Aid Society Research Articles

Who Prepares More for End of Life? The Factors Associated With End-of-Life Planning Among Older Adults

Being an “aged” society, only recently in Korea have there been growing interests in well-dying and end-of-life planning. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to investigate the factors associated with the level of end-of-life planning among Korean older adults. For the analyses, 2017 National Survey of Older Koreans was utilized and the sample was 10,073 older adults aged 65 and above. The independent variables were age, gender, employment, education level, marital status, household income, religion, number of children, and life satisfaction. The dependent variable, the level of end-of-life planning, was measured as the sum of five items of the question asking whether they have prepared the following items in preparation for end-of-life: shroud (8.3% prepared), cemetery/charnel house (25.1% prepared), mutual aid society (13.7% subscribed), will (0.5% prepared), lectures in preparation for end-of-life (0.4% participated). The results from multiple regressions using STATA 15.0 indicated that the level of end-of-life planning was significantly associated with age (b=.02, p<.001), gender (b=-.07, p<.001), education level (b=.02, p<.01), household income (b=2.56, p<.001), religion (b=.06, p<.001), number of children (b=.04, p<.001), and life satisfaction (b=.17, p<.001). That is, they have planned more for their end-of-life when older in age, female, more educated, wealthier, with religion, had more children, and more satisfied with life. The findings from this study suggest that political interventions are required to promote end-of-life planning education especially for less educated older adults with low income for their “well-dying”. Further researches are needed to explore other personal/interpersonal factors associated with end-of-life planning.

A History of Latinx Immigrant Activism

A History of Latinx Immigrant Activism

Reciprocity in Quarantine: Observations from Wuhan's COVID-19 Digital Landscapes.

The 2003 SARS pandemic heralded the return of quarantine as a vital part of twenty-first century public health practice. Over the last two decades, MERS, Ebola, and other emerging infectious diseases each posed unique challenges for applying quarantine ethics lessons learned from the 2003 SARS-CoV-1 outbreak. In an increasingly interdependent and connected global world, the use of quarantine to contain the spread of SARS-CoV-2, or COVID-19, similarly poses new and unexpected ethical challenges. In this essay, we look beyond standard debates about the ethics of quarantine and state power to explore a key quarantine principle, Reciprocity, and how it is being negotiated by healthcare workers, volunteers, and citizens in the context of the Wuhan, China, quarantine. We analyze Reciprocity through the lens of two Wuhan case studies: (1) healthcare workers, particularly nurses, who are simultaneously essential workers and quarantined citizens, asked by their hospital administration to shave their heads because adequate PPE was not available, and (2) citizen-to-citizen mutual aid societies attempting to fill gaps in essential supplies left unfilled by the state. We analyze social media and video-blogs from Wuhan, on the platforms of Douyin and Sina Weibo, to understand how people define and respond to ethical and legal obligations in the wake of COVID-19. It is no surprise that quarantine principles from the 2003 SARS outbreak are inadequate for COVID-19 and that both infectious disease outbreak responses and ethics must adapt to the virtual age. We offer ideas to strengthen and clarify Reciprocal obligations for the state, hospital administrators, and citizens as the globe prepares for the next wave of COVID-19 circulating now.

Salud, inmigración y ayuda mutua en Argentina: el Centro Gallego de Buenos Aires entre la crisis y la emergencia de un nuevo sistema sanitario (1930-1950)

Este artículo pone en diálogo la historiografía de las migraciones europeas a la Argentina con las investigaciones de historia de la salud a través del análisis del caso del Centro Gallego de la ciudad de Buenos Aires, la sociedad mutual y étnica de mayor relevancia en el país desde los años treinta del siglo pasado. Utilizando fuentes cuantitativas y cualitativas de archivos públicos y privados, se analizan las características de los servicios sanitarios brindados por la institución, la acción de sus dirigentes en la gestión del área, así como la composición de los socios y sus demandas en salud. Los resultados llevan a reconsiderar el papel del sistema mutualista en la época de expansión del sistema público de salud, así como el rol que tuvo la etnicidad en los sectores medios y populares urbanos todavía signados por el origen migratorio mucho después de la oleada de masas

Faith-based organizations: humanitarian mission or religious missionary

This paper analyzes Islamic FBOs’ humanitarian approaches, programs, and challenges. Politicalized religious interpretations are also on board to investigate their missionary aspects. I design my argument based on Michael Barnett and Janice Grass Stein’s assumption on the impact of social constructions on establishing sacred and secular concepts and spaces. Thus, I study the UK-based Islamic Relief Worldwide (IRW) and the Kuwaiti Direct Aid Society (DAS) to examine the influence of their social settings on their humanitarian experiences. My question is “do different social settings shape various humanitarian approach, although of sharing the same religious mission?” I argue that Islamic rules encourage Muslims to be religiously committed to paying charity and showing human and religious solidarity. In this regard, flexible Islamic Fiqh (jurisprudence) allows Muslima to set various socially constructed implementations of these religious commitments. Humanitarian relief is not an exception in this regard. Therefore, Islamic FBOs lay down on a continuum based on their socially constructed models which reflect different interpretations of religious texts and their applications to understanding societal issues as well as various employed strategies of these civil society actors.

Racial disparities in child welfare in Ontario (Canada) and training on ethnocultural diversity: An innovative mixed-methods study

BackgroundDespite continuous reports showing the overrepresentation of Black children in the child welfare system in Ontario, Canada’s most populous and ethnically diverse province, knowledge in the factors contributing to this issue remain scarce. ObjectiveThis study aimed to explore questions relating to caseworker’s training on ethnocultural diversity in connection with racial disparities and overrepresentation of Black children in child welfare services. Participants and settingsThis two-fold mixed-methods study included (1) a qualitative methodology based on four focus groups with child welfare caseworkers from a Children’s Aid Society (CAS) in Ontario and community facilitators (N = 24), and (2) an analysis of academic curriculums from all 36 Ontarian colleges and universities offering social work programs. MethodsWe used an innovative and complementary mixed-method design based on grounded theory. ResultsResults from categorical content analyses with NVivo revealed that community facilitators perceived a lack of ethnocultural competency amongst CAS caseworkers. Similarly, CAS caseworkers reported inadequate training on ethnocultural diversity during and following their post-secondary education (college or university). Corroborating these findings, results from documentary analyses of Ontarian university and college curriculums in social work revealed that barely one in two programs had a mandatory course on cultural issues. ConclusionsThis study reveals a need for additional efforts to provide adequate training to child welfare caseworkers on ethnocultural diversity, starting with undergraduate training programs, in order to understand and tackle the overrepresentation of Black children in child welfare services. Implications for policy and practice are discussed.

Impure Migration: Jews and Sex Work in Golden Age Argentina

Mir Yarfitz takes on the notoriously challenging topic of Jewish prostitution in early twentieth-century Argentina and ably shows the international links and consistent tropes connecting the “white slave trade” to other migratory flows and concerns about race and purity. By tackling the issue with a consciously international focus, the author is able to show the ways that the patterns and concerns in Argentina were echoed worldwide. For Yarfitz, the fight against the “impure” irrevocably shaped the Jewish community in Buenos Aires.One overarching issue facing any scholar writing about this topic is the lack of documentation. Yarfitz's use of League of Nations sources is an important new avenue for scholars, as investigators went undercover around the world to illuminate the migration and working conditions of prostitutes. The author also makes great use of contemporary newspaper sources in Argentina as well as the institutional records of both the organized underworld figures overseeing prostitution and the groups fighting against the “impure.” While we gain a greater understanding of the worldwide perceptions and forces surrounding prostitution in Argentina, the book does not offer enough specifics about the lives and conditions of those actually working in the sex trade.The book moves from the broad and general to the specifics, laying out the tropes around the prostitution networks as well as Jewish patterns and strategies before finally focusing on only Buenos Aires. While the strategy does help the reader apprehend Argentina's place as a node in this larger trade, Yarfitz's strongest and most specific work appears toward the end of the book. When Yarfitz writes about Buenos Aires and the ways that prostitution worked on the ground, readers gain a much greater understanding of the lives of those involved and how the trade worked. He paints the most comprehensive picture yet of the Varsovia Israelite Mutual Aid and Burial Society, the organization of those running the Jewish prostitution trade. There were some points in Yarfitz's argument, however, that seemed to need more exploration. At one point he discusses “the importance of shared nationality and language between pimps and prostitutes,” explaining the reasons that Jewish men chose Jewish women (p. 73). I wished that the author had expanded on this for readers and had given what he believed were the implications for Jewish identity, as well as whether the importance of such commonalities between pimps and prostitutes might have held true for other national and linguistic groups. Yarfitz also noted the “commitment to marriage or marriage-like relationships between pimps and prostitutes” among Jews, another point that could have used more expansion and analysis (p. 75).Sometimes Yarfitz raises central arguments too late in the work. He points out that Jews who achieved financial success in the prostitution trade were able to invest in property and to accumulate wealth in other ways, “blurring . . . the lines” within the Jewish community between those who made their money in respectable trades and those who were “impure” (p. 103). This point, elaborated in chapter 5, dismantles the clear narratives that played out in the antitrafficking literature and demonstrates the fluidity of those who played roles in the prostitution trade. He brings up a few examples of women who began as prostitutes but were able to save enough money to move into other work and be successful—a section that I wished had been more central to the book as a whole. Women were not simply victims and did not necessarily spend their entire lives as prostitutes. As he writes, “Absolute victimization occurred far less than constrained choice” (p. 77). Yarfitz uses two women to illustrate his points—Raquel Liberman and “Esther the Millionaire.” Both have fascinating stories that subvert the narrative that the women involved in prostitution were powerless victims. Liberman successfully used both the Varsovia Society and the police and justice system for her own ends, while Esther was a savvy businesswoman at the apex of the Varsovia Society's hierarchy who gained enormous wealth and status before her fall and prosecution. It is stories like these that complicate and illuminate the narrative of prostitution in Argentina, and I wish there had been more of these throughout the book.Yarfitz's book is a strong contribution to the growing historiography of ethnicity, gender, and prostitution in Latin America. Because of its international focus, this work, more than others, engages with the ongoing debates about the nature of sex work, victimization, and women exercising agency in their own lives. The book will be of great interest to scholars and graduate students working on topics related to Jewish Latin America and early twentieth-century Argentina, as well as to anyone interested in the worldwide prostitution networks of the era.

The Effects of Self Harming Behaviours of Youth in Child Welfare Care

This paper considers the clinical issue of self-harming behaviours, defined as intentional self-injury that results in tissue damage. It is distinct from a suicide attempt, as self-harm does not occur within the context of a conscious wish to die. Self-harming behaviours among children and youth is a recent area of research. To date, studies indicate that in community samples, self-harming behaviours occur in as many as 35% of youth who are sampled (Gratz, 2001). Alarmingly, very little is known about self-harming behaviours among children and youth within the child protection system. This study, drawing from data gathered through a government-mandated reporting procedure of all children and youth in care,attempted to explore self-harming behaviours of children and youth in welfare care. While analyses did not focus explicitly on Aboriginal children and youth, it does consider differences in self-harming behaviours among minority and non-minority children and youth in care of the Children’s Aid Society of Toronto. Approximately half of all child welfare cases that go through the child protection system in Toronto fall under the responsibility of the Children’s Aid Society of Toronto. Although minority status was not significantly related to the number of self-harming attempts or threats, results suggested that minority children and youth in care were less likely to use puncture-type behaviour (cutting, scratching, stabbing) as a means of serious self harm. Results suggest that although self- harm may be a universal phenomenon, culture may affect how children and youth in care engage in self-harming behaviours. Direction of future research should consider between-cultural effects and more importantly, how these culture-specific differences may impact on children and youth’s self-harming behaviours.

Астраханский губернский комитет общества попечительного о тюрьмах

Астраханский губернский комитет общества попечительного о тюрьмах

Benevolence, Moral Reform, Equality: Women's Activism in Kansas City, 1870 to 1940 by K. David Hanzlick

Reviewed by: Benevolence, Moral Reform, Equality: Women's Activism in Kansas City, 1870 to 1940 by K. David Hanzlick Sara Egge K. David Hanzlick, Benevolence, Moral Reform, Equality: Women's Activism in Kansas City, 1870 to 1940. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2018. 316 pp. $50.00 (cloth). K. David Hanzlick examines how women in Kansas City claimed the public sphere and became political agents between 1870 and 1940 in his book Benevolence, Moral Reform, Equality. As the title suggests, these women did so by organizing for charity, agitating to combat evils in society, and campaigning for political rights like suffrage. While they approached this tripartite process in ways that resembled their eastern counterparts' strategies, Kansas City's women diverged in how they engaged in this activism. Hanzlick argues that Kansas City's location at the intersection of the Kansas and Missouri Rivers and along the border of one slave and one free state helped its development as a western commercial metropolis and fueled a potent political mix. Business and agricultural promise lured people to a place rife with simmering sectional antagonisms. It was this context that made unification among reformers paramount. It also encouraged women to build public reputations as reformers and leaders in their community. [End Page 190] Civic engagement and shared desire for economic growth healed divisions and established bonds of loyalty. Along with an introduction and conclusion, the book contains five chapters that detail the civic engagement that politicized women and earned them public reputations. Hanzlick's reliance upon newspapers, census records, city directories, and other primary sources in Kansas City–based archives to tell his story allows him to delve deeply into the details. Hanzlick follows "consistent Kansas Citians" and newcomers; the latter typically hailed from the northeast, came from Catholic, Protestant, and Jewish religious backgrounds, and supported economic development amid dense social networks. Chapter 2 explains how many of these upper-class women joined a single relief agency, the Women's Christian Association (WCA), in the 1870s. While benevolence to the poor seemed the primary focus of the WCA, Hanzlick notes that members pursued a variety of reform activities to end other social ills like prostitution and to secure the right to vote. Over time, the membership became increasingly elite and focused solely on benevolence until a general relief agency, led by men, appeared in 1880. Kansas City's male leaders adopted an ambivalent approach to the poor from 1880 to World War I in the wake of dramatic population growth and unfettered corporate capitalism in the city. The regional hub attracted transient workers, and disagreements emerged about how to contend with such a large population of poor people. Hanzlick places these debates in a broader context in which reformers wrestled with questions about individual or structural blame. In chapter 3, he examines the male-led Board of Public Welfare, a Progressive-Era entity begun in 1910, telling the story of how these reformers struggled to discard notions that character building, rather than major structural change, was the key to eliminating poverty. Chapter 4 takes up the narrative from chapter 2, locating reform in a variety of local chapters of national organizations like the Women's Christian Temperance Union, General Federation of Women's Clubs, National Association of Colored Women's Clubs, Young Women's Christian Association, and Catholic Ladies' Aid Society. While these groups embraced similar reforms—such as prohibition, woman suffrage, and consent laws—they worked separately. Chapter 5 carries the narrative to the eve of World War II, finding that unlike the divisions that plagued women at the national level, women in Kansas City remained united. They sought political participation in local governance by supporting campaigns for municipal reform, engaging in party politics, and running for local offi ce. [End Page 191] Benevolence, Moral Reform, Equality not only successfully traces the history of women's activism in Kansas City, but it also speaks to histories of social welfare and municipal reform that included men. Some chapters, like chapter 3, pursue questions about the development of midwestern metropolitanism more so than women's activism. Hanzlick also rightly argues that his work opens doors to further investigations and that scholars should treat his...

Woman Suffrage and Citizenship in the Midwest, 1870–1920 by Sara Egge

Reviewed by: Woman Suffrage and Citizenship in the Midwest, 1870–1920 by Sara Egge Kimberly Jensen Woman Suffrage and Citizenship in the Midwest, 1870–1920. By Sara Egge. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 2018. xi + 226 pp. Figures, notes, bibliography, index. $85.00, paper. In her informative and persuasive study of midwestern suffrage movements, historian Sara Egge argues that native-born white women achieved success "as loyal citizens who held highly respected records of civic activism" (2). They built a "robust political energy" (56) and a civic "authority accrued . . . over time" (73) by participating in organizations such as ladies' aid societies and female auxiliaries to fraternal societies. They created successful wartime campaigns for the vote and postwar state ratifications of the Nineteenth Amendment because their participatory practices of citizenship intersected with national and local imperatives for wartime loyalty and nativism. Egge provides a strong historiographic and contextual discussion of citizenship, gender, the geographic and cultural aspects of midwestern identity, and the social relationships of community. She mines historic newspapers, institutional records, and oral history interviews to create detailed histories of women and organizations in three counties in upper Midwest states: Clay County, Iowa; Lyon County, Minnesota; and Yankton County, South Dakota. The result is a nuanced analysis of the local ethnic, religious, and political roots of, and complexities within, the Midwest suffrage movement. Midwestern women's work for suffrage came in three distinct phases. Suffrage activism failed during the first phase, from 1880 to 1900, because local women heeded national leaders' calls for female equality with men rather than emphasizing local female authority within traditional gender roles. From 1900 to 1916, woman suffrage merged with the Progressive Era focus on participatory citizenship, but also, for most native-born women, a reactionary nativism that blamed immigrant outsiders and energized coercive Americanization movements. Native-born white suffragists gained "powerful rhetorical leverage" by positioning themselves against immigrants (130–31), and many blamed ethnic Germans for the defeat of suffrage at the polls due to opposition to prohibition. In the final phase of suffrage activism during the US participation in the First World War, national and local leaders elevated loyalty to the wartime nation as "the litmus test for citizenship" (156), and Yankee women led wartime bond and defense drives in a "performance of loyalty" (183). Their work translated into the success of suffrage drives in all three states. [End Page 113] But Yankee women, Egge concludes, were only successful in achieving the vote because they "pitted native-born women against [the] foreign-born," manipulating "long-standing ethnic wariness into outright discrimination." They helped make "conformity, not diversity, a hallmark of Midwestern identity" (183–84). This important study will be useful to scholars and students of suffrage and women's history and the history of the Great Plains and Midwest. It is a welcome and accessible contribution to public discourse about the politics of gender, citizenship, and nativism as we commemorate the centenary of the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 2020 and beyond. Kimberly Jensen Department of History Western Oregon University Copyright © 2020 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska–Lincoln

From Hometown to Battlefield in the Civil War Era: Middle Class Life in Midwest America by Timothy R. Mahoney

Reviewed by: From Hometown to Battlefield in the Civil War Era: Middle Class Life in Midwest America by Timothy R. Mahoney Christopher Phillips Timothy R. Mahoney. From Hometown to Battlefield in the Civil War Era: Middle Class Life in Midwest America. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016. 504 pp. $65.99 (cloth). For readers seeking a full portrayal of how the Civil War experience affected the towns, villages, and peoples of the Midwest, this book will likely not satisfy. As the third volume in the author's trilogy on the emergence and solidification of nineteenth-century middle-class society, Mahoney's book reads as such. The war, in fact, was simply another facet of hometownism. The main interpretive threads—first, that rapid town-building and intense boosterism were major formative influences in emerging urban middle-class culture and identity, and, second, that the Civil War was a watershed—read mostly here as a feedback loop to the previous books. Mahoney's principal motif for this redefinition of process and place—Main Street—is largely subsumed within myriad, too oft en disconnected details about civilian and military personae in discrete wartime communities: the river towns of Dubuque, Davenport, and Keokuk, Iowa, and of Galena, Illinois. Details about these places abound on multiple fronts: the financial downturn of 1857 and its traumatic disruptions, including its negative impact on boosterism; the prewar and wartime experiences of leading citizens such as Galena's Elihu Washburne and Ulysses S. Grant, as well as Ottawa's William H. Wallace (that Mahoney does not focus on Ottawa, Illinois, hints at the book's jumbled nature); the initial rush to the colors and subsequent wartime soldiering experiences of these communities' young and middle-aged men; the minutiae of military organization in the regiments they filled, as well as their adaptation to military life as "citizen soldiers" and their experiences of battle and camp; and the formation and activities of Union Leagues and sanitary commissions. Surely the high point of the book is Mahoney's fine-grained view of the Civil War's outbreak in 1861, by which point boosters used the coming fury to regain and reinvigorate a shaken Main Street. They did so by showing public leadership in civic engagement, expressed in parades, union meetings, debates, and civic committees. Through these, they headed up and harnessed the rage militaire that fueled the mass enlistment and mobilization of local citizens. However intimate his intent to personalize the communities he covers, Mahoney's effort is surprisingly impersonal and oft en tedious. His cast of characters is mostly drawn from towns' upper strata, including business, [End Page 208] political, and military leaders and public figures. By cleaving tightly to his thesis about class formation, he ignores several foundational and evolving home-front realities that would have drawn in readers to the wartime human drama unfolding within the book's towns. Mahoney emphasizes the importance of place, yet his use of the terms "western" and "Great West" offers no explanation of their meanings or understandings. The West, and thus westernness, appear simply to be geographical phenomena, extensions of the East even for class formation; readers are left to wonder what precisely was a "western middle class?" Women's voices on Main Street in wartime and beyond, apart from their work in hospitals and soldiers' aid societies, are mostly silent in Mahoney's narrative. He also neglects the fate of people who were not "middle class," or who lived near the towns Mahoney covers and thus were part of their metropoles. These omissions are glaring when considering the home-front's greatest political disruption: dissent against Abraham Lincoln's administration and war effort by Peace Democrats, known as "Copperheads." Mahoney devotes precious few pages to this "spatial narrative" by way of discussing the arrest of a handful of dissenters, including Dubuque Herald editor Dennis Mahoney (342–44). Curiously, the term "conscription" does not appear at all in the index. The Emancipation Proclamation is mentioned on only one page of the book, despite the fact that the dissent movement was driven centrally by conflicts over class and race, drawing primary energy from the twin issues of conscription and emancipation. Many middle states, not...

Local decision-making within the concept of governance in Jordan

Present study determines how public policy is made at local level in the country's public sector. The primary data was gathered in the form of questionnaire responses from 281 randomly selected personnel working in local administration within the Kingdom of Jordan's public sector. The findings indicate that there are various actors involved in the public policy process in Jordan. These actors include local councils, municipal councils, governorate councils and executive councils as well as citizens, local donors, foreign aid, and civil society organisations. Furthermore, inflexibility, mystery, unresponsiveness, and centralisation are the most common characteristics that overwhelmingly dominate local planning in Jordan. The existence of the effect is statistically significant at the level of significance = (α ≤ 0.05) for the actors' roles (local citizens, local donors, foreign aid, and civil society organisation) related to roles affecting local decisions-making.

Hidden Out in the Open: Spanish Migration to the United States (1875–1930) ed. by Phylis Cancilla Martinelli and Ana Varela-Lago

Reviewed by: Hidden Out in the Open: Spanish Migration to the United States (1875–1930) ed. by Phylis Cancilla Martinelli and Ana Varela-Lago Beth Ann Green-Nagle Cancilla Martinelli, Phylis, and Ana Varela-Lago, editors. Hidden Out in the Open: Spanish Migration to the United States (1875–1930). UP of Colorado, 2018. Pp. 349. ISBN 978-1-60732-798-1. In this important contribution to the history of immigration to the United States, Hidden Out in the Open: Spanish Migration to the United States (1875–1930), editors Phylis Cancilla Martinelli and Ana Varela-Lago present a fascinating and accessible collection of essays accompanied by informative graphics and engaging photos. Hidden Out in the Open is not exhaustive, but it provides a significant addition to the field by focusing primarily on working-class migration to [End Page 276] the United States and building upon the work of Germán Rueda and Felipe Fernández-Armesto, and regional scholarship like that published by the Center of Basque Studies at the University of Nevada-Reno. The chapters examine the history of Spanish immigrants and their contributions during the period of mass migration from Spain between 1880 and 1930. This collection examines the transnational aspect of Spanish migration to the United States, and highlights the movement between Spain, Cuba, the United States, and the US territories of Hawai‘i and Panama. Immigrants left regions such as Galicia, Asturias, Cataluña, and Andalucía motivated primarily by economic need. Needing a stable workforce, US companies recruited Spanish workers for specific industries. The chapters describe these diverse industries: Panama Canal construction, agricultural work on sugar cane plantations in Hawai‘i and Cuba, the cigar industry in Tampa and Brooklyn, and mining in West Virginia and Arizona. Following the introduction, Varela-Lago’s essay explores the transnational networks created by Spanish immigrants and how their Spanish identity adapted to the changing times between the 1870s and 1936. The immigrants created and maintained connections to the Spanish homeland via travel, Spanish-language publications, organizations like social clubs and mutual aid societies, the promotion of Spanish history and culture in the United States, as well as community establishments. Varela-Lago delves into the influence of Spanish anarchists and the connections that they created across immigrant communities. The collection republishes two articles from the 1980s which are fundamental resources for researchers who study migration from Spain to the United States. In “The Andalucía-Hawai‘i-California Migration: A Study in Macrostructure and Microhistory” (1984), Beverly Lozano explains the Hawaiian sugar cane industry’s motivations to recruit Spanish field workers and their families, the socio-economic reasons to leave their homeland for Hawai‘i, and the move to California. In “Spanish Anarchism in Tampa, Florida, 1886–1931” (1986), Gary R. Mormino and George E. Pozzetta detail how Spanish anarchism developed and was organized in Tampa, Florida among immigrants mainly from Galicia and Asturias. Mormino and Pozzetta emphasize the importance of the mutual aid societies and anarchist groups to the Latin community in Tampa. Christopher J. Castañeda contributes a history of Brooklyn’s Spanish colony from 1878 to 1925, their development of a cigar industry, and the rise of a local anarchist movement. Castañeda describes interaction between Spaniards and Cubans in the cigar industry, and a dynamic and sometimes tense interplay between the Cuban separatists, the Spanish anarchists, and labor activists. Brian Bunk studies the cultivation of Spanish identity in New York in the 1920’s through the experiences of young Spanish women and their participation in local pageants and popularity contests. Bunk provides a detailed description of how Spanish and regional organizations promoted a Spanish identity through social activities. He astutely analyzes how the community constructed and controlled the gender identities of young Spanish women. In her essay on Spaniards working in the Arizona copper mines from 1880 to 1930, Cancilla Martinelli expands our understanding of Spaniards’ contribution to the history of the Western US. She scrutinizes the racial classification of Spaniards as part of the “Latin Race,” an “in-between” racial status (214–15). Then she examines the situation of the Spanish population in the Arizona towns of Jerome, Ray, and the Clifton-Morenci-Metcalf District...

Mutual aid for the arts in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Milan: The ‘Pio Istituto Teatrale’

In the nineteenth century, when the theatre arts were at their peak, Milan was considered the intellectual and artistic capital of Italy. This article explores the objectives and the functioning of an important mutual aid company based in Milan – the Pio Istituto Teatrale – through its accounting system. These accounting documents clearly convey the dual nature of this organization, which was dedicated to protecting both social welfare and the arts. This study confirms the social role of accounting and its implications. In recent years, the attention paid to accounting in artistic institutions has been increasing. However, while many studies have explored Italian mutual aid societies in general, few have considered those in the artistic field specifically. This article attempts to rectify this oversight by examining a mutual aid society functioning in the world of theatre via its accounting records.

Proto-CSR Before the Industrial Revolution: Institutional Experimentation by Medieval Miners\u2019 Guilds

In this paper, we argue that antecedents of modern corporate social responsibility (CSR) prior to the Industrial Revolution can be referred to as “proto-CSR” to describe a practice that influenced modern CSR, but which is different from its modern counterparts in form and structure. We develop our argument with the history of miners’ guilds in medieval Germany—religious fraternities and secular mutual aid societies. Based on historical data collected by historians and archeologists, we reconstruct a long-term process of pragmatic experimentation with institutions of mutual aid that address social problems in the early mining industry, and thus before the rise of the modern state and the capitalist firm. Co-shaped by economic and political actors, these institutions of mutual aid have influenced the social responsibility programs of early industrialists, modern social welfare legislation, and contemporary CSR. We conjecture that other elements of proto-CSR might have evolved according to similar trajectories.

III.2. La Croix-Rouge suisse, Secours aux enfants. Les grandes figures de Justes et le sauvetage

By recommendation of the government, the Swiss Red Cross merged with the volunteer organisation Secours aux enfants (Children’s Aid Society) at the end of 1941, even though it had been involved in this issue since 1917. Between 1933 and 1939, Mathilde Paravicini, on behalf of the Comite suisse d’aide aux enfants d’emigres (Swiss Emigrant Children’s Assistance Committee), gave approximately 5,000 children of emigrants safe haven in Switzerland. Young Swiss men and women sided with the Republican cause during the Spanish Civil War alongside the Comite neutre de secours aux enfants d’Espagne (Neutral Assistance Committee for Spanish Children), a popular organisation known as Ayuda suiza. During the winter of 1939, they took care of Catalan, Spanish, French, and later Jewish children in southern France. By January 1940, they oversaw, as part of the Cartel suisse de secours aux enfants victimes de la guerre (Swiss Aid Association for Child War Victims), ten children’s homes, two infant care centres, and a nursery for mothers and young children. In the 1940s, nurses started setting up temporary health clinics in prison camps, where they took care of children and the elderly. The directors of the Swiss Red Cross, specifically the top officers in Bern, tried to stop young activists from saving Jews. Until the summer of 1944, Switzerland’s official policy did not accept refugees “solely for racial reasons”. The result was the tragic conflicts that occurred in southern France. The Red Cross and Children’s Aid Society failed to fulfill their humanitarian mission. The officers even refused to save 500 Jewish children from deportation to extermination camps. The organisation’s workers, however, stepped in to usher them to safety.The founder of the nursery in Elne, Elisabeth Eidenbenz, was recognised as a Righteous Among the Nations at Yad Vashem, alongside the nurse Friedel Bohny-Reiter, who saved Jewish children and adults at the Rivesaltes Camps, and her eventual husband, August Bohny, who protected Jewish refugees in the children’s homes in Chambon-sur-Lignon. Rosa Naf, Anne-Marie Im Hof-Piguet, Gret Tobler, and Sebastian Steiger, who saved adults and children in the La Hille children’s home, were also honoured at Yad Vashem, as well as Maurice Dubois, the director of the Swiss Aid Association for Child War Victims in southern France. The administrators of Yad Vashem declined to recognise the children’s home directors Ruth von Wild, Elsa Ruth, and Emma Ott, even though they also saved Jewish children and adults. In honour of her efforts to protect French refugees and children and bring them to safety in Switzerland, Mathilde Paravicini was awarded the Legion of Honour by the French government after the end of WWII.

The Swiss Circle of Magallanes: European Architecture in Chilean Patagonia

In recent years, legal protection of buildings and sites in Chile has increased. Also different initiatives regarding cultural heritage have been developed through public financing, at both regional and national levels. An appreciation of architectural heritage has achieved an important role in the country. This article presents the results of historical research, regarding the headquarters of the Swiss Circle of Magallanes. This building was constructed in the 1920s in Chilean Patagonia, in the city of Punta Arenas. The organization of both the Swiss Circle and its building are part of the city’s history related to the European immigration that took place in the region during the second half of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. The immigration process in Chilean Patagonia was led by means of colonization policies, by the national government. The aim of these policies was to consolidate the occupation and development of this remote territory, historically hard to populate. The distance from populated economic centers, as well as the cold weather and difficulties for agriculture were the factors that made these lands hard to be effectively occupied. Immigrant groups arrived at Punta Arenas from different European nations. Italians, British, French, Spanish, Croats, Germans and Swiss were some of the nationalities that arrived to the city; some of them were organized according to the official settlers groups. It is possible to determine the arrival of Swiss settlers to Punta Arenas since the second half of the 19th century. The establishment of the Swiss Mutual Aid Society in 1902, and the creation of the Swiss Circle in 1920, reflected the social organization of Swiss settlers and their descendants, many of whom stayed in the region. This social organization finally materialized in the construction of the headquarters of the Swiss Circle of Magallanes, still preserved nowadays. The Swiss Circle was built of timber following the European concepts related to traditional Swiss chalets. This building represents the adaptation of foreign ideas and styles to a local context, related to the international immigration in Magallanes. For almost a century, the Circle has served the Swiss community and the residents of Punta Arenas. Even though, some interventions have modified the building over time, the original design still remains, and it can be recognized as a Swiss chalet located in this southern Chilean city. The Swiss Circle of Magallanes bears witness to the colonization efforts made in Chilean Patagonia since the second half of the 19th century, as well as the complex social settlement process of immigrant groups at that time. This building also represents an interesting synthesis that combines foreign and local building techniques and styles. Nowadays, the Swiss Circle is a space for cultural dispersion of Swiss traditions and it is materially and immaterialy deep-rooted in the local memory. This building relates to the Chilean national history of territorial occupation, and it is a relevant part of the city’s special character, built upon by immigration. In recent years, the Swiss Circle has been recognized as an official heritage and efforts have been made locally to plan for its future restoration.

86 Falling between the gaps, again, and again: the lack of coordination between health care and the child welfare system

About 7% of youth in Ontario will have child welfare involvement at some point in their life. (Fallon, 2011) Up to 60% of children will meet criteria for a mental health diagnosis, and upon transition out of care 30% will have unaddressed health care needs. Following coroner recommendations from inquests into the deaths of Katelynn Sampson and Jeffrey Baldwin, last year another twelve youth died while in the care of the child welfare system. The 2018 coroner’s report again concluded there was lack of information sharing between societies and healthcare providers. (Cromarty, 2018) It has been established that social determinants of health contribute to the unaddressed health needs of these youth. In contrast, modifiable system level factors that can improve the collaboration and coordination between the healthcare system and Children’s Aid Societies has not been extensively analyzed. To use a policy analytic framework to outline the linkages between the healthcare system and the Children’s Aid Societies (CAS)s with the purpose of identifying factors that increase coordination, collaboration and information sharing within the child welfare system, and between the child welfare system and the healthcare system in Ontario. This paper will explore policy developments and choices that influence the information sharing structures between the child welfare and health care system using the policy analysis “3-i” conceptual framework – an analysis of the role of interests, ideas, and institutions. Interests refers to agendas of societal groups, civil servants, researchers etc. Ideas refers to knowledge and beliefs including research. Institutions refers to formal and informal rules (legislation) and organizational factors. Although some of the issues presented in this paper intersect with those of Indigenous child wellbeing societies, the health needs for this overrepresented population in the child welfare system necessitates a distinct analysis, and are not included in this paper. Institutions: Children are admitted to one of 49 CASs in Ontario. On admission or transfer to any CAS, legislation requires physician physical examinations within 48 hours. In Ontario these are most often completed at walk-in-clinics without medical history. No mental health screening or plan for healthcare follow-up is mandated. The current legislation does not does not track child health outcomes and the current funding formula for CASs does not include healthcare. See Figure 1.Ideas: Despite access to healthcare children did not use healthcare if a need was not identified by their CAS worker, or if workers were not equipped with resources to navigate the healthcare system. (Stiffman, 2004) In Ontario, only 1/3 of children in the child welfare system who were self-harming or voiced suicidality were referred to a mental health professional by their worker. (Baiden, 2018) The gateway providers for healthcare for children in care are their CAS workers. Interests: The Canadian Paediatric Society (CPS) is one of the governing medical bodies with interest in providing the primary health care to children and youth in care. A joint position statement by the CPS and family physicians could set the standard of medical care for children in the welfare system. The Ontario Association of CASs (OACAS) has the potential to systematically report upon performance indicators and outcomes without attributing results to specific CASs thereby providing a form of liability protection. Adverse childhood events and social determinants of health contribute to the health of children in the child welfare system. However, this analysis has identified modifiable system level factors that need to be targeted or else health advocacy initiatives will not have their expected impact. Importantly, we have identified child health workers as the gateway providers for the health of children in care, implying that future advocacy initiatives should include workers as key collaborators.

Dancing with Jim Crow: The Chattanooga Embarrassment of the Methodist Episcopal Church

AbstractAfter the Civil War, northern Methodists undertook a successful mission to recruit a biracial membership in the South. Their Freedmen's Aid Society played a key role in outreach to African Americans, but when the denomination decided to use Society funds in aid of schools for Southern whites, a national controversy erupted over the refusal of Chattanooga University to admit African Americans. Caught between a principled commitment to racial brotherhood and the pressures of expediency to accommodate a growing white supremacist commitment to segregation, Methodists engaged in an agonized and heated debate over whether schools intended for whites should be allowed to exclude blacks. Divisions within the leadership of the Methodist Episcopal Church caught the attention of the national press and revealed the limits of even the most well-intentioned efforts to advance racial equality in the years after Reconstruction.