine and Boko Haram

1. Chapter One: Understanding the Terrorist Threat in Africa and the Limitations of the Current Counterterrorist Paradigm 2. Islam in Africa 3. Al Shabaab in Somalia: Between Clan and Faith 4. Ansar Dine in Mali: Between Tuareg Nationalism and Islamism 5. Nigeria's Boko Haram: Contesting Ethnic, Religious and Regional Identities 6. Responding to Terror: An Assessment of African Union Counterterrorism Strategies 7. Responding to Terror: An Assessment of US Counterterrorism Strategies in Africa 8. Conclusion

DEVELOPMENT-RELATED CONFLICTS: A POLICY FRAMEWORK FOR SUB-SAHARAN AFRICAN COUNTRIES

INTRODUCTION:There are conflicts in Sub-Saharan Africa in which development issues are neither causal factor nor part of causal factor. Nevertheless, sub -continent is not short of development-related conflicts. The littering of sub -continent with development-related conflicts is a well-known phenomenon. The double-tragedy of relationship between conflicts and development is that: on one hand conflicts can cause, or contribute to, underdevelopment; and on other hand, underdevelopment can cause, or contribute to, conflicts. For instance, as Paul Collier (2004) says, the relationship between civil and failures in development is strong and goes in both directions: civil powerfully retards development; and equally, failures in development substantially increase proneness to civil war (1).Some countries on sub-continent have direct or indirect linkages with development issues, and development issues are causally linked or at least have correlation with conflicts. Examples include resource-conflicts in Niger-Delta (Nigeria), Cabinda (Angola), Katanga (Democratic Republic of Congo), etc (Abumere, 2014: 137-38, 146, 151). The question is; in view of linkage between conflicts and development issues in sub -Saharan Africa, is there any resource, whether security apparatus or development policy, that is necessary and sufficient for dealing with such conflicts?In responding to above question, following hypotheses were formulated. First, there is no one resource that is at once necessary and sufficient; while each resource is necessary, none is sufficient. Second, while one of resources might be sufficient sometimes, generally none of resources is sufficient. Third, consequently we should neither jettison any one resource nor exclusively rely on any one resource. Fourth, then if both resources were to be combined, dealing with development - related conflicts on sub -continent will become tractable. In order to narrow down our subject matter and to contextualise hypotheses: conflicts focused on are intra -state conflicts in Sub-Saharan Africa; and development issues focused on are unemployment and underemployment in Sub-Saharan Africa.Throughout discussion, theoretical analysis is relied on. Admittedly, any sort of work like this one often requires empirical methods. Nevertheless, aim of this paper is to do a theoretical analysis which will serve as foundation for future empirical works. This paper is in three sections. The first section presents a parsimonious and cursory overview of conflicts in sub-Saharan African countries. This overview is neither aimed at a detailed description nor a historical analysis of conflicts. Rather it is aimed at giving readers insights into nature of such conflicts in Sub -Saharan Africa. Then second section discusses linkage between such conflicts and certain issues of development namely unemployment and underemployment in Sub -Saharan Africa. While third section of paper proposes a policy and proffers a strategy for resolving or managing such conflicts in Sub -Saharan Africa in which unemployment and underemployment are contributory factors.A PARSIMONIOUS AND CURSORY OVERVIEW OF INTRA-STATE CONFLICTS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICAN COUNTRIES:African countries are not just plagued by ordinary conflicts; many of them have actually been plagued by civil wars and are currently being plagued by terrorism. Whether it was civil wars in Libya, Angola, Liberia, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Ethiopia (Eritrea's secession), Sudan (South Sudan's secession), South Sudan, etc or genocide in Rwanda, or Al -Qaeda in Islamic Maghreb, Al-Shabaab in Somalia and Kenya, and Boko Haram in Nigeria, Niger, Chad and Cameroun, continent had reasons and still has reasons to be worried.Focusing on Sub -Saharan Africa, we have litany of cases. …

Security Assistance in Africa: The Case for Less

Abstract: US strategic approaches in the African Great Lakes region are primarily based on security assistance for training and equipping African forces for operations in East, North, and West Africa. This assistance risks causing more incidents of violence. A new strategy, based on a comprehensive approach to the security challenges in the region, as well as the deployment of international boots on the ground--American or others--is needed to reduce violence and to minimize the risk of new terrorist safe havens appearing in central Africa. ********* One of the main security interests of the United States in Africa is to counter the violent extremism perpetrated by organizations such as the al-Shabaab in Somalia, Boko Haram in Nigeria and al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). (1) In order to do so, current US military strategy aims at training and equipping African forces for peacekeeping and counterterrorist operations. (2) Violent extremism in the Great Lakes region in central Africa (here understood as the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Burundi, Rwanda, and Uganda) is rare; nonetheless, over the past seven years, the United States has trained tens of thousands of troops in the region for deployment to other parts of Africa. Burundi and Uganda, for example, have almost 12,000 troops currendy deployed as part of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), and Rwanda has more than 3,500 troops deployed in Sudan as part of the African Union/United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID). The Great Lakes region is highly unstable and characterized by a long history of violence, weak governments, a great number of armed groups, and regional power struggles. The most violent and unstable state is the DRC, where 7 million people currently require humanitarian assistance and nearly 2.8 million are internally displaced. (3) After three decades of authoritarian rule and widespread human rights violations by the government of President Mobutu Sese Seko (1965-1997), two regional wars (1996-1997 and 1998-2003), several insurgencies, and perpetual local conflicts, the DRC is currently one of the world's five most fragile states. (4) The ungoverned territory in the eastern part of the country is utilized as a safe haven by a variety of domestic and foreign armed groups, including several from neighboring Burundi, Rwanda, and Uganda. Over time, conflicts have been fueled across borders, creating an intricate web of violence within the region. This article argues improving the capacity of the armed forces in this unstable region to conduct peacekeeping and counter-terrorism operations against violent extremists, current US military strategy actually risks escalating violent conflict in the Great Lakes. Not only would such an escalation be devastating for the populations living in the region, it would also be counterproductive for the United States, increasing the risk that terrorist safe havens will increase in central Africa. There are two major problems with the current strategic approach. First, states in the region are fragile, making security cooperation perilous. Second, bilateral approaches in this region, which is characterized by intricate entanglements, risks disturbing the balance of power and increasing the risk of violent conflict. By changing the current US strategy of bilateral security assistance and small-footprint interventions to one of putting international boots on the ground--American or others--the same amount of US resources might have more success in countering violent extremists in Africa. The United States should therefore support a regional intervention, either by the United Nations or the African Union. United States in the Great Lakes Region The United States military strategy in Africa rests on the principle that efforts to meet security challenges in Africa is best led and conducted by African partners. (5) The United States thus relies on providing security assistance and small-footprint interventions. …

Next Generation Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration

The process of disarming, demobilizing and reintegrating ex-soldiers at conflict’s end is as old as war itself. The results of these efforts are far from even. Even so, disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) has assumed a central place in the imagination of the peace, security and development communities. It is frequently advanced as a key pillar of multilateral and bilateral stabilization and reconstruction efforts at war’s end. Yet, the contexts in which DDR is conducted are also changing. As the United Nations and others grapple with the new geographies of organized violence, it is hardly surprising that they are also adapting their approaches. Organizations operating in war zones (and also outside of them) are struggling to identify ways of ‘disengaging’ Al Shabaab in Somalia or northern Kenya, Jihadi fighters in Syria and Iraq, Taliban remnants in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and Boko Haram militia in Nigeria. There are increasingly complex legal and operational challenges for those involved in DDR about when, how and with whom to engage. In order to effectively engage with these dilemmas, this article considers the evolving form and character of DDR programs. In the process, it considers a host of opportunities and obstacles confronting scholars and practitioners in the twenty first century, offering insights on future trajectories.

The Role of Shari'a-Based Restorative Justice in the Transition from Armed Conflict to Peacebuilding: Do Somalis Hold the View That the Restorative Justice Aspects within Qisas Offer a Solution?

Abstract Somalia's civil war has been ongoing for more than two decades. While there are studies that investigate possible conflict resolution mechanisms and peacebuilding processes for Somalia, there are not many scholarly works that look at specific instances of mass violence through the eyes of the public. This article presents qualitative findings from an ethnographic research study conducted on public opinion among Somalis regarding transitional conflict resolution approaches that address occurrences of mass violence that have taken place over the last two and half decades in this war torn country. The findings suggest that there is significant support for a model of transitional justice based on Islamic jurisprudence for Somalia. In particular, the interviewees in this study agree that certain elements of Islamic jurisprudence (e.g., restorative justice aspects of qisas) can be important tools for addressing instances of mass violence. However, it is imperative to note that many participants in this study expressed concerns about some of the distortions in the interpretation and application of Shari'a by extremist groups such as Al Shabaab in Somalia.

Al-Shabaab in Somalia. The History and Ideology of a Militant Islamist Group, 2005–2012 by Stig Jarle Hansen London: Hurst, 2013. Pp. xiii+195. £25·00 (hbk)

Al-Shabaab in Somalia. The History and Ideology of a Militant Islamist Group, 2005–2012 by Stig Jarle Hansen London: Hurst, 2013. Pp. xiii+195. £25·00 (hbk)

Al-Shabaab in Somalia: The history and ideology of a militant Islamist group, 2005-2012

Al-Shabaab in Somalia: The history and ideology of a militant Islamist group, 2005-2012

Jus ad bellum and American Targeted Use of Force to Fight Terrorism Around the World

In recent years the USA has conducted hundreds of targeted operations against alleged terrorists in Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia and Libya, and the article analyses if the operations comply with jus ad bellum. The first part of the article summarizes the status of the relevant legal principles and concludes that the right to self-defence has undergone substantial changes since the attacks on 9/11. The second part analyses if the American operations comply with the legal framework just presented and conclude that the majority of the operations appear to be based on local consent and therefore comply with the jus ad bellum. The operations may also be lawful if they comply with a right to self-defence, but it is submitted that the attacks on 11 September 2001 can no longer serve as a basis for an American right to self-defence. To justify its operations as self-defence, the USA must therefore point to other armed attacks. It must also show that the local authorities are unwilling or unable to stop the attacks from their territories. It is concluded that the attacks on American personnel in Afghanistan by groups in the tribal areas of Pakistan constitute an armed attack on the USA, and that the Americans were also the victim of a 2010 armed attack from AQAP in Yemen. The USA has not, however, suffered an armed attack from the hands of al Shabaab in Somalia or from anyone in Libya that can justify the capture of a Libyan citizen in October 2013.

Al-Shabaab in Somalia: the history and ideology of a militant Islamist group, 2005-2012

Since early 2007 a new breed of combatants has appeared on the streets of Mogadishu and other towns in Somalia: the 'Shabaab', or youth, the only self-proclaimed branch of al-Qaeda to have gained acceptance (and praise) from Ayman al-Zawahiri and 'AQ centre' in Afghanistan. Itself an offshoot of the Islamic Courts Union, which split in 2006, Shabaab has imposed Sharia law and is also heavily influenced by local clan structures within Somalia itself. It remains an infamous and widely discussed, yet little-researched and understood, Islamist group. Hansen's remarkable book attempts to go beyond the media headlines and simplistic analyses based on alarmist or localist narratives and, by employing intensive field research conducted within Somalia, as well as on the ground inter- views with Shabaab leaders themselves, explores the history of a remarkable organisation, one that has survived predictions of its collapse on several occasions. Hansen portrays al-Shabaab as a hybrid Islamist organisation that combines a strong streak of Somali nationalism with the rhetorical obligations of international jihadism, thereby attracting a not insignificant number of foreign fighters to its ranks. Both these strands of Shabaab have been inadvertently boosted by Ethiopian, American and African Union attempts to defeat it militarily, all of which have come to nought.

Terrorism, War and Conflict, an analysis into the Horn of Africa - Al Shabaab in Somalia; US and UN efforts to reduce violence

Somalia has been one of the UN member countries who lingers from the presence of terrorist groups in its territory, that exert tremendous influence in the daily life of its society and economy. Al Shabaab is well known in the horn of Africa, particularly in Somalia, for its terrorist training and strong affiliation with other terrorist groups in Nigeria and Al-Qaeda. The Harakat Shabaab Al Mujahidin, also known as Al-Shabaab. has completely controlled the central and southern part of Somalia including some of its important sea ports, which are vital for the country’s economy. Although Ethiopian and Somali military forces attempted to rout the group in a two week war between December 2006 and January 2007, Al Shabaab, with its 14,500 militants, still continues to maintain control over strategic locations, not only in Somalia, but also throughout the horn of Africa. The paper delves into the recent events and attacks either undertaken or influenced by Al-Shabaab, including a snap shot of its threat to humanitarian aid personnel as well as the Africa Union troops who are desperately trying to lower the intensity of conflict along the Somalia Kenya border area and Al-Shabaab’s actions to secure financial resources.

Youth in conflict in the Horn of Africa: A comparative analysis of mungiki in Kenya and Al-shabaab in Somalia

Youth constitute the largest percentage of the total world population and are considered core to the development of society. However, even with the large numbers, researches on youth in Africa tend to be skewed on employment and labour distribution, education and human development. Outside these formalized sectors, youth are studied as the most controversial group based on their behavior and seemingly misplaced roles. The place of youth in conflict in Africa is thus unexplored as available research focuses more on child soldiers in relation to recruitment, effects of conflicts, disarmament and reintegration. Beyond this, youth in conflict are studied in relation to violence and delinquency particularly in the United States of America and Europe and hardly in Africa. This is despite the growing involvement of youths in conflict as militias, rebels, vigilante groups as well as victims. This article explores the place of youths in conflict of post-colonial Africa where their role has increasingly grown. As a comparative analysis, it uses the case study of Al-shabaab in Somalia and Mungiki in Kenya Key words : Youth, Mungiki, Al-Shabaab, Kenya, Somalia.