Political Agenda Research Articles

Diverse counter accounts for biodiversity conservation: The case of the High Ross Dam controversy

The key aim of this article is to reflect on the potential impacts of various types of historical counter accounts, used by civil society to promote resistance and conservation. For this purpose, the High Ross Dam controversy (in the 1970s) represents an important and unique historical case of social–political biodiversity conservation action, by civil society. A detailed case study is presented that includes an analysis of civil society opposition through counter accounts. Technical and non-technical counter accounts of resistance by civil society are investigated, using Escobar's theoretical framework. Examples of historical counter accounts serve as outstanding precedents of civil society activism for biodiversity against business and political agendas.

A broken mirror? From representation to presentation of gender in Scandinavian news media

Abstract Across Scandinavia, one can witness a situation where gender equality has previously been at the forefront of the political and societal agenda, but where progress now seems to be slowing down. The news media is a domain where this negative development is particularly pronounced, and several studies have established that the Scandinavian news media display a more unequal gender representation than the society they supposedly mirror. In this article, we report on an ongoing cross-Scandinavian research project on news media content, where we explore not only the traditional metrics of how many men and women are in the news, but also, more importantly, how women and men are portrayed in news media content. The study demonstrates significant gender discrepancies, echoing findings from previous studies on the quantitative representation of women and men, and, more importantly, it introduces presentation as an additional qualitative metric. Consequently, we contribute with an analytical framework involving a range of qualitative parameters through which the news media industry can comprehensively evaluate gender equality within their content.

Persistent Challenges of Micronutrient Deficiencies in Latin America Need Action.

Micronutrient deficiencies affect growth and development and are critical for maintaining health at all ages. Their critical role in exacerbating complications of infections and chronic diseases continues to impact morbidity, mortality, and quality of life for many. Raising awareness and advocating for micronutrient deficiencies in Latin America is urgent to reduce this preventable burden. Globally, an estimated 372 million preschool-aged children and 1.2 billion non-pregnant women of reproductive age suffer deficiency from 1 or more micronutrient. Data is limited and often old, and the true burden of problem in the region remains unclear. There are also limited data on dietary intake and on the double burden of malnutrition. Latin America has been a leader in the design and implementation of innovative and effective actions to reduce excess energy intake and curb the consumption of unhealthy Actions to address deficiency have been implemented in many countries in the region over the years, but current evidence suggests that micronutrient deficiencies have fallen off the public health agenda in Latin America. Effective programming can be developed / appropriately adapted only with knowledge of the current burden. Such data can also help guide and predict future areas of risk and priorities to missing upcoming nutrition issues in the population. Renewed commitment to quantify and monitor micronutrient deficiencies in the region is essential. Abundant evidence and guidance exist to inform effective program selection, design and implementation to address this public health problem.

POLITICAL INTERESTS AND POLITICAL DECISIONS: THE POSSIBILITIES OF FORMING A DEMOCRATIC AGENDA

The article is devoted to the study of political interest as a hidden determinant of the activity of associated and non-associated pressure groups (informal lobbying) within the bureaucratic power vertical. Applying modern interdisciplinary methodological tools, the author offers a rationale for the expediency of public articulation of political interests, elimination of hidden lobbying, as well as non-public agreements between the main political players, which slow down the modernization of the institutional environment of the democratic political system. The article reveals and describes the optimal efforts of the Ukrainian political class, which will be aimed at implementing the specified strategic changes. The author reveals an explanation of the functioning of the mechanisms by which interest groups operate and their influence on the formation of the agenda. The crucial importance of interest groups for understanding the dynamics of political decision-making is noted. It is emphasized that group actors are working to bring their issues to the top of the political agenda. The text examines the functionality of providing well-grounded and reasoned information by interested groups that reinforces the importance of their demands. The paper addresses demonstrations, petitions, and social media campaigns as common tactics used to mobilize public opinion and pressure political institutions into action. The article analyzes the pooling of resources and efforts by associated interest groups that purposefully increase the likelihood that their issues will be high on the political agenda. It is noted that publicizing demands and problems can lead to a change in the course and strategy of the current leadership or power team. It has been established that by consistently advocating their cause in public, group actors can ensure consideration of agenda items by politicians and attract media attention. Attention is paid to the cooperation of political forces and interested groups to obtain detailed information and recommendations during the development of draft laws or regulatory acts. Emphasis is placed on the priorities of elected officials who seek to conform to the “mainstream” of public opinion and public sentiment. In the final part of the article, the author emphasizes that the full representation of political interests and the interests of minority groups that are not in the mainstream of public attention. It was concluded that the institutional structure of European democracy is more open to the development of public interests. Therefore, for modern Ukraine, an important element is the formation of structures of political arbitration regarding the conflict of political interests or the provision of this functionality to already existing institutions

THE FORM OF GOVERNMENT OF A DEMOCRATIC STATE ON THE BACKGROUND OF CRISIS POLITICAL AND INSTITUTIONAL DESIGN

The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of the form of government as a structural basis for the exercise of power, formed within the framework of constitutional law, under the condition of representation of the main socio-economic groups of society. The purpose of the study is to establish the peculiarities of the form of state government as a factor in the formation of democratic institutional design. Features of the form of government as a factor of institutionalization of relations between authorized centers of power are characterized. It was emphasized that the modernization of the form of government in the political agenda may indicate a lack of deep consensus regarding the development of the political system. The significance of changes for institutional design within the evolution of the form of state government, which depends on the level of satisfaction of the requirements and needs of key political players, is analyzed. The significance of the political experience of Ukraine, which during the last decades has shown that political expediency is a more significant principle than considerations of preserving constitutional stability, is revealed. It was found that the existence of the current form of government in Ukraine is the result of the evolution of certain institutions, first of all, the institution of the presidency. In the context of the experience of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the assessment of the crisis phenomena of 2008 and 2010 becomes important, in particular the pressure of the demands of socio-economic balancing, which caused the “internal national reading” of the functioning of the form of government. It is revealed that the use of the existing potential of the form of government to ensure advantages in political competition led to the authoritarianization of the institution of the prime minister in modern Hungary. It has been proven that the international community’s fixation on the deterioration of the state of human rights protection has become a clear evidence of the influence of the form of government on inter-institutional interactions, in particular, in increasing the pressure of public authorities on civil society. It was established that the contradictions between high standards and the demands of the consumer society caused the support of right-wing conservative populist political forces. It was found that the situation in modern Slovakia shows that the parliamentary republic as a form of government also ensured the transition to democracy and the observance of democratic procedures. It was established that the trends of “non-normative” use of the power potential of the form of state government may indicate the search for a national model of balance between branches of government and key officials. It was concluded that a high level of self-regulation in the political system corresponds to a high level of civil political activity, responsibility and consensus of political elites, professionalism of the political class as a whole.

THE IMPACT OF BREXIT ON THE PEACE PROCESS IN NORTHERN IRELAND

The article analyzes Brexit as a factor influencing the Good Friday Agreement and the transformation of the peace process in Northern Ireland, as well as the relationship between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. It is argued that Brexit poses a threat to the security of Ireland and the EU, since it undermines the foundations of the peace process in Northern Ireland and creates the likelihood that the border will be closed on the island of Ireland again. The Good Friday Agreement of 1998 was based on the fact that both signatory states are members of the EU, and many of its provisions will not be implemented after Brexit. It has been proven that after Brexit, the most controversial issue was the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, which became the external border of the EU. The border, which was heavily militarized during the conflict, became virtually invisible after its settlement, and people and goods freely cross it. This became possible largely because both Ireland and the UK were part of the EU single market, a common set of rules that ensures the free movement of goods, services, people and finances within the bloc.It is argued that the new relationship between the EU and the UK, which was agreed during 2020 and implemented from January 2021, resulted in an attempt to resolve the complex border issue, which was carried out in the Northern Ireland Protocol. The arrangements of the Northern Ireland Protocol, according to which Northern Ireland, but not the rest of the UK, remains within the framework of the EU single market for goods, make it possible to maintain an open border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. The establishment of an open border was a key aspect of the Northern Ireland peace process and the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, which ended the conflict in Northern Ireland. It is shown that the Northern Ireland Protocol creates a de facto customs border in the Irish Sea between Northern Ireland and the United Kingdom. Mainly to address the concerns of the DUP unionists about the Northern Ireland Protocol, in 2022-2023, the EU and the UK agreed on revised mechanisms for its operation – the Windsor Framework, which entered into force on March 24, 2023. The DUP refused to accept the Framework Program as meeting their interests until early 2024. Further adjustments to its work have not been agreed upon and the formation of a new Northern Ireland executive has not begun. It is proved that Brexit is becoming a new and significant factor in the unification of Northern Ireland with the Republic of Ireland. Brexit has put the issue of the unification of Ireland at the top of the political agenda of both parts of Ireland. The majority of Northern Irish residents voted to remain in the EU in the 2016 UK referendum. Unification would give Northern Ireland, where both British and Irish citizens live, full EU citizenship.

The New Education Politics in the United States

During the COVID-19 pandemic, school district politics rose to prominence on the nation's political agenda, as school boards grappled with controversial decisions about reopening schools and implementing mask mandates. A growing number of political scientists are using newly available data and innovative research strategies to examine policy responsiveness, elections, segregation and inequality, state takeovers, interest groups, democratic deliberation, and public opinion—all while focusing on the unique context of education politics. We illuminate the distinctive institutional and policy context of US education politics and review new research in the field, including growing evidence of partisan polarization and the continuing significance of race for influencing power and decision making about schools in the United States. The field has made great strides in the last decade; we highlight the emerging themes from that already rapidly growing literature, while pointing out areas for future research.

An elephant in the room? Explaining agenda-setting in antimicrobial resistance policies in 30 European countries

Antimicrobial resistances (AMR) present a particularly challenging cross-sectoral policy problem, affecting human and animal health as well as the environment. Compared to the actual problem pressure, the public awareness for AMR is comparatively low and the issue has not been high on the political agenda in most. Given the rising problem pressure, we aim to find out as to what degree and under which conditions political parties bring AMR on the political agenda. By means of multilevel logit regressions based on 173 electoral manifestos in 30 European countries from 2015 to 2020, we explore the conditions that explain whether AMR are taken up in manifestos. The empirical findings indicate firstly that AMR are only addressed by political parties in Northern and Western Europe, in no case in Eastern, and only in one case in Southern Europe, though resistant bacteria are more widely spread in the latter. Secondly, Green parties are those who are most likely to address the AMR challenge. Thirdly, vote share is positively associated with AMR agenda-setting, while EU membership is insignificant and the national average on antibiotics consumption is negatively related to AMR agenda-setting. Finally, AMR are surprisingly mainly perceived as a problem of the agricultural policy subsystem despite its cross-sectoral policy character. The study makes theoretical and empirical contributions: regarding theory, the article shows that typical variables that are used for agenda-setting are less explanatory for complex intersectoral policies. This is also accompanied by the empirical contribution: since problem awareness and complexity of policy problems are correlated, AMR are reduced to an agricultural issue and as such, it is taken over by political parties that have expertise on agricultural-environmental topics.

Implementing housing policies for a sufficient lifestyle

The German buildings sector is currently facing a double challenge: meeting emission reduction targets and providing affordable housing in rapidly growing cities. Living space per person has a major impact on household energy consumption and it has increased significantly in recent decades. New construction increases the demand for often energy-intensive building materials, and energy demand during the use phase of buildings is positively related to the size of the space. Optimising the allocation of living space therefore offers great potential for addressing both challenges. Sufficiency policies such as flat exchanges, a financial bonus for moving and the provision of moving advice aim to reduce the total floor area in the housing sector by using existing space more efficiently. However, the effectiveness of such measures is not yet fully understood. As the sufficiency approach relies heavily on individual choices, residents’ involvement, perception and acceptance are crucial for the success of such measures. An investigation in selected German housing companies shows that the potential of these measures is not fully exploited under the current political and social framework in Germany. Social acceptance, new norms and business models for landlords are needed for the effective use of these measures. Policy relevance How effective is the implementation of sufficiency measures for space utilisation in the German rental housing sector? The success factors and limiting barriers of the measures along with the acceptability and effectiveness of these measures are investigated by interviewing housing companies (some of them social housing providers) that have the potential to implement such policies in their housing stock. Improvements are needed in the social and technical infrastructure to increase the effectiveness of the measures. Raising awareness, rethinking communications and designing effective financial incentives are recommended to make the measures attractive to the public. Involving all stakeholders, keeping the issue on the political agenda and engaging in dialogue with policymakers are considered effective steps in the process of achieving space sufficiency in the housing sector.

Finding the Context of “Han”, the Core Sentiment of Salpurichum

This study seeks to examine the process by which han was established as a core emotion in salpurichum (salpuri dance), and uncover the background and triggers leading to its formation. From the early 20th century to the early 1960s, salpurichum was known as the “impromptu”, “heoteun”, and “handkerchief” dance, and it included an aspect of playfulness. However, since the mid-1960s, it has been increasingly interpreted as an expression of women’s sorrow, reflecting the view that the tradition encapsulates women’s suffering. In the 1980s, in the wake of the shamanic origin hypothesis proposed by Byeong-ho Jeong, the historical value of salpurichum was legitimized. It was performed at protests and was used as a shamanistic dance in accordance with this hypothesis. Accordingly, it began to be interpreted as a women’s and national han. Concurrently, the authoritarian government promoted shamanism as part of Korea’s indigenous identity during the 1988 Seoul Olympics, with salpurichum emerging as a representative traditional dance imbued with han. Therefore, the incorporation of han into salpurichum can be seen as a result of the nationalist political agendas advanced by two opposing groups. After salpurichum was designated as a national intangible heritage in 1990, han was academically completed and salpurichum became institutionalized.

Second-level agenda-setting effects of news media and public policy on social media discourse across platforms: immigration during the COVID-19 pandemic in the U.S.

ABSTRACT Integrating intermedia, second-level agenda-setting, and cross-platform research, this study examines the role of news media attention and public policy decisions in driving the salience of issue attributes on multiple social media platforms. We collected three immigration-related datasets (i.e., social media posts, news media headlines, and policy documents covering the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic that also marked the last year of the Trump presidency) and applied manual coding, automated text analysis, and time series modeling to analyze the relationships. The results show that news media set the public agenda across Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube at the second level, with conservative media elevating travel-related discussion and liberal media driving border- and court-rulings-related discussion on those platforms. Compared to news media, the second-level agenda-setting effect of policy announcements was small and platform-specific. Among the three platforms, public discourse on YouTube was the most responsive to media and policy agendas. These findings advance second-level agenda-setting research, demonstrate partisan differences in news media’s impact, reveal the limited role of public policy, and provide a nuanced portrayal of cross-platform public discourse dynamics.

Hyperlocal journalism in the face of the advance of news deserts: scoping review

Hyperlocal media ecosystems have attracted increasing academic interest due to the impact of the Internet and social networks, and even more so due to concerns about the vitality of journalism in contexts of press decline with a clear lack of availability and quality of information. This study reviews the field of ‘news deserts’ from the perspective of ‘hyperlocal journalism’ until earlier 2023 in major scientific databases to identify the main fronts, challenges and opportunities. This emerging concept indicates a growing global concern about the disappearance of local media, leaving areas isolated in informational, social and cultural dimensions. The study shows the United States, United Kingdom and Australia with the largest presence, followed by Spain and Scandinavia, while it is beginning to set the public and media agenda in Latin America. We found six research fronts: Studies on audiences, Citizen journalism, Enterprise and business models, Hyperlocal media stage, News deserts and Methodological proposals.

Green Financial Policy, Resource Allocation and Corporate Environmental Responsibility

Green finance policy has emerged as a powerful driver for sustainable development worldwide, which has arisen at the top of the political agenda. Drawing on resource allocation theory, this study empirically investigates whether and how green finance policy affects corporate environmental responsibility in achieving sustainable development goals on a micro level. Taking China’s green finance reform and innovation (GFRI) pilot policy as a quasi-natural experiment, this paper employs the difference-in-differences model to investigate the impact of green finance policy on corporate environmental responsibility. The evidence shows that the GFRI policy significantly promotes corporate environmental responsibility. The results hold robust after a series of checks such as parallel trend examination, placebo test, exclusion of other policies, and alternative variable measurement. Moreover, this study explores the potential mechanism channels from the perspective of resource allocation theory. Specifically, green finance policy ultimately accelerates corporate environmental responsibility through financing capacity and environmental protection supervision. The heterogeneity analysis shows that the positive impact of the GFRI policy on corporate environmental responsibility is more pronounced for companies in areas with superior green development, strong law enforcement, and higher levels of pollution. The above findings indicate that the formal institution of government-led green financial policy can positively affect corporate environmental responsibility, with regional green development and law enforcement factors enhancing the effectiveness of these policies. Furthermore, the level of local pollution further intensifies the corporate sensibility to such policy effects. Overall, our study sheds light on the significant role of green financial policy in fostering a sustainable economy, helping reconcile the mixed evidence on the financial function of green finance policy on the firm level.

Traumy i chwały: polityka, narracje i pamięć pod rządami Partii Sprawiedliwości i Rozwoju w Turcji

This paper examines the use of memory as a political tool by the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government, emphasising the impact of the official historical narrative on commemoration of selected historical traumas and glories, in addition to its influence on collective identity. Over the last two decades, Turkey has undergone a cultural transformation under the rule of the AKP. This transformation has taken place through reevaluation of the Islamic-Ottoman past while distancing itself from Kemalist secularism. Adhering to the principles of Islam, the AKP has articulated its political agenda through a cultural initiative inspired by Turgut Özal’s Neo-Ottomanism. To this end, a series of narratives was developed under a cultural programme based on nostalgia for the Ottoman while scrutinising different aspects of the country’s secular paradigm. The programme was carried out through the commemoration of identity, including the Conquest of Constantinople in 1453 as well as the construction of ‘sites of memory’, such as museums, theme parks or mosques. The establishment of ‘sites of memory’ around these selected narratives allows for an in-depth exploration of how political ideology intersects with memory, contributing to the ongoing transformation of Turkey’s cultural and political landscape.

No Longer ‘Christian’ Education: Ulama Edupreneurship in Ilorin 1995–2022

Abstract Due to its Christian roots, western education in Nigeria was initially resisted by Muslims as Judeo-Christian agenda, despite some acquiescence and appropriation of values of western education for Islamic education system. However, from the mid-1980s, neoliberal economic policies led to decline of government responsibility over education, and by the new millennium, private enterprise had become the major provider of education in Nigeria. The fear of Christianisation through education particularly challenged the Muslims. Socio-economic contingencies and prodding by the Muslim populace encouraged some of the ulama to venture into edupreneurship. Using the infrastructures of the madrasa, they adapted by establishing Western-style nursery/primary schools, running the two systems in the same space but at different times. What are the arguments of these scholars? Using the analytical lens of adaptive position-taking, this paper argues that, apart from the economic benefits, the trend also broadens Muslims’ socio-economic and political agenda.

How Adam Smith's banking views influenced Hamilton, Jefferson, and the debate over the Bank of the United States

AbstractThe most sophisticated monetary and banking policy advice available in the decades after 1776 was found in Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations. Smith recommended free competition among nationwide banks of issue with minimal legal restrictions and no legal privileges. Yet neither Alexander Hamilton nor Thomas Jefferson accepted Smith's recommendation, despite their familiarity with his arguments, and despite Scotland's positive experience while following it. We spell out Hamilton's and Jefferson's theoretical disagreements, and explain how Smith's advice did not serve either founder's political agenda. For Hamilton, competitive banking without a single privileged national bank would not do enough to strengthen the federal government. For Jefferson, any federal chartering of banks would strengthen the federal government too much at the expense of the states.

Curating 'the good story': Care as representative performance in Danish veteran rehabilitation.

In this article, we explore the intricacies of veteran care and show how care practices come to incorporate veterans' 'self-performances' to raise political attention and funding for future rehabilitation activities. By bringing into dialogue theories of care and theories of performance and representation, we illustrate how a seemingly classic form of care-veteran rehabilitation-takes the form of representative performance. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork and interviews with the Danish Invictus Games team, we demonstrate how politics, research and TV documentaries are integrated into veteran care practices. Through this integration, mentally wounded veterans, while performing 'themselves' for shifting audiences with shifting agendas, come to assume the roles of both caregivers and care receivers. Crucially, we highlight that wounded veterans, while undertaking their personal rehabilitation journey, are curated into and (un)willingly positioned as representatives of others. By showing how caring for wounded veterans goes hand in hand with caring for fictive, future wounded veterans and for political, research and media agendas, this article offers new ways of thinking of and with care.

Policy termination made easy? The emerging trend towards sunsetting antimicrobial resistance national action plans

ABSTRACT While policy termination is usually more difficult than continuity in domestic policymaking, the international process for addressing antimicrobial resistance (AMR) shows that sustaining commitments can be the more difficult path. Addressing persistent crises requires persistent policy responses across multiple countries. Policy coordination among many countries has gained significant scholarly attention whereas analyses of continuing, longer-term commitments of many countries to crisis response are less common. This paper remedies this shortfall by analysing the commitments of different countries to the international policy process against AMR. It triangulates novel evidence in the form of distinct indicators based on global surveys, content analysis of national action plans (NAPs), and publication patterns of second-generation NAPs. The findings suggest that national commitments to the international process initially reached high levels but are now in decline. Countries are effectively ‘sunsetting’ their NAPs, and thereby ending commitments to the international process for addressing AMR. Many have refrained from renewing their NAPs, and those that do renew rarely show signs of learning or adaptation from previous NAPs. Hence, even in the AMR case, where a global and persistent threat rose high on the international political agenda, long-term commitment to the international response policy process is by no means assured.

Moving toward a fairer access to land fostering agroecological transition? A decade of legal change and reframing of debates around soil and climate in France

Although farmland concentration receives narrower media coverage than land grab, it goes hand in hand with impactful environmental and demographic consequences. This article examines the case of France, one of the European countries with the highest level of farmland market control. It questions to what extent the regulation of access to land is adapted to initiate an agroecological and food transition. Its objective is to analyze why and how land concentration has been reframed in the past decade, by which types of stakeholders, building on which sources of legitimacy, and with which legal strategies and results. The theoretical framework combines the sociology of controversies and agenda-setting with a land justice-based approach. This article builds on a textual hermeneutics of 3 documental corpora encompassing a press review with 172 items, 112 documents (press releases, opinion pages, reports, notes, interviews, public speeches, amendment proposals, draft bills, laws, and decisions), and 3,409 tweets (those mentioning loi foncière or the #LoiFoncière hashtag, and those quoting, retweeting, or replying (to) them). These data were contextualized using sporadic participant observation. Since 2013, and more specifically since 2018, 2 networks of left-wing politicians, left-wing farmers’ unions, and civil society nongovernmental organizations have brought land justice concerns up-to-date to put farmland concentration on the political agenda. However, only minor progress has been made. A major factor in this is the chronological gap between, on the one hand, the successive reframings of the issue (from soil quality and climate change mitigation lenses), the proposed legal devices, the degree of projected legal change and, on the other hand, the pace at which the window of opportunity for a new land law has opened and closed. Indeed, the land imaginaries of land commons that underpin the agroecological transition are not yet sufficiently socially legitimate to be enshrined in law.

The meaning of social cohesion in preventive family support: a practitioners’ perspective

ABSTRACT Promoting social cohesion through early childhood services has become a priority on the political agenda. Despite joint academic and political attention, a consensus on what social cohesion is, is lacking. While child and family social work is framed as ideal to foster social cohesion, there is little knowledge on what this may mean. The aim of the current study is to analyse the meaning making of child and family social work practitioners regarding social cohesion in Flanders (Belgium). An explorative multiple case study was performed in child and family social work in three neighbourhoods in Flanders. The Critical Incident Technique was used with practitioners (N = 28) to understand how they conceptualise social cohesion and viewed their role in promoting this community-oriented outcome of early childhood services. The results suggest that practitioners focus on the inter-individual and relational components of social cohesion rather than on the socio-political components, which contrasts with the politicising function that child and family social work is supposed to fulfil.