Ahmad Ibn Research Articles

PENELITIAN STATUS HADITH TENTANG MAYAT DISIKSA AKIBAT TANGISAN KELUARGANYA (Analisis Kualitas dan Kuantitas Sanad Hadith)

The traditions of the Prophet hadist) is the source of Islamic teachingsbesides the Quran. However, both have differences in terms of narration from theProphet. The verses of the Qur'an as a whole are narrated in mutawatir narrations.It is defrerent from hadits. Some of its narrations are mutawatir and some othersare ahad. Therefore based on its status, the Qur'an has the so-called qath'i al-wurudas a whose and is no longer in need of any research on its originality. While interms of hadist, some have zanni al-wurud (especially categorized in the ahadhadists) so to determine whether the hadist has its originality from the Prophet ornot, it is necessary to study hadist in terms the quality and quantity of the chainsof narration (sanad). A study about the hadist on the deceased person tortured dueto the cries of his family, indicates that the hadist narrated by al-Bukhari,Muslim, al-Nasa'i, al-Tirmidhi, Ibn Majah, Malik and Ahmad ibn Hanbal based onthe chains of narrators, has such qualities as thiqah, ma'mun, hujjah, saduq, hafizzli al-Hadith, and ahl 'ilm. The totality of the value of the narrators has the statusmu'asarah and liqa' and can be used as evidence that al-Tirmidhi sanad iscontinued from mukharrij to Prophet Muhammad. While in terms of the quantityof its sanad, the hadist is ahad. This is because the number of the narrators in eachtabaqah is more than two people, two people in the tabaqah of Prophet'scompanions, then continued by the number of many narrators in any tabaqah untilthe so-called mukharrij hadist.

The Magic Jar and Other Devices from 9th Century Persia

After the advent of Islam the interest of scientists was drawn towards “ingenious devices.” Ahmad ibn Müsä ibn Shäkir Khuräsäni was one of the greatest Iranian scientists of the 9th century AD. He worked on many mechanical, hydraulic and pneumatic devices and presented his inventions in a book entitled Kitäb Al-Hiyal. A combined historical and experimental research project was undertaken by the Iranian Research Organization for Science and Technology (IROST). One part of the project consisted of designing and reproducing the mechanisms for separating liquids described in Al-Hiyal. This paper provides details of the design of four of these devices, which function on the basis of the relative viscosities or densities of the liquids being separated. They were recreated and tested in accordance with the indications provided in ibn Shäkir Khuräsäni’s text. This paper provides the historical background and a technical analysis of these remarkable inventions.

MENALAR KEMBALI HADITS DAN SHALAT TASBIIH

Tasbih prayer is prayer that has been believed by some Muslims, as recommended in Islamic prayer. it is based on the proposition that the hadith narrated by some scholars, such as imam Abu Daud, Tirmidhi and Ibn Majah, but after investigation of the side chains and Matn his law Tasbih prayer hadith is weak, even some scholars categorize into maudhu’ hadith (hadith false), as classified by the imam Ibn al-Jawzi in his book al-Maudhuu'aat, there are also those who say that this hadith, if it is authentic then surely maqluub (other matn confused with another isnaad or matn confused with another matn), as the opinion of Ibn Khuzaimah priest. Even Sheikhul Islam Ibn Taymiyyah said, that no one of the Imams of the four schools that encourage it, precisely imam Ahmad ibn Hanbal stated that the hadith is weak prayer beads.

Book Notes

Book Notes Mohammad M. Baghi, Amina Inloes, Omar Ali Grant, and Hamid Tehrani [Errata] Between Reason and Revelation: Twin Wisdoms Reconciled: An Annotated English translation of Nasir-i Khusraw’s Kitāb-i Jāmi‘ al-ḥikmatayn trans. Eric Ormsby, 2012. London: I. B. Tauris in association with the Institute of Ismaili Studies, x + 292 pp., £29.50. isbn: 978-1-780-76132-9. Jami‘ al-Hikmatayn (lit. Reconciliation of Two Wisdoms) was written by Nasir-i Khusraw Qubadiyani (394–481/1003–1088), the Isma‘ili poet, philosopher, and author. It aims at “finding solutions to religious issues and philosophical doctrines”. Nasir-i Khusraw states that in 462/1069, on his way from Egypt to Persia, ‘Ayn al-Dawlah Abu al-Ma‘ali ‘Ali ibn Asad, the ruler of Badakhshan, sent him a qasidah by Khwaja Abu al-Haytham Ahmad ibn Jurjani (fl. late tenth to early eleventh centuries) containing 91 questions on philosophy, logic, physics, syntax, and the religious sciences, and requested that he provide him with answers. And so, in his safe haven of Yumgan (in Badakhshan, present-day Afghanistan), Nasir wrote Jami‘ al-Hikmatayn, his last work, wherein he discussed with more precision and a simpler diction almost all the questions treated in his earlier work, Zad al-Musafirin. The book takes the form of a discussion between a philosopher and an Isma‘ili on a wide array of subjects, and each discussion ends with a reconciliation of the twain views. Eric Ormsby’s translation includes an introduction with a brief biographical account of Nasir-i Khusraw and a description of Jami‘ al-Hikmatayn as well as useful bibliography. The translation is beautifully worded but tends towards the literal, with frequent transliterations, and appears to rely on the 1953 French translation by Muhammad Mu‘in and Henri Corbin, which has also been criticised in some Persian works. In that regard, some of these explaining Jami‘ al-Hikmatayn or offering insight into the translation by Mu‘in and Corbin could be consulted if preparations are made for a second edition.1 [End Page 249] Mohammad M. Baghi The Islamic College, London, UK Unburied Memories: The Politics of Bodies of Sacred Defense Martyrs in Iran, ed. Pedram Khosronejad, 2013. Abingdon, Canada & New York: Routledge, ix + 172 pp, £80.00. isbn: 978-0-415-52398-1. Unburied Memories is a collection of previously published articles on how Iranians, both rural and urban, have chosen to remember the trauma of the Iran-Iraq war. The question is raised as to whether Iranians continue to perceive the war as something of contemporary relevance, or whether – perhaps as a survival mechanism to keep up hope – they instead have chosen to portray it as a significant but historically distant event, despite visible reminders of the conflict. The articles explore the way the war is perceived by the collective Iranian psyche by delving into the cultural and socio-political symbolism of visible war memorials. The memorials discussed range from cemeteries to museums to paintings and photographs, and occupy both public and private space – the latter including memorials to fallen loved ones in people’s homes. Frequent black-and-white photographs of war memorials and depictions of martyrs (both historical and contemporary) aid in communicating the symbolism being discussed. The use of the Shi‘a symbolism of martyrdom in the memorials is a common theme, as is the adoption of the ideology of martyrdom in post-Revolutionary politics, and how different people respond to the politicization of personal loss. Some articles also explore how war memorials have evolved to reflect current social concerns in the Islamic Republic; for instance, a museum wing commemorating female martyrs is seen not only as a memorial to the deceased but as a reflection of contemporary debates on the ideology of gender in Iran. As would be expected, the tone of the book is sombre, and the immediacy of the prose suggests that at least some of the authors have a deep personal connection to the tragic events of the war. Amina Inloes The Islamic College, London, UK [End Page 250] Muslim Voices and Lives in the Contemporary World ed. Frances Trix, John Walbridge, and Linda...

Tożsamość etniczna społeczności ar-Rūsīja w świetle pochodzenia ich kultowych posągów i sposobu ich rozmieszczenia w miejscu kultu

Źródła arabskie zawierające informacje o społeczności określanej jako ar-Rūs odgrywają istotną rolę w sporze między normanistami i antynormanistami. Informacje przekazane przez arabskich podróżników oraz historyków dostarczają nie tylko lakonicznych wzmianek o ludzie noszącym taką nazwę, lecz dodatkowo zawierają cenne i obszerne charakterystyki obyczajów, stosunków społecznych oraz religii. Pozwalają zatem uzyskać różnorodne dane dotyczące czynników składających się na tożsamość tego wczesnośredniowiecznego ludu. Nie dziwi zatem, że arabskie dane dotyczące ludu ar-Rūs interesują zarówno historyków Słowian, jak również archeologów czy etnologów. W niniejszym artykule poddano rozważaniom materiał pochodzący z relacji z podróży do Bułgarów kamskich Ahmada ibn Fadlāna (1. poł. X wieku) w celu odpowiedzi na pytanie o to, z kulturą jakiego ludu można wiązać obyczaje oraz formy kultu Rusów.

Avenzoar (1092–1162 AD) and Averroes (1126–1198 AD): Andalusian Muslim Physicians

Dear Editor, We read with great interest the article of Missori et al. [1] which discussed the origin of the cannula for tracheotomy during the medieval period and Renaissance. As mentioned in the article, scholars of the Islamic Golden Age had a great impact on medicine practiced at the time and later [1]. One of the outstanding medieval Islamic physicians believed to have contributed to the procedure of tracheotomy is Abu Merwan Abd al-Malik ibn Zuhr (1092–1162 AD), an Andalusian Muslim physician better known as Avenzoar in the European literature [1, 2]. Missori and colleagues indicated that Ibn Zuhr was known as Averroes in Latin [1]. We believe, however, that the Latin title Averroes belongs to another Andalusian Muslim polymath, Abu al-Walid Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn Rushd, or Ibn Rushd (1126–1198 AD) [3]. Thanks to his philosophical influence on Western thought, Ibn Rushd, or Averroes, was a noticeable figure during emergence of the European Renaissance [4]. Apart from his wide interests in physics, astronomy, psychology, jurisprudence, and philosophy, Averroes owned a medical encyclopedia known as Kulliyat or Colliget (The Generalities), a few treatises on medicine, a collection of Galenic works, and a commentary on Avicenna’s the Canon of Medicine [5]. Thus, we suggest that the title ‘‘Averroes’’ be replaced by ‘‘Avenzoar’’ in the article by Missori et al. [1].

Websites of note

Websites of note

The Paediatric Treatise of a Fatimid Physician: Ibn al-Jazzar's Kitab Siyasat al-Sibyan

The Paediatric Treatise of a Fatimid Physician:Ibn al-Jazzar's Kitab Siyasat al-Sibyan Anna Vanzan Ibn al-Jazzar & Francesca Lucchetta (trans.), Libro del Governo e del regime dei bambini, 2010. Venezia: Filippi Editore, xxvii + 95 pp. ISBN: 978-8-864950-85-3 (pbk). This book is, in essence, a translation into Italian from Ibn al-Jazzar's text Kitab Siyasat al-Sibyan wa Tadbirihim, one of the oldest paediatric treaties in the history of medicine. Its author, Ibn al-Jazzar (c.898-c.979) was a native of Kairouan, a splendid intellectual centre under the Aghlabid dynasty (9th-11th c.) whose sultans particularly sponsored the study of medicine. Ibn al-Jazzar was a famous physician and a prolific author who can be considered a true hakim in the Islamic tradition, that is, an intellectual who was conversant with many disciplines in addition to medicine – disciplines such as literature, philosophy, history, and geography. Ibn al-Jazzar is mostly celebrated for his comprehensive general medical handbook titled Zad al-Musafir wa Qut al-Hadir (Provisions for the Traveller and the Nourishment of the Settled), a work which became very influential in Europe thanks to several Latin translations written in medieval times. In particular, the 1124 version by Constantine the African under the title Viaticum peregrinantis (though it is not a guide for the traveller, but rather a concise reference book completed with treatments for each ailment) was in the syllabus of the Faculty of Medicine in Paris in the late thirteenth century.1 In addition, Ibn al-Jazzar is renowned for his Kitab al I'timad al-Adwiyyat al-Mufradah (Treatise on Simple Drugs), also translated in many [End Page 173] languages: once more, the Latin version by Constantine the African, under the title Liber de gradibus, became one of the most popular pharmacopeias in the Latin West.2 The third most known among Ibn al-Jazzar's treatises is the Risalah fi al-Nisyan wa 'Ilajihi, an essay on the treatment of forgetfulness, also rendered into Latin by Constantine the African as Liber de Oblivione.3 Despite al-Jazzar's popularity and the dissemination of some of his treatises, it seems that his Kitab Siyasat al-Sibyan has attracted little interest from the scholarly community, both in the past and in the present time. This Italian rendition of the text is, therefore, most welcome. The translator and editor, Francesca Lucchetta, has worked on the Kitab Siyasat al-Sibyan edited by Muhammad al-Habib al-Hillah,4 that was apparently based on a manuscript held in the National Library Marciana in Venice.5 Lucchetta, who is interested in the transmission of Islamic medicine to the West via Italian physicians, spends a great deal of time in her rendition of Kitab Siyasat al-Sibyan inquiring about the possible importer of the Arabic manuscript to Italy, eventually identifying him as Andrea Alpago. In the seventeenth century Alpago was a physician at the Venetian consulate in Damascus; when he later returned to Italy with a wealth of Arabic scientific manuscripts he devoted the rest of his life to translate them into Latin.6 Besides discussing the origins of Ibn al-Jazzar's text, Lucchetta also deals with some other interesting questions, most of which remain unanswered, concerning Ibn al-Jazzar and the Kitab Siyasat al-Sibyan. Although the present notice does not claim to have a solution to all these questions it does, nevertheless, aim to raise more discussion about some crucial issues, such as some of the ambiguities in the profile of Ibn al-Jazzar presented by Lucchetta. The lack of scholarly familiarity with the Kitab Siyasat al-Sibyan is also something to be addressed. Questions About Ibn al-Jazzar Abu Ja'far Ahmad ibn Ibrahim ibn Abi Khalid al-Jazzar belonged to a family of physicians who practiced in Kairouan. His contemporary historians agree on portraying him as a reserved man, almost an ascetic who would attend the ribats in the Sahel rather than the palaces of possible rich patrons.7 As with the majority of Muslim physicians of the time, Ibn al-Jazzar received his medical education at home; but suddenly things in North Africa had to...

Muhammad Asad between Religion and Politics

I should begin by correcting a view that has become common among people interested in my father's life and work, that his conversion can be seen as building of a bridge between Islam and West. He has even been described by some as a European intellectual who came to Islam with aim of liberalizing it. Nothing could be further from truth. When he embraced Islam (aslama, submitted, is Arabic term) he entered a rich and complex religious tradition that had evolved in diverse ways--mutually compatible as well as in conflict with one another--for over a millennium and a half. Thus in his own life's work he sought to use methodology of medieval Spanish theologian Abu Muhammad Ibn Hazm, he drew often and copiously on interpretations of nineteenth-century Egyptian reformer Muhammad 'Abduh, and again, despite strong disagreement on various points of substance with fourteenth-century Syrian theologian Taqi al-Din Ahmad Ibn Taymiyya, he attempted, like latter, to integrate reason ('aql), tradition (naql), and free-will (irada), to form a coherent and distinctive vision of Islam. His view of Sufism, incidentally, was also influenced by Ibn Taymiyya, for whom it was excess of Sufis rather than Sufism as such that was object of reproach. In fact, most of what my father published in early years of his life (Islam at Crossroads, (1) translation of Sahih al-Bukhari, (2) periodical Arafat, (3) etc.) was addressed not to Westerners but to fellow-Muslims. I would say, therefore, that he was concerned less with building bridges and more with immersing himself critically in tradition of Islam that became his tradition, and with encouraging members of his community (Muslims) to adopt an approach that he considered to be its essence. His autobiography was first publication that was addressed to non-Muslims (as well as to Muslims, of course), a work in which he attempted to lay out to a popular audience not only how he became a Muslim but also what he thought was wonderful about Islam. His translation of Qur'an into English, completed in latter part of his life, was not simply a translation: it was a detailed presentation of his final vision of Islam. My father was not a political but a religious thinker for whom Qur'an and Sunna together formed what he called the most perfect plan for human living. It was in this connection that he wrote on idea of an Islamic state, and even prepared suggestions for an Islamic Constitution in Pakistan in early yeas of its existence. These suggestions were elaborated in his well-known book, Principles of State and Government in Islam (4) But his interest in that subject declined in later years when he became preoccupied with his translation of Qur'an. (5) Like most intellectuals who have lived a long life (born in 1900, he died in 1992), his views evolved and developed through reflection and changing circumstances. I am not able to trace this development here, but I will nevertheless try, by thinking about what he said and wrote two decades after his death, to interpret and reconstruct what I believe was his vision of Islam. In doing so I will sometimes disagree with what he wrote and sometimes try to make explicit what I see as valuable but implicit in his views, and elaborate on it. The first and most important idea in my father's vision has to do with his conviction that access to Islam is based on reason, and that therefore argument is necessary to becoming and being a Muslim. When I was a boy he used to tell me that one must try to persuade other Muslims and non-believers not by force but by reason: This is what Qur'an means by saying There is no compulsion in religion (la ikraha fid-din; Q 2:255). In Qur'an, he pointed out, God always addresses human beings by appeal to reason. If you read it carefully, you will realize that Qur'an is continually engaged in argument by means of provocative questions because argument is what it expects its listeners to understand. …

The first description of hayfever?

Under the section ‘Series’ in June's JRSM, Manoj Ramchandran and Jeffrey K Aronson published an article indicating that John Bostock's malady and description is the first for ‘summer catarrh/ catarrhus aestivus’.1 I will like to point out that a case of nasal allergy has been described before. We have to go back to the early 10th century and to Razi (Abubakr Mohammad Ibn Zakaria). He explicitly describes the illness of Abu Zaid Ahmad Ibn Sahl Albalkhi (850–934) who suffered from ‘coryza’ every spring when the roses bloomed. Though now there is not a universal agreement that roses' pollinosis cause the symptoms but no doubt that the symptoms described and the lengthy treatments and prevention of Razi points to hay fever/nasal allergy. There are two points of note in this description. The paper describing this was first published by Friedrun R Hau in Medizinhistorisches Journal2 in the German language and later translated into English and printed in Pakistan Journal of Otolaryngology3 which I was editing at the time. The second point is the fact that Razi's writing was not presented as an independent writing but included in Al-Fusul-almuhimma fi tibqalumma present in Oxford Codex Huntingtonianus 461, p 78-80. It will be worth having a look at these papers.

Application of Judas tree (Cercis siliquastrum) in poems by Manochehri Damghani

Cercis siliquastrum, commonly known as Judas tree, is a small deciduous tree from Southern Europe and Western Asia which is noted for its prolific display of deep-pink flowers in spring. Abu Najm Ahmad ibn Ahmad ibn Qaus Manuchehri, Also known as Manuchehri Damghani, was a royal poet of the 11th century in Persia. Cercis siliquastrumhas been used at 8 poetries lines that at 1 line used this plant in Metaphor and at 3 lines used in Simile. Judas tree has been used for Metaphor for beloved (in 1 line). Judas tree has been used for Simile for bird (in 1 line), ring (in 1 line) and Embryo (in 1 line). Key words: Simile, Metaphor, Judas tree, Cercis siliquastrum, poems, Manuchehri Damghani.

Crisis and Recovery Narratives in Maghrebi Histories of the Ottoman Period (ca. 1870–1970)

This article examines the role of the Ottoman state as a reference point in Maghrebi historiography through two works from each of Algeria and Tunisia and from two generations of historical writers. Ahmad al-Sharif al-Zahhar (1781–1872), naqib al-ashraf of Algiers at the end of the Ottoman regency, and the Tunisian historian and reformer Ahmad Ibn Abi Diyaf (ca. 1804–74) wrote in conditions of “crisis” in the nineteenth century; the Tunisian establishment intellectual and educator Hasan Husni Abd al-Wahhab (1884–1968) and the Algerian nationalist journalist and publicist Ahmad Tawfiq al-Madani (1899–1983) each sought in different ways to “recover” their countries' histories in the twentieth century. Comparisons and contrasts across these generations and in each country, with their different relationships to the memory of Ottoman rule and their different colonial experiences, illustrate the different ways in which the Ottoman period has been interpreted in the Maghreb. Assimilated as a “natural” aspect of the region's history in the nineteenth century, the Ottoman presence required more overt interpretive work by writers in the twentieth. Across generations, differing preoccupations about the formation of community and state determined how writers approached the Ottoman legacy, which in both cases has generally remained marginal to more widespread perceptions of history and national origins.

Bori practice among enslaved West Africans of Ottoman Tunis: Unbelief ( Kufr) or another dimension of the African diaspora?

Building on Ahmad ibn Yusuf b. al-Qadi al-Timbuktawi's treatise entitled Hatk al-Sitr Amma Alayhi Sudani Tunis min al-Kufr (Piercing the Veil: Being an Account of the Infidel Religions of the Blacks of Tunis) this paper examines the implications of the Hausa non-Muslim Bori cult practice in Ottoman Tunis on enslaved West Africans' retentions of religious and family values from their original homelands. Specifically, the paper traces and analyses the evolution of Bori cult practice in the Tunisian milieu and places it in its proper historical and diasporic contexts. To this end, the paper goes beyond questions that are not central to al-Timbuktawi's condemnation of the enslaved West African community of Tunis, but which nonetheless attracts the attention of scholars interested in the diasporic and historical significance of Bori cult practice in the Maghreb.

Aḥmad Ibn Ḥanbal's Book of Renunciation

Ahmad ibn Ḥanbal's book al-Zuhd (‘renunciation’) is one of the largest extant collections of renunciant sayings from the first two Islamic centuries. It was assembled by his son ʽAbd Allāh, who contributed about half the sayings in it independently of his father. The extant text is only half or a third of the version available to Ibn Ḥajar in the Mamluk period. Some of what is missing can be recovered from quotations in Abū Nuʽaym, Ḥilyat al-awliyā ʼ. It is notably dominated by data from Basra. Its contents are highly miscellaneous, but rejection of worldly goods appears to be the theme that comes up most often.

`Ayn al-Qudat al-Hamadhani, His Work, and His Connection with the Early Chishti Mystics

`Ayn al-Qudat (AD 1096/98–1131) was a significant scholar of Islamic mysticism whose teachings inspired others and especially the early Chishti mystics of India. This article discusses the importance of `Ayn al-Qudat through an analysis of his work and his reception by medieval and modern scholars. It argues that marginal manuscript evidence from `Ayn al-Qudat's writing suggests the possibility of contact between him and his teacher, Ahmad ibn Muhammad Ghazzali (d. AD 1126), and their contemporary Chishti mystic sheikh, Qutb al-Din Mawdud (d. AD 1133).

Nilai Ibadat Dalam Perbuatan-perbuatan Harus (Al-Af'al Al-Mubahah): Tinjauan Terhadap Pemikiran Imam Ahmad Ibn Taymiyyah

Islam pays a great deal of attention towards human deeds because every action human makes will have a profound effect on his or her life. In this regard, Islam has divided human deeds into five main categories which are wajib, sunnah, haram, makruh dan mubah. By observing what is obligatory and commendable acts of worship and avoiding what is haram and makruh a person will be able to become close to Allah S.W.T. and gain His pleasure. However Muslim scholars have different point of view regarding “permissible deeds” as to what extend those actions can be regarded as “part of worship” when they are being carried out with pious intention and in harmony with the Islamic law. This article discusses the position of mubah deeds through the view point of Ahmad Ibn Taymiyyah.

Astrology in the Middle Ages

AbstractThe article reviews the history of astrology in the middle ages including its classical inheritance, ascendancy under Byzantium and Islam, and development in the Latin west. Mediaeval astrology was a part of learned, scientific culture. However, the translation movement in the high middle ages brought challenges of integration to the Latin west, reflected in condemnations and anxieties about the orthodoxy and morality of astrological judgements. It was not until relatively late that astrology was practised on a large scale in mediaeval courts and it never achieved the same level of prominence as it did under Islam. The final section considers new work on the history of astrology, including astrology and medicine and astrology and the court. The article considers major figures, including Claudius Ptolemaeus (Ptolemy), Isidore of Seville (c. 600 ad), Māshā’allāh (Messahallah) (c. 735–815), Abū Ma’shar (Albumasar), Ahmad ibn Yūsuf (870–904), John of Seville (fl. 1135–1153), Alfonso X (El Sabio) of Castile (1221–1284), Albertus Magnus (1206–1280), and the fifteenth‐century astrologer historian, Simon de Phares. It is argued that astrology was an integral part of the mediaeval world view and it is impossible to understand mediaeval culture without taking it into account.

The Genesis of the Bábí-Bahá’í Faiths in Shíráz and Fárs

How Muslims in past centuries dreamed about, attempted to actualize, andconceived the apocalyptic and messianic events of the End Times cannot beignored in any comprehensive approach to the study of Islam. This volumeconsists of an English translation of one important source that contributes toour understanding of nineteenth-century Islamic messianic movements:Mirza Habib Allah Afnan’s (1875-1971) history of the Babi and Baha’i religionsin Shiraz. Born in Shiraz, Afnan grew up in the home of SayyidMuhammad `Ali Shirazi, “The Bab,” (1819-50) and was raised by his widow,Khadijah Begum.The Bab was born into a Shi’i Muslim merchant family during the earlyQajar period, a time when many of his contemporaries expected the nearadvent of messianic and apocalyptic events. Among the groups so inclinedwere the “Shaykhis,” devotees of Shaykh Ahmad ibn Zayn al-Din al-Ahsa’i(d. 1826). The Bab was initially a Shaykhi and a follower of Sayyid KazimRashti (d. 1843), al-Ahsa’i’s successor. In the 1840s, he claimed to be theexpected qa’im (messianic “ariser”) or mahdi (“rightly guided one”) andfounded a religion that he hoped would change the world and usher in an eraof peace and justice. These assertions led to his execution in Tabriz, Iran, in1850. In subsequent years, most of his followers looked to Mirza Husayn`Ali Nuri, “Baha’u’llah,” as the Bab’s successor and a figure who, in his ownright, fulfilled Babi and other messianic expectations ...

Five Questions About Non-Muslim Meat: Toward a new Appreciation of ibn Qayyim al-Ǧawziyyah’s Contribution to Islamic Law

Muhammad ibn Abl Bakr ibn Qayyim al-Gawziyyah's Ahkam ahi al-dim mah (herein: the Ahkam) is the most extensive and, arguably, the most incisive medieval study devoted to the status of non-Muslims in Islamic law.2 Scholars of Islamic attitudes toward adherents of other religions cite the Ahkam frequently because, as one observes, it provides a handy synthesis of material that is widely scattered through the earlier li terature.3 To approach the Ahkam as a compendium of existing Islamic law regarding non-Muslims, however, is to overlook the originality of Ibn al-Qayyim's work. Oversights of this nature char acterize the studies of Ibn al-Qayyim's legai treatises: scholars tend to portray Ibn al-Qayyim as little more than the dedicated pupil of Ahmad ibn cAbd al Hallm ibn Taymiyyah (d. 728/1328).4 By highlighting several ways in which

The possibility of seeing two crescent moons in one day and the interpretation of disappearance of the crescent by Sheikh Al-Islam

The theory and observation of the crescent moon is an important and complex matter. This paper presents calculations indicating the possibility of two crescents in a single day; one is related to the previous month and the other pertains to the new month. The reason for the frequent denial of this possibility is also explained. Finally, the words of Sheikh Al-Islam Ahmad Ibn Taimiah about the crescent are explained. It became clear that what is meant by the disappearance of the crescent is the absence of a crescent at the horizon in the evening.